L  I  E)  RARY 

OF   THL 

U  N  I  VERS  ITY 

or    ILLINOIS 

9171 

Ll3nE 

1905 


ILL  HIST.  SURVfcl 


LAHONTAN'S 
NEW  VOYAGES  TO  NORTH-AMERICA 

EDITED  BY 
REUBEN  GOLD  THWAITES,  LL.D. 

Volume  I 


Volumes   in  A.   C.  McCLURG   &   CO.'S  series  of 
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THE  EXPEDITION  OF  LEWIS 
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LAHONTAN'S  NEW  VOYAGES 
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NEW  VOYAGES 

TO 

NORTH-AMERICA 

BY  THE 

BARON  DE  LAHONTAN 


Reprinted  from  the  English  edition  of  ijo^^  with  facsimiles  of 

original  title-pages^  maps,  and  illustrations,  and  the 

addition  of  Introduction,  Notes,  and  Index 

By  Reuben  Gold  Thwaites,  LL.D. 

Editor  of  "The  Jesuit  Relations  and  Allied  Documents,^'  Hennepin's 
"New  Discovery  "  etc. 


3n  CttJo  l^olumeis 
Volume  I 


CHICAGO 

A.  C.  McCLURG  &   CO. 

1905 


Copyright 

A.  C.  McCLURG  &  CO. 

1905 
Published  February  25,  1905 


Composition  by  The  Dial  Press.  Chicago. 
Press-work  by  The  University  Press,  Cambridge. 


> 


b 


CONTENTS  — VOLUME  I 

PAGE 

Introduction —  The  Editor ix 

Lahonton  Bibliography  —  Victor  Hugo  Paltsits      .        .      li 


I 

3 

5 

13 

25 


^  Lahontan's  "New  Voyages  to  North-America" — 
-si  Volume  I. 

Title-page  (facsimile  of  original) 

Dedication  to  the  Duke  of  Devonshire 

Preface 

Contents  of  Letters,  Memoirs,  Discourses,  Dialogue 
J  etc.,  in  both  Volumes 

Letters   I   (November   8,   1683) -XXV   (January  31 

1694)       

Memoirs  of  North-America ;  containing  a  Geograph- 
ical Defcription  of  that  vaft  Continent ;  the  Cuftoms 
_  and  Commerce  of  the  Inhabitants,  &c. 

'^  Introductory  Remarks 299 

"^  A  fhort  Defcription  of  Canada       ....  301 

A  Lift  of  the  Savage  Nations  of  Canada         .         .  339 

A  Lift  of  the  Animals  of  Canada   ....  343 

A  Defcription  of  fuch  Animals  or  Beafts,  as  are 

not  mention'd  in  the  Letters     ....  345 

>5^  A  Lift  of  the  Fowl  or  Birds  that  frequent  the  South 

Countries  of  Canada  .....  350 

-J  The  Birds  of  the  North  Countries  of  Canada        .  351 


vi  Contents 


PAGE 


A  Defcription  of  fuch  Birds  as  are  not  accounted 

for  in  my  Letters 353 

A  Defcription  of  the  Infects  of  Canada        .         .  357 
The  Names  of  the  Fifti  in  the  River  of  St.  Laurence, 

from  its  Mouth  to  the  Lakes  of  Canada  .  358 

The  Fifh  that  are  found  in  the  Lakes  of  Canada, 

and  in  the  Rivers  that  fall  into  'em  .  .  .  359 
The  Fifh  found  in  the  River  of  Miffifipi  .  .  359 
A  Defcription  of  the  Fifh  that  are  not  mention'd 

in  the  Letters 360 

The  Trees  and  Fruits  of  the  South  Countries  of 

Canada 3^4 

The  Trees  and  Fruits  of  the  North  Countries  of 

Canada 3^4 

A  Defcription  of  the  above-mention'd  Trees  and 

Fruits 366 

A  Defcription  of  the  Trees  and   Fruits  of  the 

Northern  Countries 37® 

A  General  view  of  the  Commerce  of  Canada  .  373 

The  Names  of  the  Skins  given  in  exchange,  with 

their  Rates 379 

An  Account   of   the  Government   of  Canada   in 

General 3^^ 

A  Difcourfe  of  the  Interefl  of  the  French,  and  of 

the  Englifh,  in  North-America  .         .         .  394 

A  Table  explaining  fome  Terms  made  ufe  of  in 

both  Volumes 401 


ILLUSTRATIONS— VOLUME  I 

(facsimiles  of  originals) 


PAGE 


A   beaver;    the    hunting    of   buffaloes;    savages 

drying   their  meat Frontispiece 

Map  of  the  Great  Lakes Facing     i 

Map  of  the  straits  of  Mackinac         ...  ,,36 

"Canows  made  of  Birch-bark  "  — sketches  and 

plans  ....••••  jj      oo 

"  M^  De  la  Barre's  camp "         .         .         .         •  ,,124 

"A   General   Map  of  New  France,  Com.  call'd 

Canada"      .  .  .  .  •  •  •  >»     15^ 

"The  curiofity  of  the  Rackets,  and  the  way  of 

hunting  Elks"    .....         o  ,,    188 

"The  Hunting  of  divers  Animals"    .         .         .  „    220 

"  The  Difcovery  of  an  Ambufcade  "   .  .  .  „    254 

"A  Map  of  y^  Long  River  and  of  fome  others 
that  fall  into  that  fmall  part  of  y^  Great  River 
of  Miflifipi  which  is  here  laid  down"  —  with 
sketch-plans  of  a  house,  a  vessel,  and  a  medal  „    284 

"  The  Attack  of  Quebec "  .         .         .         .  »    3^^ 

"  The  Great  bay  of  Placentia  "    ....  ,,    344 

Map  of  Newfoundland       .         .         .         .         .  »    3^4 


INTRODUCTION 

IN  the  frontier  department  of  the  Basse-Pyrenees,  once  a 
part  of  the  ancient  province  of  Beam,  on  gently-undulating 
hillsides  which  occupy  middle  ground  between  the  broad- 
ViUageof  stretching  pastures  and  marshes  of  the  Landes  and 
Lahontan.  ^j^g  over-topping  escarpments  of  the  Pyrenees,  lies 
the  pleasant  little  village  of  Lahontan.  A  community  of 
twelve  hundred  souls,  it  boasts  of  an  interesting  history,  but 
is  now  almost  unknown  in  its  dreamy  isolation,  save  that  the 
scholar  may  remember  that  it  was  once  the  fief  of  the  illus- 
trious Montaigne. 

About  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century,  Lahontan 
was  erected  into  a  barony,  of  which  Isaac  de  Lom,  Sieur 
d'Arce,  the  father  of  our  author,  was  the  second  baron.  The 
Lahontan's  Sieur  d'Arce  was  famous  as  a  civil  engineer,  having 
father.  made  the  port  of  Bayonne  navigable  for  sea-going 

vessels  (1630-48).  As  a  recompense  for  this  and  certain 
military  services,  Louis  XIV  granted  to  him  and  his  heirs  for- 
ever (1658)  a  monopoly  of  navigation  and  transportation  in 
the  harbor  of  Bayonne,  and  a  pension  of  three  thousand  livres 
per  annum  for  a  dozen  years ;  in  later  years,  he  was  made 
reformer-general  of  Beam,  a  councillor  of  the  parlement  of 
Navarre,  a  chevalier  of  St.  Michel,  and  a  bourgeois  of  Bayonne. 

His  first  wife  (Jeanne  Guerin),  with  whom  he  had  lived 
for  fifteen  years,  having  died  in  1663  without  issue,  he  con- 


X  Introduction 

tracted  in  his  old  age  a  second  marriage,  this  time  with 
Birth  of  Jeanne-Fran^oise  le  Fascheux  de  Couttes.  To  them 
our  author,  ^^g  )^^^^  ^^  Lahontan,  the  ninth  of  June,  1666, 
Louis-Armand,  whose  book  of  adventurous  travel  in  the 
heart  of  North  America  we  are  here  reprinting.  The  infant 
was  presented  at  the  baptismal  font  by  no  less  personages 
than  the  Comte  de  Guiche,  then  governor  of  Beam,  and  his 
sister,  the  Marquise  de  Lons, —  a  distinguished  welcome  to 
the  stage  of  life,  in  strong  contrast  to  the  experiences 
incident  to  his  departure. 

When  young  Louis  was  but  eight  years  old,  his  father  died 
at  the  age  of  eighty.  Honors  and  wealth  had  accompanied 
Baron  Isaac  until  about  the  time  of  his  son's  birth;  there- 
A  shattered  after,  he  became  involved  in  the  toils  of  obligations 
estate.  incurred  by  his  great  engineering  operations,  and  of 

the  lawsuits  incidental  thereto.  The  son  inherited  the  title  of 
Le  Baron  de  Lahontan  et  Hesleche  (to-day,  d'Esleich),  and  a 
shattered  estate  which  went  from  bad  to  worse.  It  is  small 
wonder  that  one  of  the  characteristic  features  of  his  Voyages 
is  an  unquenchable  bitterness  against  lawyers  and  legal  pro- 
cesses. 

After  the  fashion  of  the  times,  the  third  baron  had  from 
his  cradle  been  destined  for  the  army;  and  while  still  a  child, 
family  influence  secured  for  him  a  cadetship  in  the  famous 
Bourbon  regiment.  Later,  in  the  effort  to  secure  for  the 
Dedicated  to  young  noblcmau  a  more  rapid  advancement,  he 
the  army.  ^^g  entered  as  a  "garde"  in  the  marine  corps  — 
the  Department  of  the  Marine  being  then  entrusted  with  the 


Introduction  xi 

care  of  colonies.  From  earliest  boyhood,  Louis  had  heard 
much  of  Canada.  From  a  neighboring  seignory  had  gone 
forth  the  Baron  de  St.  Castin,  famous  in  the  annals  of  Maine; 
the  land  of  the  Basques,  on  both  the  Spanish  and  the  French 
slopes  of  the  Pyrenees,  had  for  nearly  two  centuries  been  a 
recruiting  ground  for  adventurers  to  the  New  World;  and 
Louis's  relative,  Claude  Bragelonne,  a  high  official  in  the 
French  army,  had  been  one  of  the  Company  of  the  Hundred 
Associates,  whose  monopoly  long  exploited  the  commerce 
of  the  king's  ambitious  colony  over  seas.  Lefebvre  de  la  Barre 
had  but  just  succeeded  Count  Frontenac  as  governor  of  New 
France.  His  petition  to  the  court  for  eight  hundred  regular 
troops  to  be  used  in  proposed  chastisements  of  the  death- 
dealing  Iroquois,  had  been  in  part  met  by  sending  to  his 
assistance  three  companies  of  French  marines  in  the  autumn 
of  1683.  Enrolled  among  the  members  of  this  detachment  — 
exactly  in  what  official  capacity,  we  do  not  know  —  was  Louis- 
Armand  de  Lorn  d'Arce,  the  youthful  Baron  de  Lahontan, 
then  seventeen  years  of  age. 

Lahontan's  outlook  on  a  life  of  reverses  had  thus  early 
made  of  him  a  cynic.  The  first  Letter  in  his  Voyages^  describ- 
ing the  trip  to  America,  contains  premonitory  symptoms  of 
that  caustic  humor  which  was  soon  to  be  characteristic  of  his 
pen ;  here,  as  later,  description  is  freely  mingled  with  scoffing, 
and  information  with  persiflage.  The  season  was  Arrival  in 
late  when  the  frigate  left  Rochelle ;  it  was  already  ^^^  France. 
November,  with  drift  ice  in  the  St.  Lawrence  and  its  rugged 
shores  white  with   snow,  when  Quebec  was  reached  after  a 


xii  Introduction 

tempestuous  voyage.  "I  cannot,"  Lahontan  tells  his  anony- 
mous correspondent,  "as  yet  give  you  any  account  of  the 
Country,  excepting  that  'tis  mortally  cold."  The  day  follow- 
ing the  arrival  of  the  troops,  the  great  La  Salle  left  the  little 
wilderness  capital  on  his  voyage  to  France,  whence  he  was 
to  embark  for  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  upon  his  final,  fateful 
enterprise. 

The  marines  at  once  went  into  winter  quarters  "  in  fome 
Villages  or  Cantons  adjacent."  It  fell  to  Lahontan's  share  to 
be  billeted  among  the  habitants  of  Beaupre,  some  seventeen 
miles  down  the  river  from  Quebec.  There,  he  declares,  "the 
A  winter  boors  of  thofe  Mauors  live  with  more  eafe  and 
at  Beauprd.  convcniency  than  an  infinity  of  the  Gentlemen  in 
France;"  and  he  has  many  pleasant  words  for  this  "free  fort 
of  People,"  every  one  of  whom  "lives  in  a  good  and  a  well 
furnifh'd  House."  He  remarks  the  vast  fire-places,  and  the 
enormous  quantities  of  wood  consumed,  "by  reafon  of  the 
prodigious  Fires  they  make  to  guard  themfelves  from  the  Cold, 
which  is  there  beyond  all  meafure,  from  the  month  of  Decem- 
ber, to  that  of  April."  Despite  the  nipping  and  protracted 
frost,  the  lad  appears  to  have  been  contented  with  his  lot. 
Hunting  in  company  with  the  Indians,  acquiring  the  dialects 
of  the  tribesmen,  and  visiting  their  villages  in  sledges  and 
upon  snow-shoes,  with  a  few  official  duties  intermingled,  and 
now  and  then  a  gay  assembly  at  the  little  colonial  court  on  the 
hill-top  in  neighboring  Quebec,  furnished  agreeable  diversity 
of  occupation.  His  letters  give  us  a  pleasing  picture  of  life 
among  the   easy-going  habitants  in  the    suburbs;   and  from 


Introduction  xiii 

them  we  also  obtain  a  vivid  notion  of  the  aspect  of  the  little 
frontier  capital,  in  this  hey-day  of  New  France. 

In  the  spring  (1684),  Lahontan  proceeded  under  orders 
to  Montreal.  Along  the  way,  during  a  leisurely  progress,  he 
picked  up  odds  and  ends  of  information,  and  in  brief  phrase 
cleverly  described  what  he  saw.  Late  in  June,  he  An  Iroquois 
accompanied  an  expedition  which  Governor  La  ""^p^'S"- 
Barre  undertook  against  the  recalcitrant  Iroquois,  and  on  the 
eleventh  of  the  following  month  arrived  with  the  advance  party 
at  Fort  Frontenac,  where  they  awaited  the  main  body  of  the 
army;  but  owing  to  the  delays  incident  to  such  enterprises 
under  primitive  conditions,  it  was  some  five  weeks  later  before 
a  start  could  be  made.  Crossing  Lake  Ontario  the  little  col- 
umn took  up  a  position  near  Famine  River,  being  there  so 
wasted  by  malarial  fever  that  La  Barre  was  forced  to  an  igno- 
minious peace,  which  soon  led  to  his  recall  from  the  colony. 
The  story  of  this  unfortunate  expedition  is  skilfully  told  by 
Lahontan,  who  gives  the  speeches  of  the  governor  and  of  the 
Iroquois  envoys  In  phrases  which  have  become  classic  examples 
of  Indian  oratory  and  diplomacy. 

The  following  winter,  the  young  baron  passed  in  garrison 
at  Montreal.  With  the  opening  of  spring  (1685)  he  was  sent 
with  a  detachment  to  the  frontier  fort  of  Chambly,  where  the 
summer  was  spent  in  the  congenial  occupation  of  accompany- 
ing the  neighboring  habitants  and  tribesmen  upon 

.  ,  ,  .  .  Hunting  and 

their   hunting    and    fishing    parties,    which   he    de-    fishing 

•  1  •    ,        ,  f  .  expeditions. 

scribes  with  the  gusto  of  a  true  sportsman  and  a 

close  observer  of  nature.     In  September  he  was  ordered  to 


xiv  Introduction 

Bouchervllle,  to  be  quartered  on  the  habitants  for  the  space 
of  a  year  and  a  half — a  protracted  sojourn,  but  without  ennui, 
for  he  was  given  his  fill  of  sport,  especially  of  elk  hunting, 
at  one  tima  being  absent  upon  such  an  excursion  for  three 
months  in  mid-winter.  On  another  occasion,  he  spent  an 
autumn  month  "in  a  Canow  upon  feveral  Rivers,  Marflies, 
and  Pools,  that  difembogue  in  the  Champlain  Lake,  being 
accompany'd  with  thirty  or  forty  of  the  Savages  that  are  very 
expert  in  Shooting  and  Hunting,  and  perfedly  well  acquainted 
with  the  proper  places  for  finding  Water-foul,  Deer,  and 
other  fallow  Beafts."  He  gives  us  careful  reports  not  only 
of  the  methods  of  the  chase,  but  of  the  habits  of  the  birds 
and  animals,  spiced  with  much  humor  and  keen  comment  on 
men  and  things. 

Dearly   as  the    baron   loved   sport,    he    appears  to    have 

devoted  much  of  his  spare  time,  even  when  in  forest  camps 

amid  rude  wood-rangers  and  savages,  to  study  and  to  mental 

growth.     "  Befides  the  pleafure  of  fo  many  different 

A  student       °  t  ti  -r 

of  the  forts  of  Diverfion,"  he  writes,  "I  was  hkewiie  enter- 
ciassics.  ^^}^5jj  j„  tj^g  Woods  with  the  company  of  the  honeft 
old  Gentlemen  that  liv'd  in  former  Ages.  Honeft  Homer,  the 
amiable  Anacreon,  and  my  dear  Lucian,  were  my  infeperable 
Companions.  Ariftotle  too  defir'd  paffionately  to  go  along 
with  us,  but  my  Canow  was  too  little  to  hold  his  bulky  Equip- 
age of  Peripatetick  Silogifms :  So  that  he  was  e'en  fain  to 
trudge  back  to  the  Jefuits,  who  vouchfaf'd  him  a  very  hon- 
ourable Reception."  We  doubtless  obtain  here  a  ghmpse  of 
the  source  of  the  Dialogues  with  Adario,  which  occupy  so 


Introduction  xv 

large  a  share  of  the  second  volume ;  Lucian  apparently  fur- 
nished the  model  for  those  caustic  satires  on  the  Christianity 
and  civilization  of  the  seventeenth  century. 

The  studies  and  pleasures  of  this  interesting  young  man- 
at-arms  were  occasionally  interfered  with  by  the  austerities 
of  the  priests  about  him.  He  indignantly  relates  that  when 
stationed  in  Montreal  he  was  "inrag'd  at  the  impertinent  Zeal 
of  the  Curate  of  this  City."  Seeking  his  room  in  his  absence, 
this  over-zealous  ecclesiastic  "  finding  the  Romance  of  the 
Adventures  of  Petronius  upon  my  Table,  he  fell  upon  it  with 
an  unimaginable  fury,  and  tore  out  almoft  all  the  Leaves. 
This  Book  I  valued  more  than  my  Life,  becaufe  'twas  not 
caftrated;  and  indeed  I  was  fo  provok'd  when  I  saw  it  all  in 
wrack,  that  if  my  Landlord  had  not  held  me,  I  had  gone 
immediately  to  that  turbulent  Paftor's  House,  and  would  have 
pluck'd  out  the  Hairs  of  his  Beard  with  as  little  mercy  as  he 
did  the  Leaves  of  my  Book." 

In  the  spring  of  1687  all  was  bustling  confusion  In  the  set- 
tlements on  the  St.  Lawrence.     Denonville,  the  new  governor, 
was  about  to  try  his  hand  at  subduing  the  irrepressible  Iro- 
quois, whom  Champlain  had  unwittingly  converted 
into  sworn  enemies  of  the  French.     The  largest    second  iroquois 

...  .  ,  r  ^  11  campaign. 

expedition  yet  projected  was  fitted  out  by  the 
soldier-governor,  and  rendezvoused  at  the  island  of  St.  Helen, 
opposite  Montreal.  Eight  hundred  regulars  had  been  sent 
over  from  France,  doubling  the  number  already  in  the  colony. 
With  the  new  troops  came  an  order  from  the  ministry  to 
allow  the  return  of  young  Lahontan,  whose  tangled   affairs 


xvi  Introduction 

were  sadly  in  need  of  his  presence  in  Paris;  his  relatives  had 
secured  his  furlough  by  the  exercise  of  much  personal  influ- 
ence. But  the  governor,  needing  all  his  useful  men,  deferred 
compliance,  promising  it  for  the  close  of  the  campaign,  and 
Lahontan  had  no  alternative  but  to  advance  a  second  time  into 
the  country  of  the  Iroquois. 

This  campaign,  while  more  fruitful  than  the  preceding, 
effected  nothing  further  than  an  invasion  of  the  land  of  the 
Seneca,  the  laying  waste  of  their  villages  and  harvests,  and 
the  construction  at  Niagara  of  a  fort  designed  to  check  their 
aggressions.  It  was  upon  this  expedition  that  the  few  friendly 
Iroquois,  who  had,  under  missionary  tutelage,  settled  around 
Fort  Frontenac,  were  captured  by  the  French  and  sent  pris- 
oners to  France  to  serve  in  the  royal  galleys — a  piece  of 
arrant  treachery,  which  the  wretched  and  misguided  colony 
was  to  expiate  two  years  later  in  the  fire  and  blood  of  the 
massacre  at  Lachine.  Lahontan's  sympathies  were  so  keenly 
aroused  by  the  unmerited  sufferings  of  these  innocent  prison- 
ers at  Fort  Frontenac,  that  he  stood  in  close  danger  of  falling 
a  victim  to  the  wrath  of  the  Algonkin  allies,  who,  in  their 
savage  fashion,  delighted  in  maltreating  the  ill-fated  Iroquois, 
whom  the  missionaries  had  segregated  from  the  care  of  their 
own  people.  The  baron  had  soundly  thrashed  some  of  the 
young  tormentors,  but  was  immediately  set  upon  by  the 
infuriated  band,  who  "flew  to  their  Fufees,  in  order  to  kill 
me."  He  was  saved  only  by  the  interposition  of  the  Cana- 
dians, who  "  affur'd  'em  I  was  drunk  (Among  the  Savages, 
drunken  Perfons  are  always  excus'd :  for,  the  Bottle  attones 


Introduction  xvii 

for  all  Crimes),  that  all  the  French  were  prohibited  to  give 
me  either  Wine  or  Brandy,  and  that  I  fhould  certainly  be 
imprifon'd  as  foon  as  the  Campaign  were  over." 

The  campaign  finished,  Lahontan  hoped  to  be  allowed  to 
return    to    France,    but    before    having    an    opportunity   of 
reminding  Denonville  of  his  promise  of  a  furlough,  the  luck- 
less officer  was  summoned  to  the  great  man's  pres-   q^^^^^j^^ 
ence  and   informed  that  because  of  his  knowledge   the  Upper 
of  native  languages  and  his  skill  in  forest  diplomacy, 
he  was  detailed  forthwith  to  the  command  of  a  detachment 
destined  to  the  upper  lakes,  in  response  to  the  request  of  the 
wily  Huron  and  Ottawa  of  Lake  Huron,  who  wished  to  "  fee 
a  Fort  fo  conveniently  plac'd,  which  might  favour  their  re- 
treat upon  any  Expedition  againft  the  Iroquefe  ...  At  the 
fame  time  he  affur'd  me,  he  would  inform  the  Court  of  the 
Reafons  that  mov'd   him  to  detain  me  in  Canada,  notwith- 
ftanding  that  he  had  orders  to   give  me  leave  to  go  home. 
You  may  eafily  guefs.  Sir,  that  I  was  thunderftruck  with  thefe 
News,  when  I  had  fed  myfelf  all  along  with  the   hopes  of 
returning  to  France,  and  promoting  my  Intereft,  which  is  now 
fo  much  thwarted." 

The  commands  of  the  governor  were  not  to  be  questioned 
by  a  subordinate,  so  the  disappointed  Lahontan,  smothering 
his  grief  with  reflections  upon  his  professional  advancement, 
once  more  turned  his  back  on  home,  and  hastily  made  pre- 
parations for  his  journey  into  the  vast  and  almost  unknown 
region  of  the  Northwest.  "  The  Men  of  my  Detachment," 
he  writes,  "  are  brisk  proper  fellows,  and  my  Canows  are  both 


b 


xviii  Introduction 

new  and  large.  I  am  to  go  along  with  Mr.  Dulhut,  a  Lions 
Gentleman,  who  is  a  Perfon  of  great  Merit,  and  has  done  his 
king  and  his  Country  very  confiderable  Services.  M.  de 
Tonti  makes  another  of  our  Company ;  and  a  Company  of 
Savages  is  to  follow  us." 

Among  the  motley  war-party  which  Denonville  had  led  to 
his  assault  on  the  insolent  Iroquois,  was  a  band  of  the  "  far 
Indians  "  brought  by  their  commandant,  La  Durantaye,  from 
Fort  St  ^^^  distant  post  of  Mackinac.  Sweeping  down  in  a 
Joseph,  flotilla  of  birch-bark  canoes,  La  Durantaye  had  halted 
his  savage  forces  at  the  head  of  the  strait  leading  from  Lake 
Huron  to  Lake  St.  Clair;  and  there,  on  "  the  seventh  of  June, 
1687,  in  the  presence  of  the  reverend  Father  Angeleran, 
superior  of  the  mission  of  the  Outaouas  at  Michilimachinac, 
of  Ste.  Marie  du  Sault,  of  the  Miamis,  of  the  Illinois,  of  the 
Bale  des  Puans  and  of  the  Sioux,  of  M.  de  la  Forest,  late  com- 
mandant of  the  fort  at  St.  Louis  at  the  Illinois,  and  of  M.  de 
Beauvais,  our  lieutenant  of  the  fort  of  St.  Joseph  at  the  strait 
of  Lakes  Huron  and  Erie,"  had  erected  the  arms  of  France 
and  taken  formal  possession  of  this  vast  region  in  the  name 
of  the  king.i 

The  little  fort  of  St.  Joseph  was  a  bastioned  block-house 
of  logs,  built  the  previous  year  by  Duluth  upon  the  orders 
of  the  governor — one  of  the  long  chain  of  French  posts 
designed  to  keep  English  negotiants  from  the  fur  country. 


^  Prise  de  possession  (vol.x,  fol.  206,  Archives  du  Canada,  at  Paris),  quoted  in 
Roy's  excellent  paper  on  "  Le  Baron  de  Lahontan,"  in  Can.  Roy.  Soc.  Proceed- 
ings, 1894,  sec.  i,  p.  79,  note. 


Introduction  xix 

and  to  control  the  vagrant  coureiirs  des  bois.  This  hnportant 
vantage  point,  refounded  (1701)  some  miles  below  by  La 
Mothe  de  la  Cadillac,  was  the  place  to  which  the  young 
Gascon  was  designated,  and  for  whose  command  he  was 
required  to  abandon  the  gayeties  of  Paris,  and  the  more 
important  business  regarding  his  estates.  Setting  forth  from 
Fort  Niagara  on  the  third  of  August,  Lahontan  and  his  com- 
panions proceeded  westward  as  fast  as  the  crude  transporta- 
tion facilities  of  their  day  would  permit.  The  first  Thejour- 
stage  was  the  long  Niagara  portage,  "being  oblig'd  "^y°"'- 
to  tranfport  our  Canows  from  a  League  and  a  half  below  the 
great  Fall  of  Niagara,  to  half  a  League  above  it.  Before  we 
got  at  any  beaten  or  level  Path,  we  were  forc'd  to  climb  up 
three  Mountains,  upon  which  an  hundred  Iroquefe  might 
have  knock'd  us  all  on  the  head  with  Stones."  Frequently 
attacked  by  these  "  cruel  Fellows,"  Lahontan  was  naturally 
much  alarmed  at  the  danger  of  falling  into  the  hands  of  such 
expert  torturers,  declaring  that  "  To  die  is  nothing  but  to 
live  in  the  midft  of  Fire  is  too  much."  This  constant  fear 
apparently  paralyzed  our  author's  usual  powers  of  descrip- 
tion, for  he  dismisses  with  a  scant  paragraph  the  "  fearful 
Cataract,"  which  nine  years  before  the  garrulous  Friar  Hen- 
nepin had  so  carefully  pictured  with  both  pen  and  pencil. 

The  little  company  of  whites  and  savages  "  coafted  along 
the  North-Coaft  of  the  Lake  of  Erie,"  feasting  abundantly  on 
fish  and  wild  turkeys,  and  arrived  at  the  mouth  of  Lake 
Huron  on  the  fourteenth  of  September.  "  You  cannot  im- 
agine," he  assures  his  correspondent,  "  the  pleafant  profped 


XX  Introduction 

of  this  Strelght,  and  of  the  little  Lake  [of  St.  Clair] ;  for 
their  banks  are  cover'd  with  all  forts  of  wild  Fruit-Trees." 
The  garrison  of  the  little  log  fortress  "  surrendered  their 
Poft  very  chearfully"  to  the  newcomers  and,  being  now 
relieved  from  duty,  in  the  way  of  their  kind  at  once  turned 
fur-traders,  and  quickly  scattered  throughout  the  distant 
camps  of  the  savages. 

Duluth  and  Tonty  tarried  for  a  few  days,  the  former 
having  left  some  supplies  at  this  station  and  being  interested 
in  a  crop  of  Indian  corn  which  he  had  sown  the  previous 
Life  at  Fort  Spring.  Charmed  with  the  beauty  and  free  life  of 
St.  Joseph.  |.j^g  country,  the  youthful  commandant  passed  the 
autumn  agreeably  enough,  occupied  with  the  chase,  to  which 
he  had  become  passionately  devoted,  and  dallying  with  parties 
of  tribesmen  that  passed  up  and  down  bent  on  war,  plunder, 
or  hunting.  But  the  ensuing  winter  was  rigorous  to  a  degree 
that  restricted  hunting,  and  the  consequent  short  commons 
is  suggested  by  Lahontan's  sly  remark  that  the  Jesuit  Father 
Claude  Aveneau,  who  arrived  towards  the  end  of  November 
to  serve  as  chaplain,  "  found  no  occafion  to  trouble  himfelf 
with  preaching  Abftinance  from  Meat  in  the  time  of  Lent." 

By  the  first  of  April  (1688),  the  restless  commander,  no 
doubt  intensely  wearied  by  the  long  and  inactive  winter,  sought 
excuse  in  his  lack  of  provisions  to  set  out  with  the  majority  of 
Departure  his  forcc  —  a  Small  garrison  being  left  at  the  fort 
for  Mackinac.  — £qj.  ^j^g  httle  French  military  and  trading  station 
then  on  the  north  shore  of  the  strait  of  Mackinac,  to  "  buy 
up  Corn  from  the  Hurons  and  Outaouans."     Soon  after  his 


Introduction  xxi 

arrival  at  that  distant  outpost,  there  appeared  there  Abbe 
Cavelier,  La  Salle's  austere  brother,  and  the  other  survivors 
of  the  lost  Texan  colony  of  that  ill-fated  explorer. 

At  Mackinac  Lahontan  learned  also  that  his  own  affairs  in 
France  were  in  desperate  straits.  From  the  "  fagg  end  of  the 
World  "  he  thereupon  addressed  a  letter  to  the  Marquis  de 
Seignelay,  then  powerful  at  court,  craving  his  pro-  An  appeal 
tection  for  the  "  Son  of  a  Gentleman  that  fpent  ^°'  protection, 
three  hundred  Crowns  in  deepening  the  Water  of  the  two 
Gaves  of  Beam  .  .  .  rendering  the  Bar  of  Bayonne  paffable 
by  a  fifty  Gun  Ship,  whereas  in  former  times  a  Frigot  of  ten 
Guns  durft  not  venture  over  it  .  .  .  and  the  bringing  down 
of  Mafts  and  Yards  from  the  Pyrenean  Mountains,  which 
could  never  have  been  effected,  if  he  had  not  by  his  Care, 
and  by  the  disburfing  of  immenfe  Sums,  enlarged  the  quantity 
of  Water  in  the  Gave  of  Oleron  to  a  double  proportion." 
Not  only,  pleads  our  petitioner,  had  the  entailed  privileges 
and  fees  been  cut  off  at  his  father's  death,  but  the  son  had 
been  denied  several  high  political  positions,  *'  all  which  were 
mine  by  Inheritance";  and  now  there  followed  "an  unjuft 
Seizure  that  fome  pretended  Creditors  have  made  of  the 
Barony  of  la  Hontan,  of  a  piece  of  Ground  that  lies  con- 
tiguous to  it,  and  of  a  hundred  thoufand  Livres  that  lay  in 
the  hands  of  the  Chamber  of  Bayonne."  He  is  confident 
that  his  absence  in  the  American  wilds  is  the  sole  justification 
of  his  creditors,  and  asks  for  "Leave  to  come  home  the  next 
Year,"  that  he  may  confront  and  rout  them. 

The  wander  lust  strong  within  his  veins,  the  adventurous 


xxii  Introduction 

lieutenant  roved  as  far  afield  as  Sault  Ste.  Marie  and  the 
neighboring  regions,  and  in  July  joined  a  party  of  Chippewa 
Rovings  in  o^  ^^  inglorious  raid  into  the  Iroquois  country, 
the  Northwest,  ^^g^  q£  Lake  Huron,  stopping  at  his  fort  only  to 
land  a  few  sacks  of  corn.  It  was  upon  this  excursion,  far 
removed  from  his  field  of  duty,  that  Lahontan  was  accom- 
panied by  the  Huron  chief.  The  Rat,  whom  he  has  idealized 
and  immortalized  in  his  Voyages^  under  the  title  "  Adario." 

Late  in  the  summer  he  returned  to  Fort  St.  Joseph,  but 
found  the  situation  now  untenable.  Parties  of  Indians  who 
had  stopped  at  the  post  for  the  usual  parleying  and  present- 
begging,  brought  news  of  the  reduction  of  the  gar- 
joseph  rison  at  Niagara  by  disease  and  destitution,  of  its 
probable  abandonment,  also  of  the  peace  which 
Denonville  was  "  clapping  up  "  with  their  common  foe,  the 
Iroquois.  Lahontan  reasoned  that  all  this  rendered  his  fort 
of  no  value,  that  he  had  an  accumulation  of  scarce  two  months' 
provisions,  and  having  received  neither  orders  nor  supplies 
from  the  governor,  was  thus  thrown  upon  his  own  discretion. 
He  therefore  abandoned  his  command,  burned  the  block- 
house and  its  stockade,  and  on  the  twenty-seventh  of  August 
embarked  with  all  his  men  for  Mackinac,  where  he  arrived  on 
the  tenth  of  the  following  month.  In  the  French  edition  of 
his  work,  the  commandant  elaborately  argues  that  while  the 
abandonment  of  his  post  would  be  a  misdemeanor  in  an 
officer  in  Europe,  it  was  in  the  far  interior  of  America  an 
example  of  military  sagacity.  Whatever  may  be  one's  judg- 
ment on  this  question,  there  is  no  evidence  that  Lahontan 


Introduction  xxiii 

because  of  this  action  was  either  reprimanded  or  degraded  in 
rank.  Doubless  Fort  St.  Joseph  was  valueless  at  this  juncture 
of  affairs,  and  its  destruction  certainly  resulted  in  no  disad- 
vantage to  New  France. 

Upon  reaching  Mackinac  with  his  detachment,  the  baron 
found  advices  to  the  effect  that  he  had  been  relieved,  and 
ordered  to  return  with  his  men  to  Quebec,  provided  "  the 
Seafon  and  other  Circumftances  permit;  or  to  tarry  ordered  to 
here  till  the  Spring  if  I  forefee  unfurmountable  Dif-  ^"'=''"- 
ficulties  in  the  Paffage."  But  the  convoys  for  that  year  had 
returned  to  the  lower  country,  and  the  commandant  at  Mack- 
inac and  the  savages  united  in  representing  to  him  the  diffi- 
culties of  the  journey,  the  rapids  to  be  run,  the  hazardous 
portages  to  be  made.  With  comparatively  inexperienced 
soldiers  this  was  all  but  impossible,  and  they  must  perforce 
content  themselves  in  the  upper  country  until  the  arrival  of 
spring. 

Thus   far   Lahontan    himself   has    been   our    guide;   his 
accounts  of  his  own  adventures  and  shortcomings  have  been 
recorded  in  the  letters  with  a  naivete  and  a  wealth  of  detail 
that  bear  the  stamp  of  verity.     But  we  now  come  to    ^^  ^^.^.^^ 
that  apochryphal  relation  in  the  Voyages^  which  for    to  the 

...  J      River  Loag. 

many  years  has  caused  the  entire  work  to  be  rejected 
by  historians  as  fiction  — the  alleged  journey  to  the  River 
Long.  Writing  to  his  friend  under  date  of  September  i8,  he 
announces  his  intention  "to  travel  through  the  Southern 
Countries  that  I  have  fo  often  heard  of,"  for  "  I  cannot  mew 
my  felf  up  here  all  this  Winter."    The  following  May  he  gives 


xxiv  Introduction 

to  his  correspondent  a  particularized  and  highly  readable 
account  of  the  tour  which  he  pretends  to  have  made,  accom- 
panied by  "  my  own  Detachment  and  five  good  Huntsmen  of 
the  Outaouas,"  later  supplemented  by  Fox  (Outagami)  guides. 

Leaving  Mackinac  on  the  twenty-fourth  of  September, 
the  story  goes,  the  explorers  coasted  along  the  northwest 
shore  of  Lake  Michigan,  visited  the  Sauk,  Potawatomi,  and 
Menominee  villages  on  Green  Bay,  ascended  Fox  River,  made 
the  mile-and-a-half  swampy  portage  to  the  Wisconsin  (Octo- 
ber 16-19),  and  arrived  at  the  Mississippi  four  days  later. 
Working  their  way  up  that  river,  the  party  reached  the  mouth 
of  the  River  Long  on  the  second  of  November.  This  the 
baron  claims  to  have  ascended  for  many  leagues,  visiting  upon 
its  banks  the  wonderful  nations  of  the  Eokoros,  Esanapes, 
and  Gnacsitares,  from  whom  he  gathered  information  con- 
cerning the  Mozeemlek  and  Tahuglauk  beyond  ;  also  of  a 
river  in  the  far  West  that  emptied  itself  into  a  salt  lake  of 
three  hundred  leagues  in  circumference.  At  the  western 
limit  of  this  voyage,  Lahontan,  as  was  the  custom  of  French 
explorers  in  that  day,  set  up  a  long  pole,  bearing  the  "Arms 
of  France  done  upon  a  Plate  of  Lead." 

Upon  the  twenty-sixth  of  January  (1689),  the  adventurers 
set  out  upon  the  return,  reaching  the  Mississippi  on  the  sec- 
ond of  March.  Continuing  their  trip  as  far  down  stream  as 
the  mouth  of  the  Ohio,  they  returned  to  Illinois  River,  by 
means  of  which  and  the  Chicago  portage  they  entered  Lake 
Michigan,  finally  arriving  at  Mackinac  the  twenty-second  of 
May.     Two  weeks  later,  in  the  company  of  twelve  Ottawa 


Introduction  xxv 

Indians,  in  two  canoes,  our  author  set  out  for  Montreal  by 
the  Ottawa  River  route,  after  an  absence  of  two  years  in  the 
wilderness  and  among  the  savages  of  the  Northwest. 

"July  the  9th  I  arriv'd  at  Montreal,  after  venturing  down 
feveral  fearful  Cataracts  in  the  River  of  the  Outaouas,  and 
enduring  the  hardfhips  of  fifteen  or  twenty  Land-carriages, 
fome  of  which  are  above  a  League  in  length."  Near-  fhe return 
ing  Montreal,  his  canoe  overturned  in  the  Sault  St.  '« Quebec. 
Louis,  but  he  was  saved  by  the  adroitness  of  the  Chevalier  de 
Vaudreuil  —  "The  only  time  I  was  in  danger,"  he  exclaims, 
"through  the  whole  courfe  of  my  Voyages."  He  found  the 
colony  calmly  watching  the  departure  of  the  unpopular  Gov- 
ernor Denonville,  but  eagerly  awaiting  the  return  of  the  Count 
de  Frontenac,  "for  that  Governour  drew  Efteem  and  Vener- 
ation, not  only  from  the  French,  but  from  all  the  Nations  of 
this  vaft  Continent,  who  look'd  upon  him  as  their  Guardian 
Angel." 

But  when  the  new  governor  came  on  the  fifteenth  of  Octo- 
ber, he  "  countermanded  the  leave  I  had  to  go  for  France, 
and  has  offer'd  me  a  free  accefs  to  his  Pocket  and  his  Table 
.  .  .  and  fo  I  am  bound  to  obey."  Frontenac  made  The  friend  of 
of  the  penniless  and  now  disconsolate  baron  a  com-  f''°°te°3<^- 
panion  on  his  journeyings,  and,  because  of  his  wide  experience 
at  the  farthest  outposts,  and  his  close  studies  of  the  aborig- 
ines, took  counsel  of  him  in  regard  to  remedies  for  the 
desperate  condition  of  New  France.  In  the  spring  (1690), 
the  governor  offered  to  send  his  protege  on  an  embassy  to  the 
Iroquois ;  but  having  no  wish  again  to  place  his  head  within 


xxvi  Introduction 

the  lion's  jaws,  Lahontan  skilfully  obtained  an  excuse  from 
the  mission.  He  records  with  self-gratulation  that  the  Chev- 
alier d'Aux,  going  in  his  stead,  was  seized,  bound,  and  sent 
to  a  long  imprisonment  at  Boston. 

Lahontan,  meanwhile  following  the  governor's  train,  was 
at  Montreal  when  news  came  of  the  English  invasion  under 
Phips.  Hurrying  to  the  capital  with  his  chief,  he  was  in  time 
to  witness  the  withdrawal  of  the  discomfited  English  admiral 
(October),  and  to  be  chosen  by  Frontenac  to  carry  the  glad 
tidings  to  the  king  and  court.  Thus,  after  seven  years  of 
At  the  French  l^^^  upon  the  frontiers  of  civilization,  the  bronzed 
court.  young  officer  reappeared  at  the  social  capital  of  the 

world,  a  solicitor  of  favors  at  the  court  of  the  great  Louis. 
Unfortunately  his  protector  Seignelay  was  now  dead,  and  the 
new  ministers,  the  Messrs.  Pontchartrain,  looked  with  slight 
favor  upon  the  nonchalant  adventurer  from  America.  They 
coldly  made  answer  to  his  petitions  for  redress,  that  he  could 
have  but  the  summer  to  regulate  his  affairs,  for  in  the  autumn 
he  must  embark  once  more  for  Quebec.  However,  by  way  of 
reward  for  the  welcome  news  he  had  brought,  Lahontan  was 
promoted  to  a  captaincy  in  his  corps,  and  created  a  chevalier 
of  the  order  of  Notre  Dame  of  Mont-Carmel  and  of  St. 
Lazarre.  With  his  customary  cynicism  the  recipient,  who  had 
paid  roundly  in  fees  for  this  last  empty  title,  declares  that 
"  The  Ceremony  of  that  Inftalment  was  perform'd  in  Mr.  de 
Louvois  his  Chamber,  and  did  not  laft  fo  long  as  the  telling 
of  the  Money."  The  new  chevalier  had  entertained  hopes 
that  his  uncle,  the  generous  Abbe  des  Couttes,  might  bestow 


Introduction  xxvii 

upon  him  some  simple  benefice ;  but  a  scruple  of  conscience 
stood  in  the  way  of  granting  church  money  to  one  who,  like 
Lahontan,  scoffed  at  religion  and  its  priests,  and  the  infidel 
applicant  was  sent  away  empty-handed.  With  parting  jibes 
at  the  venality  and  favoritism  prevalent  at  the  court,  the  young 
captain  left  Versailles,  and,  with  no  apparent  reluctance,  for  his 
estate  was  now  beyond  resuscitation,  started  for  La  Rochelle, 
where  he  again  embarked  for  Canada. 

The  eighteenth  of  September,  1691,  found  captain  the 
Baron  de  Lahontan,  now  in  his  twenty-fifth  year,  once  more 
climbing  the  steep  and  winding  roadway  which  ascends  the 
cliflF  of  Quebec,  and  meeting  at  the  chateau  of  his  Again  in 
friend  Frontenac  the  same  generous  hospitality  which  Canada. 
had  previously  been  his,  and  that  of  many  another  luckless 
gentleman  of  that  day.  The  winter  was  exceptionally  gay  at 
the  governor's  little  court.  Balls  and  theatricals  were  much 
in  vogue  among  the  official  class  and  the  fur-trade  and  rustic 
aristocracy ;  but  the  Jesuits  vigorously  condemned  these 
practices,  and  declaimed  publicly  against  the  satellites  who 
hung  about  the  head  of  the  colony.  The  anti-clerical  Lahontan 
was  no  doubt  spurred  thereby  into  a  still  more  active  partici- 
pation in  the  sports  and  vices  of  the  capital. 

To  this  period  probably  belongs  his  experience  with  Mile. 
Genevieve  d'Amours,  a  romance  which  he  relates  under  an 
easily-penetrated  disguise.  No  doubt  the  young  people  met 
freely  during  the  winter's  amusements,  since  the  Lahontan's 
lady  was  a  god-daughter  of  the  governor,  and  be-  f°'"^°"- 
longed  to  the  family  of  one  of  the  royal  councillors.     Her 


xxviii  Introduction 

brothers  were,  as  well,  prominent  young  Canadians,  whose 
attachment  for  the  life  of  the  woods,  common  to  the  young 
gentlemen  of  New  France,  had  tempted  them  to  the  wilder- 
ness of  Pentagoet  and  the  picturesque  River  St.  John,  where 
among  the  Abenaki  savages  they  had  encountered  a  pleasant 
English  gentleman  from  Boston,  who  traded  thither.  The 
fortunes  of  war  had  brought  this  trader  a  prisoner  to  Quebec, 
where  the  genial  Frontenac  treated  him  with  marked  courtesy, 
and  releasing  him  on  parole  made  him  a  participant  in  the 
pleasures  of  the  court.  All  of  these  friends  conspired  in 
making  a  match  between  our  baron  and  the  brilliant  young 
beauty.  On  his  part,  the  governor  promised  licenses  to  the 
sum  of  seven  to  eight  thousand  livres ;  the  English  guest 
requested  leave  to  add  a  thousand  more  —  this,  with  the 
dowry  of  a  thousand  already  possessed  by  the  lady,  would 
have  recuperated  the  ruined  baron's  fortunes ;  and,  basking 
as  they  did  in  the  governor's  favor,  might  have  started  the 
couple  on  the  high  road  to  prosperity.  But  suddenly  the 
negotiations  came  to  a  standstill ;  the  young  cynic  proved 
stubborn,  and  would  not  sign  the  contract.  He  requested 
two  months  in  which  to  consider,  then  two  months  more  — 
which  causes  one  to  wonder  at  the  young  woman's  patience ; 
but  no  doubt  Lahontan  was  a  handsome  fellow,  with  many 
social  graces,  and  considered  a  most  eligible  parti.  At  last 
he  found  his  liberty  more  precious  than  an  establishment  in 
life,  and  repented  of  having  desired  to  make  her  as  unhappy 
as  himself.  "  They  were  far  from  expecting  any  fuch  retrafta- 
tion;  fo  the  poor  reform'd  Captain  fuflPer'd  for  it,  for  fome 


Introduction  xxix 

time  after  Mr.  de  Frontenac  did  him  a  piece  of  Injuftice,  in 
beftowing  a  vacant  Company  over  his  Head,  upon  Madame 
de  Pontchartrain's  Nephew,  notwithftanding  that  the  Court 
had  fent  orders  on  his  behalf." 

Our  author's  nonchalance,  however,  did  not  forsake  him ; 
it  was  not  long  before  he  presented  a  memorial  concerning  the 
defences  of  the  upper  country  against  the  ravaging  Iroquois, 
in  which  plan  the  forgiving  Frontenac  discovered  so  ^  ^^^  ^^^ 
much  merit  that  it  pleased  him  to  order  Lahontan  to    patched  to 

.    .  France. 

go  in  person  to  present  his  project  to  the  ministry. 
In  the   summer  of   1692,   therefore,   the  captain  once  more 
started  for  the  Old  World,  again  bearing  the  governor's  des- 
patches to  the  court  at  Versailles. 

Putting  in  at  Plaisance  (the  Placentia  of  our  day),  a  new 
French  post  upon  the  southeastern  peninsula  of  Newfound- 
land, the  frigate  which  bore  him  awaited  the  fishing  fleet 
which  it  was,  according  to  custom,  to  convoy  to  The  defense 
France.  Just  as  they  were  about  weighing  anchor,  °^  Pia'sance. 
in  the  third  week  of  September,  a  fisherman  arrived  at  the  fort 
with  the  startling  news  that  five  English  frigates  were  bearing 
up  the  bay.  Governor  de  Brouillon,  despite  his  deficient 
fortifications  and  scarcity  of  ammunition,  made  immediate 
arrangements  for  a  vigorous  defense.  Lahontan  was  sent 
with  sixty  habitants  to  repulse  the  landing  of  the  English 
marines.  This  being  skilfully  achieved,  the  English  offered 
to  parley,  whereupon  Lahontan  and  a  companion  were  chosen 
to  go  aboard  the  admiral's  ship,  where  they  were  received 
with   much    courtesy.      Negotiations    failing,   the    governor 


XXX  Introduction 

pushed  the  defenses  v/ith  such  vigor  that  the  English  were 
obliged  to  withdraw,  after  firing  two  thousand  cannon  shots 
at  the  fort  and  burning  some  neighboring  fishing  villages  and 
their  drying  scaffolds. 

A  second  time  the  fortune  befell  Lahontan  to  be  the  beafer 

of  good  tidings  to  the  royal  ear,  again  to  tell  of  the  repulse  of 

a  powerful  English  fleet   by  a  handful  of  defenders  better 

equipped  with  courage  and  energy  than  with  assistance  and 

powder.     Armed  with  this  pleasing  message,  the 

At  Versailles.  .  .         ,     .        -r-,  -  .       , 

captain  arrived  in  Prance  after  a  comparatively 
brief  voyage  of  seventeen  days,  and  shortly  after  presented 
himself  at  Versailles.  The  court,  however,  was  more  ready  to 
receive  agreeable  news  than  to  furnish  the  sinews  of  war  for 
the  far-away  colony.  Lahontan's  ingenious  project  for  the 
defense  of  the  upper  lake  region  smacked  of  large  expendi- 
tures, hence  was  dismissed  with  scant  ceremony ;  but  he  him- 
self was  rewarded  with  the  command  of  an  independent  com- 
pany of  a  hundred  men,  and  the  highly  honorable  position  of 
lieutenant  of  the  king  for  Newfoundland  and  Acadia.  Our 
author  correctly  ascribes  his  good  fortune  to  no  other  patron 
than  good  chance,  remarking  at  the  same  time :  "  I  fhould 
have  been  better  pleas'd  if  I  could  have  put  the  abovemen- 
tion'd  Project  in  execution,  for  a  folitary  Life  is  moft  grate- 
ful to  me,  and  the  manners  of  the  Savages  are  perfectly  agree- 
able to  my  Palate."  The  free,  roving  life  of  the  Great  West 
of  his  day  was  vastly  superior,  in  the  opinion  of  this  man  of 
spirit,  to  immolation  upon  the  storm-swept  fjords  of  gloomy 


I 


Introduction  xxxi 

Newfoundland,  second  in  command  to  a  governor  of  sus- 
picious habits  and  capricious  temper. 

His  new  honors  proved  the  undoing  of  our  unfortunate 
adventurer.  The  coming  upon  the  scene  of  a  royal  lieutenant 
sadly  disarranged  De  Brouillon's  plans  for  his  own  emolument 
and  the  advancement  of  his  family.    Lahontan  was    „     , ,. 

■'  Royal  lieuten- 

received  at  Plaisance  with  grudging  welcome,  and    ant  in  New- 

^        ,     I         ,  ,  ,  foundland. 

soon  an  open  feud  broke  out  between  the  new 
official  and  his  chief.  It  was  not  soothing  to  the  irascible 
governor's  spirits,  that  the  inhabitants  took  the  part  of  the 
subordinate  who  would  not  become  his  puppet ;  that  the 
ready  pen  and  caustic  wit  of  the  latter  made  lampoons  con- 
cerning his  superior,  which  were  sung  publicly  in  the  taverns 
of  Plaisance ;  and  that  even  the  Recollect  friars  protected  the 
young  gallant  in  his  escapades,  and  spoke  in  his  behalf. 

After  the  autumnal  departure  of  the  ships  for  France, 
carrying  to  the  court  De  Brouillon's  accusations  against  his 
lieutenant,  the  former  began  more  freely  to  show  his  temper. 
One  evening  Lahontan  was  entertaining  some  of  the    _  „     ., 

°  ^  °  De  Brouillon's 

residents,  when  his  door  was  suddenly  burst  open,    persecution  of 

,  ......  .      Lahontan 

the  governor  and  his  train  or  serving  men  entered 
masked,  and  began  to  break  the  glass  and  windows,  handle 
the  furniture  roughly,  and  destroy  all  else  that  came  beneath 
their  hands.  By  the  time  the  baron  could  load  his  pistols,  the 
intruders  were  gone ;  but  only  to  fall  upon  his  servants  the 
next  morning,  and  give  them  an  unmerciful  drubbing. 

The  lieutenant,  alleging  fear  for  his  own  life,  determined 


xxxii  Introduction 

to  escape.  The  skipper  of  a  small  fishing  boat  that  lay  in  the 
harbor  accepted  the  ofifer  of  a  thousand  livres  to  carry  the 
An  unwise  fugitive  to  Europc ;  and  thus,  a  second  time  desert- 
escape,        jj^g  j^jg  pQgj.  q£  duty,  he  fled  from  the  hateful  situation 

—  an  unwise  step,  which  brought  a  sweet  revenge  for  De 
Brouillon,  for  it  wrought  the  gallant  young  oflScer's  downfall. 
It  was  the  fourteenth  of  December,  nearly  always  a  boisterous 
month  off  the  dread  coast  of  wreck-strewn  Newfoundland ; 
but  the  risk  was  taken,  several  "  terrible  Storms  "  were  en- 
countered, and  once  they  were  shot  at  by  a  French  privateer 

—  at  last,  however,  the  little  vessel  landed  her  passenger  safely 
in  a  harbor  of  Portugal,  for  he  dared  not  attempt  to  seek 
shelter  in  France,  where  the  only  welcome  he  might  expect 
was  disgrace  and  the  Bastille. 

By  slow  stages  the  unfortunate  runaway  now  journeyed 
into  Holland,  the  home  of  refugees  who  were  "  awaiting 
patiently  till  it  pleafes  God  that  M.  de  Pontchartrain  fhould 
either  remove  to  Paradife  or  do  Juftice "  to  the  wronged. 
Wanderings  of  From  Holland  he  visited  Hamburg,  whence 
the  refugee.  (June  1 9,  1 694),  he  Sent  a  letter  which  was  in- 
tended to  fall  under  the  notice  of  the  French  court,  contain- 
ing an  account  of  the  survivors  of  La  Salle's  last  expedition, 
whom  he  claimed  to  have  met  in  that  city.  The  ministry  at 
once  authorized  investigation,  only  to  find  that  Lahontan  had 
invented  the  tale  out  of  whole  cloth,  in  the  vain  hope  of 
winning  favor  at  court.^ 


1  Margry,   Decowvertes  et   etablissements  des  Franqais   (Paris,    1876-85),   iv, 
pp.  6-8. 


Introduction  xxxiii 

Meanwhile,  our  author  had  proceeded  to  Copenhagen, 
where  he  ingratiated  himself  with  the  French  ambassador,  De 
Bonrepaux,  who  sent  him  to  Versailles  with  favorable  letters 
designed  to  secure  his  pardon  and  re-instatement  in  the  king's 
favor ;  but  his  majesty,  ever  a  severe  disciplinarian,  declined  to 
receive  the  justification  of  an  officer  who  had  transgressed 
against  his  superior,  and  Lahontan  had  no  recourse  but  to 
betake  himself  in  disgrace  to  his  native  province,  where,  his 
barony  having  long  since  been  confiscated,  he  found  himself 
an  unwelcome  guest.  An  order  having  gone  forth  for  his 
arrest,  he  avoided  it  in  the  nick  of  time  by  escaping  across 
the  border  into  Spain,  whence  emanated  the  last  of  his  Letters, 
dated  at  Saragossa,  October  8,  1695. 

Thence,  until  the  initial  publication  of  his  book  in  Holland 
(1703),  we  have  no  details  concerning  the  whereabouts  of  the 
poor  fugitive.  In  the  prefaces  of  the  various  editions,  one 
may  trace  his  wanderings  from  the  Low  Countries 

•'  °  Last  days  at 

to  Denmark,  thence  to  Hanover,  whence  he  visited  the  court  of 
England,  until  the  year  1710  finds  him  at  the  court 
of  the  Elector  of  Hanover,  recognized  as  an  accomplished 
man  beset  by  ill  fortune,  and  maintained  as  the  friend  and 
companion  of  the  philosopher  Leibnitz.  The  unfortunate 
officer  had  then,  according  to  the  latter,^  a  number  of  works 
prepared  which  he  would  give  to  the  press,  if  his  now  im- 
paired health  should  improve.  He  appears  to  have  died  soon 
after  this,  apparently  in  1715,  but  the  actual  date  of  his  decease 
is  not  known.      A  year  or    so   later,   Leibnitz    published   a 


^Leibnitz,  Epistol.  ad  diversos  (Berlin,  1710),  iv,  p.  22. 


xxxiv  Introduction 

posthumous  essay  by  Lahontan,  under  the  title,  Reponse  a  la 
lettre  d'un  particulier  opposee  au  manifeste  de  S.  M.  le  rot  de  la 
Grande-Bretagne  contre  la  Suede,  proving  that  he  followed  the 
increasing  fortunes  of  his  protector,  the  Elector  of  Hanover, 
and  was  ready  to  aid  that  ruler's  cause  with  his  pamphleteer- 
ing pen.  Parkman  also  cites  ^  a  Memoir  on  the  Fur-trade  of 
Canada,  written  in  the  English  interest,  which  was  once  in  the 
library  of  the  poet  Southey. 

Lahontan's  Voyages  to  North  America  was  avowedly  printed 
as  a  last  resource  on  the  part  of  the  bankrupt  fugitive.     We 
have  seen  that  every  vestige  of  hope  regarding  the  resusci- 
tation of  his  estate  had  vanished,  and  all  appeals  to 

Voyages  *  '^ 

published  the  court  for  reinstatement  had  proved  futile  ;  in  this 
crisis,  the  Letters,  which  in  the  event  of  his  monarch's 
favor  might  have  been  consigned  to  the  flames,  were  brought 
forth  from  their  obscurity  and  given  to  the  world  —  his  dis- 
tress thus  proving  our  gain.  While  these  now  classic  epistles 
were  printing  in  Holland,  Lahontan  passed  over  to  England, 
where  he  secured  the  patronage  of  the  powerful  Duke  of 
Devonshire,  and  put  out  an  English  translation  of  his  work, 
which  in  some  respects  is  preferable  to  the  original  French. 

The  vogue  of  the  baron's  book  was  immediate  and  wide- 
spread, and  must  have  soon  replenished  his  slender  purse.  In 
simple  sentences,  easily  read  and  comprehended  by  the  masses, 
Their  Lahontan   recounted  not  only  his  own   adventures 

popularity,  ^j^^^  ^|^g  important  events  that  occurred  beneath 
his  eyes  in  the  much-talked-of  region  of  New  France,  but 


*£a  Salle  and  the  Discovery  of  the  Great  West  (Boston,  1879),  p.  169. 


Introduction  xxxv 

drew  a  picture  of  the  simple  delights  of  life  in  the  wilderness, 
more  graphic  than  had  yet  been  presented  to  the  European 
world.  His  idyllic  account  of  manners  and  customs  among 
the  savages  who  dwelt  in  the  heart  of  the  American  forest,  or 
whose  rude  huts  of  bark  or  skin  or  matted  reeds  nestled  by 
the  banks  of  its  far-reaching  waterways,  was  a  picture  which 
fascinated  the  "average  reader"  in  that  romantic  age,  eager 
to  learn  of  new  lands  and  strange  peoples.  In  the  pages  of 
Lahontan  the  child  of  nature  was  depicted  as  a  creature  of 
rare  beauty  of  form,  a  rational  being  thinking  deep  thoughts 
on  great  subjects,  but  freed  from  the  trammels  and  frets  of 
civilization,  bound  by  none  of  its  restrictions,  obedient  only 
to  the  will  and  caprice  of  his  own  nature.  In  this  American 
Arcady  were  no  courts,  laws,  police,  ministers  of  An  American 
state,  or  other  hampering  paraphernalia  of  gov-  ■^■'"''y- 
ernment;  each  man  was  a  law  unto  himself,  and  did  what 
seemed  good  in  his  own  eyes.  Here  were  no  monks  and 
priests,  with  their  strictures  and  asceticisms,  but  a  natural, 
sweetly-reasonable  religion.  Here  no  vulgar  love  of  money 
pursued  the  peaceful  native  in  his  leafy  home  ;  without  distinc- 
tion of  property,  the  rich  man  was  he  who  might  give  most  gen- 
erously. Aboriginal  marriage  was  no  fettering  life-covenant, 
but  an  arrangement  pleasing  the  convenience  of  the  contract- 
ing parties.  Man,  innocent  and  unadorned,  passed  his  life  in 
the  pleasures  of  the  chase,  warring  only  in  the  cause  of  the 
nation,  scorning  the  supposititious  benefits  of  civilization,  and 
free  from  its  diseases,  misery,  sycophancy,  and  oppression. 


xxxvi  Introduction 

In  short,  the  American  wilderness  was  the  seat  of  serenity  and 
noble  philosophy. 

Europeans   weary  of   courts  and   their   futile  ambitions, 

found  in  all  this  a  delightful  representation.     Moreover,  the 

keenest  curiosity  had  been  aroused  among  them  regarding  the 

New  World  —  a  land  so  enormous  that  its  breadth 

Europeaa  curi- 
osity regarding    had  as  yet  been  scarcely  half-spanned  by  the  most 

the  New  World.  ,  ...  j        i_     • 

adventurous  or  the  rovmg  coureurs  de  bois ;  a 
region  of  great  rivers  and  amazing  cataracts,  of  lakes  like 
inland  oceans,  and  vast  unknown  stretches  wherein  roamed 
mysterious  beasts  of  prey,  and  animals  clad  in  furs  which 
might  be  envied  by  a  monarch.  ■  All  statements  from  such  a 
realm  were  to  be  accepted  as  a  matter  of  course.  The  Rela- 
tions of  the  Jesuits  had  been  read  with  absorbing  interest  by 
people  with  a  turn  for  piety.  Those  more  liberal  in  their 
thinking  turned  with  amused  tolerance  to  the  books  of  the 
garrulous  and  worldly  Recollect,  Friar  Hennepin,  or  found 
keen  but  perhaps  not  too  open  enjoyment  in  the  neatly- 
printed  volumes  of  the  audacious  and  cynical  Baron  de  Lahon- 
tan,  with  their  numerous  flings  at  the  polity  and  teachings  of 
the  Canadian  Jesuits,  and  many  a  well-considered  thrust  at 
king  and  ministry  also.  A  glance  at  Mr.  Paltsits's  Biblio- 
graphy is  sufficient  to  prove  the  demand  for  Lahontan's 
Voyages  —  a  taste  lasting  well  into  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth 
century. 

In  estimating  the  historical  value  of  this  work,  it  is  well  to 
bear  in  mind  what  we  believe  to  be  its  double  purpose  —  that 
of  a  satire  upon  European  life  and  civilization,  and  a  narration 


Introduction  xxxvii 

of  the  author's  adventures  in  new  and  unknown  realms.  The 
first  understood  and  allowed  for,  the  book  becomes  ^^^^^^^^^ 
of  great  utility  to  the  student  of  life  and  conditions  utility  to 
in  the  forests  and  hamlets  of  New  France.  Here  is 
no  rambling  journal-writer,  like  Father  Hennepin,  puflfed  up 
by  inordinate  vanity.  Lahontan  relates  in  a  clear,  straight- 
forward manner  all  that  came  before  his  eyes.  With  vivid 
strokes,  he  pictures  the  thinly  diffused  colony  of  New  France 
—  fishing  hamlets  fringing  the  fog-drenched  fjords  of  spruce- 
mantled  Newfoundland ;  the  fur-trade  rendezvous  at  gloomy 
Tadoussac ;  habitants  nestled  upon  the  billowy  shores  of  the 
St.  Lawrence,  or  on  waving  meadows  at  the  mouths  of  its  trib- 
utaries, v/hich  come  swiftly  coursing  from  out  the  dark  forests 
hanging  on  its  rugged  rim ;  the  capital,  perched  defiantly  on 
the  steep  cliff  of  Quebec,  overlooking  hillsides  and  rolling 
plains,  in  his  day  becoming  well-dotted  with  the  whitewashed 
stone  cabins  of  a  thrifty  peasantry ;  Three  Rivers,  the  centre 
of  a  widespread  commerce ;  ecclesiastical  Montreal,  shad- 
owed by  its  mountain,  and  ever  alert  against  the  crouching 
Iroquois;  and  beyond  that  —  up  the  stately  Ottawa  or  along 
the  far-reaching  waters  of  the  upper  lakes,  and  still  farther 
beyond  upon  the  interlocking  drainage  systems  of  the  conti- 
nental interior  —  the  isolated  camps  of  coureurs  de  bois,  and 
little  log  fortresses,  like  that  of  St.  Joseph,  seeking  to  hold 
the  wilderness  trade  against  all  comers. 

A  participant  in  some  of  the  most  stirring  campaigns  in 
the  brilliant  epoch  of  Frontenac's  government,  Lahontan  pre- 
sents to  us  admirable  reports  of  these  events.   We  have  also  in 


xxxviii  Introduction 

his  pages  first-hand  accounts  of  the  political  institutions  of  the 
colony  —  its  officials,  courts,  and  local  government,  combined 
with  Incisive  characterizations  of  the  respective  governors, 
intendants,  and  official  noblesse.  The  strutting  functionary, 
the  zealous  Jesuit  who  balks  at  no  hazard,  the  gay  soldier, 
the  hardy  habitant,  the  roving  coureur  de  bois,  and  the  naked 
savage,  all  stand  out  in  bold  relief  upon  his  pages.  Even  the 
birds  and  animals,  the  plants,  and  the  minerals  of  this  strange 
land  do  not  escape  our  observer's  eye.  Thus  not  only  in 
history,  but  in  topography,  geography,  ethnology,  and  natural 
history,  all  of  it  the  record  of  personal  knowledge,  Lahontan's 
work  stands  as  one  of  the  important  sources  for  the  intimate 
study  of  New  France. 

The  frequent  neglect  of  Lahontan  by  scientific  and  his- 
torical students,  has  not  been  justified  by  the  lack  of  material 
in  his  pages.    As  already  intimated,  it  is  in  large  measure  due 
.    .        to  the  spurious  character  of  the  alleged  discovery 

Investigations  ^ 

as  to  the  of   the   River   Long,  described   In    the    sixteenth 

ong.  Lg^-^gj.^  Investigators  have,  from  this  one  chapter, 
rejected  all.  The  geographers  of  the  time,  eager  for  informa- 
tion regarding  heretofore  unknown  regions  in  North  America, 
were  easily  deceived  by  the  circumstantial  character  of  our 
author's  fluent  description,  and  especially  by  his  map  of  the 
mythical  waterway ;  and  in  consequence  the  river  was  incor- 
porated in  several  maps  published  early  in  the  eighteenth 
century,  persisting  even  down  to  that  of  Vaugondy,  corrected 
to  1783.  But  doubts  soon  arose  in  the  minds  of  some. 
Hennepin  had  omitted   to   mention  such  a  stream,  or  the 


Introduction  xxxix 

peoples  that  Lahontan  had  placed  upon  its  banks.  The 
miner  and  trader  Le  Sueur,  a  colleague  of  Iberville,  who 
ascended  the  Mississippi  nearly  to  its  source  and  passed  two 
years  (1700-02)  upon  its  upper  waters,  reported  neither  the 
Long  nor  its  tribes.  Perrot  and  Duluth,  eminent  forest 
rangers  of  the  period,  knew  no  such  river  —  but  they  were 
not  authors ;  and  it  was  probably  not  until  Charlevoix  visited 
the  country  (1721)  and  published  his  Journal  historique^  that 
the  spurious  nature  of  Lahontan's  pretended  discovery  fully 
dawned  upon  the  European  world.  In  1728  a  French  expe- 
dition built  a  fort  upon  Lake  Pepin,  in  the  upper  Mississippi 

—  one  of  the  chain  which  was  to  further  the  discovery  of  a 
route  to  the  Pacific.  Its  officers  found  the  Issati  of  Hennepin 
and  the  Scioux  of  Le  Sueur,  but  no  traces  of  the  Eokoros, 
Esanapes,  Gnacsitares,  and  Mozeemleks  of  Lahontan.  Scep- 
ticism now  succeeded  to  faith  in  the  author's  verity,  and 
neglect  to  the  former  vogue  of  his  works. 

Many  hypotheses  have  been  advanced,  to  account  for 
Lahontan's  wilful  tale.  The  theory  of  interpolation,  some- 
times applied  to  Hennepin,  has  been  suggested  in  this  case; 
but  the  style  of  the  baron's  story  of  his  far  Western  Hypotheses 
tour  is  quite  in  keeping  with  that  of  the  entire  work    ^<iv^°"'*- 

—  Letters  and  Dialogue  carry,  throughout,  the  evidence  of 
coming  from  one  and  the  same  hand.  Others  have  seen  in 
the  narrative  of  the  journey  only  exaggeration  of  possible 
facts,  and  have  sought  to  identify  the  fabulous  waterway  with 
the  St.  Peter's  (present  Minnesota),  whose  latitude  somewhat 
closely  corresponds  with  Lahontan's  River  Long.     The  late 


xl  Introduction 

Elliot  Coues  followed  the  suggestion  of  the  explorer  Nicollet, 
that  the  St.  Peter's,  with  its  principal  affluent  the  Cannon, 
may  be  of  sufficient  length  to  justify  the  baron's  description; 
and  that  this  southward  tributary  being  the  last  to  freeze, 
might  account  for  the  journey  thither  in  the  dead  of  winter. 
Still  others  have  seen  in  the  Moingona  (present  Des  Moines) 
a  river  whose  long,  straight  stretch  from  the  West  may  be 
identical  with  Lahontan's  famous  stream.  Those  who  have 
studied  the  subject  more  carefully  —  such  as  the  baron's  latest 
biographer,  Edmond  Roy — point  out  the  impossibility  of 
reconciling  the  pretended  voyage  with  the  rest  of  the  author's 
descriptions.  They  note  that  upon  leaving  Mackinac  for  the 
West,  the  traveller,  formerly  giving  precise  and  detailed  infor- 
mation as  to  dates  and  routes,  becomes  indistinct.  The  daily 
occurrences  and  episodes  of  a  journey,  that  give  it  an  air  of 
verisimilitude,  are  now  forced  and  betray  invention ;  the  tribes 
encountered  do  not  speak  with  the  same  certain  ring  as  the 
Iroquois  and  Algonquian  savages  whom  the  author  meets 
elsewhere  in  his  travels,  but  have  an  air  of  posing,  while  their 
customs,  manners,  mode  of  government,  and  diplomacy  is 
that  of  imaginary  rather  than  of  real  beings  ;  finally,  by  careful 
calculation  and  comparison  there  is  not  found  available  time 
for  so  extensive  a  voyage  in  birch-bark  canoes. 

In  Roy's  opinion,  the  impecunious  fugitive,  eager  for 
quick  returns,  doubtless  thought  the  unvarnished  record  of  a 
simple  officer  now  in  disgrace,  would  attract  few  buyers  for 
the  volume ;  he  must,  in  order  to  secure  patronage  and 
readers,  pose  as  a  discoverer,  and  imitate  the  achievements  of 


Introduction  xli 

Marquette  and  La  Salle.  Possibly  he  may  have  entertained 
a  distant  hope  of  being  again  despatched  to  his  beloved  wil- 
derness, on  a  mission  of  further  exploration  and  discovery. 
In  the  interior  of  America  he  had  spent  many  days  with 
Perrot  and  Duluth,  who  knew  the  West  as  probably  no  other 
white  men  did.  Out  of  their  reports,  the  published  accounts 
of  Membre,  La  Salle,  Marquette,  and  Hennepin,  and  chance 
information  received  from  the  Indians,  he  may  have  obtained 
the  material  for  the  tale  of  his  marvellous  journey,  and  im- 
posed it  upon  the  public  for  the  sake  of  gain.  That  he  was 
not  incapable  of  such  a  feat,  his  letter  on  the  survivors  of  La 
Salle's  ill-fated  colony,  already  cited,  is  sufficient  proof. 

There  remains  to  be  accounted  for,  his  disposition  of  the 
time  claimed  to  have  been  spent  upon  this  voyage  of  dis- 
covery.     We   have    seen    that    having   abandoned   Fort   St. 
Joseph,  he  arrived  at  Mackinac  in  the  second  week  of  Sep- 
tember, 1688.    It  is  hardly  probable  that  this  uneasy 
spirit   remained   cooped   up   at  that   frontier   post    with  his 
until  his  descent  to  the  colony  the  following  sum- 
mer.    With  his  habits  of  forest  ranging,  his  fondness  for  the 
chase,  his  delight  in  savage  comrades,  it  is  not  difficult  to  see 
how  he  might  have  spent  the  few  months  of  this  interval. 
What  more  probable  than  that  he  joined  a  band  of  Wiscon- 
sin tribesmen  —  probably  Foxes  (Outagami),  from  his  choice 
of  them  as  guides  for  his  pretended  expedition —     .  . 

°  *■  *■  A  journey  to 

returning  from  a  trading  venture  at  Mackinac,  and     Wisconsin 

after  a  winter  in  their  villages  and  hunting  camps 

returned  to  the  French  outpost  in  time  to  descend  with  the 


xlii  Introduction 

season's  convoy  to  Montreal?  This  would  readily  explain  his 
apparent  familiarity  with  the  northwest  shores  of  Lake  Michi- 
gan, with  Green  Bay,  and  the  Fox  River,  and  his  subsequent 
vagueness  in  regard  to  the  Wisconsin  and  the  Mississippi. 

Again,  may  not  the  entire  account  of  the  voyage  to  the 
River  Long,  and  of  the  savage  Arcady  which  he  found  estab- 
lished upon  its  banks,  be  dehberately  part  and  parcel  of  his 
satire    upon    European    customs   and   manners  —  a 

A  satire  on  *  _  t  i  j 

others'  dis-  cynical  rebuke  to  the  credulity  of  the  readmg  world, 
covenes.  ^^^  ^  parody  upon  the  avidity  of  the  explorers  of 
his  day  to  find  a  route  through  the  continent  of  America  to 
the  land  of  the  great  khan  of  Tartary  ?  May  one  not  see  in 
this  an  anticipation  of  Swift,  in  his  more  famous  Gulliver's 
Travels^  and  recognize  in  Lahontan's  fantastic  Eokoros,  Esa- 
napes,  etc.,  the  predecessors  if  not  the  prototypes  of  Lili- 
putians  and  Brobdignagians  ? 

It  fell  to  the  lot  of  this  unfortunate  man,  possessed  of 
keen  powers  of  observation,  a  biting  wit,  a  passion  for  jus- 
tice, and  an  independence  of  mind  and  temper  verging  upon 
Anunfortu-  Hcense,  to  See  his  patrimony  stolen  through  the 
nate  career,  chicanery  of  the  law ;  to  plead  in  vain  for  justice, 
at  the  doors  of  partial  and  corrupt  ministers;  to  be  bound 
to  military  service  in  the  remote  quarters  of  the  world,  and 
thus  for  years  deprived  of  opportunity  to  meet  the  harpies 
who  were  sapping  his  inheritance ;  to  suffer  indignities  at  the 
hands  of  his  superior,  and  injudiciously  flying  the  scene  to 
become  the  victim  of  still  greater  injustice;  to  be  refused 
redress  of  every  sort  at  the  court  of  the  most  powerful  mon- 


Introduction  xliii 

arch  of  his  time,  and  to  be  driven  from  one  court  to  another 
an  exile  and  fugitive,  seeking  patronage  which  was  grudg- 
ingly granted.  It  is  not  surprising  that  even  in  his  earlier 
years  his  wit  turned  caustic,  his  independence  became  caprice, 
his  observation  developed  into  satire,  his  reason  became  cyn- 
icism. Add  to  all  this  an  inconstant  habit  of  mind,  easily 
overcome  by  ennui,  and  a  tendency  to  seek  diversion  in  fan- 
tastic amusements,  in  coarse  and  sensual  pleasures,  in  familiar 
contact  with  social  inferiors  and  with  savages,  and  the  secret 
of  both  Lahontan's  success  and  failure  is  laid  bare. 

During  his  protracted  sea-voyages,  unending  days  in  wil- 
derness garrisons,  and  long  months  of  campaigning  in  gloomy 
forests,  Lahontan  brooded  upon  the  blemishes  of  civilization, 
contrasting   it   caustically  with   the   simplicity  of     „     ^. 

<3  J  1  •'  Brooding    on 

barbarism,  and   erecting  an  ideal  system  of  sav-    the  blemishes 

.  1.11  1  I  •  11         of  civilization. 

age  perfection,  which  he  used  as  a  whip  to  lash 
the  vices  of  his  time.  With  the  European  passion  for  money, 
he  compares  the  communal  life  of  the  North  American  abo- 
rigine who  seeks  to  satisfy  only  his  immediate  needs,  and 
shares  his  possessions  with  whoever  needs  them  ;  over  against 
the  servile  caste  spirit  of  the  courtier,  he  places  the  proud 
independence  of  each  Indian  warrior ;  with  the  rigid  bonds  of 
the  married  state,  he  contrasts  the  easy  libertinism  of  the  bar- 
barian ;  with  the  elaborate  ritual  and  dogmas  of  the  Church, 
the  primitive  nature  myths  of  the  sons  of  the  forest.  Both 
the  legal  and  medical  professions  stand  for  their  share  of  sar- 
casm—  the  flaws  in  French  jurisprudence  are  ruthlessly  thrust 
forth  to  view,  the  ignorance  and  malpractice  of  European 


xHv  Introduction 

physicians  denounced.  The  comforts  and  luxuries  of  civiliza- 
tion are  ridiculed,  while  the  hardships  and  paucity  of  wilderness 
life  are  minimized.  In  short,  to  quote  the  words  of  his  marvel- 
lous Huronian,  Adario, "  The  Great  Spirit  has  vouchfaf'd  us 
an  honefl  Mould,  while  Wickednefs  neftles  in  yours ;  and  that 
he  fends  you  into  our  Country,  in  order  to  have  an  opportu- 
nity of  Correcting  your  Faults,  and  following  our  Example." 
Lahontan's  scorn  of  civilization  and  exaltation  of  savagery, 
culminate  in  the  famous  Dialogue  between  him  and  Adario  — 
The  Dialogue  ^  bit  of  clever  satire  modelled  on  the  Dialogues  of 
with  Adario.  Lucian,  whom  we  have  seen  was  one  of  our  author's 
favorite  classics.  With  vision  as  keen  as  his  Latin  prototype, 
he  scoffs  at  the  hypocrisies,  shams,  corruptions,  and  other  de- 
formities of  the  world  of  the  seventeenth  century,  in  a  manner 
as  bold  and  with  a  wit  as  incisive  as  his  fellow  satirist  of  the 
second.  Nor  do  the  Voyages  lack  Lucian's  obscenity  and 
occasional  indecency — indeed,  this  is  of  so  gross  a  character 
that  some  critics  have  thought  Lahontan,  the  gentleman, 
scholar,  and  officer,  could  hardly  be  guilty  of  it;  deeming  it 
not  unlikely  that  these  touches  were  either  the  additions 
of  the  English  translator  —  the  Dialogue  is  much  more  ex- 
tended in  the  English  than  in  other  editions  —  or  the  emenda- 
tions of  a  certain  unfrocked  and  ribald  French  friar,  Nicolas 
Gueudeville,  also  a  refugee  in  Holland,  and  well  known  as  a 
political  and  religious  satirist,  as  well  as  a  writer  on  geograph- 
ical discoveries.^     Indeed,  some  authorities  have  credited  to 


1  Nicolas  Gueudeville,  the  son  of  a  Rouen  physician,  was  born  about  1650  or  1654 
—  authorities  differ.  Becoming  a  Benedictine  friar,  he  finally  abjured  Catholicism, 
which  necessitated  his  fleeing  at  once  and  taking  refuge  in  Holland,  where  about  1690 


Introduction  xlv 

Gueudeville  the  entire  book  popularly  attributed  to  Lahontan. 
We  are  not,  however,  inclined  to  this  sweeping  judgment, 
believing  that  the  work  bears  throughout  unmistakable  evi- 
dence of  Lahontan's  hand  —  the  philosophy  of  the  satire 
frequently  crops  out  through  the  most  sober  narrative,  and 
the  historical  facts  and  ethnological  Information  are  clearly 
the  product  of  a  man  of  accurate  observation  thoroughly  con- 
versant with  the  facts.  While  it  Is  of  course  quite  possible 
that  Gueudeville  may  have  assisted  In  sharpening  the  weapon, 
we  have  no  direct  evidence  of  this  fact ;  and  there  Is  no 
doubt  that  the  Dialogue  is  quite  In  accord  with  the  spirit  of 
Lahontan,  hence  may  properly  be  treated  as  substantially  the 
latter's  production. 

Two  suggestions  made  by  our  author  deserve  more  than 
passing  remark,  as  showing  still  further  what  manner  of  man 
he  was,  and  how  the  colony  of  New  France  might  have  bene- 
fited from  the  adoption  of  his  plans.    The  first  con- 

Lahontan's 

cerns  the  project  of  garrisoning  the  upper  lakes,  In    plans  of 
order   to    prevent  Iroquois    Incursions    and   British 
trading  ventures.      The  astute  Frontenac  thought  his  young 
friend's  plan  of  sufficient  importance  to  send  the  author  to 


he  married.  His  publications  were  numerous.  For  several  years  he  edited  at  the 
Hague  a  journal  of  political  satire,  V Esprit  des  cours  de  V Europe,  in  which  the  French 
government  was  violently  attacked.  Suppressed  on  the  instigation  of  that  power, 
Gueudeville  revived  the  sheet  under  a  slight  change  of  title,  and  it  enjoyed  a  large  cir- 
culation. In  1704  he  republished  Lahontan's  Dialogue,  at  Amsterdam;  in  1705,  he 
issued  at  Leyden  a  five-volume  encyclopasdia  of  universal  history  ;  in  Amsterdam, 
1713-21,  there  appeared  his  seven-volume  Atlas  historique,  in  which  figured  Lahon- 
tan's River  Long.  His  translations  of  Plautus,  Erasmus,  etc. ,  were  mediocre,  showing 
a  pen  inferior  to  that  of  Lahontan,  who  had  quite  caught  the  classical  style.  Gueude- 
ville appears  to  have  died  about  1721. 


xlvi  Introduction 

propose  it  at  Versailles.  Had  it  been  carried  out  —  the  im- 
portant portages  guarded,  and  the  trade  concentrated  in 
competent  hands  —  it  is  fair  to  presume  that  the  subsequent 
ruinous  Fox  wars  in  Wisconsin  might  have  been  averted,  the 
integrity  of  New  France  preserved,  and  the  English  defied. 
La  Mothe  Cadillac,  developing  one  portion  of  the  plan, 
secured  the  upper  country  for  New  France  for  nearly  sixty 
years. 

Lahontan's  other  project  was,  to  people  the  sparsely- 
settled  colony  with  the  Huguenot  heretics,  whose  energy, 
industry,  and  steadfastness  went  to  the  building  up  of  the 
,   ,    ,       rivals  and   enemies   of  France.      The  short-sighted 

A  plea  for  <=> 

Huguenot  Louis  would  have  greatly  strengthened  his  hold  upon 
America,  had  his  Protestant  population,  expelled 
from  the  mother  land  through  the  revocation  of  the  edict  of 
Nantes,  been  permitted  to  turn  their  steps  toward  Canada. 
Lahontan's  vision  was  in  this  regard,  however,  in  advance  of 
his  contemporaries. 

There  remains  but  to  notice  a  few  of  the  lesser  points  in 
which  Lahontan  shows  his  sagacity,  foresight,  and  purely 
modern  spirit.  In  an  age  of  cruel  punishments,  he  was 
Lahontan's  humane  beyond  his  time.  He  had  no  patience  with 
qualities.  ^^^q  torture  and  cruelty  of  savage  warfare,  and  its 
imitation  by  the  half-barbarized  frontiersmen  of  New  France. 
The  inquisition,  as  studied  by  him  in  Portugal,  he  denounced 
rather  for  its  cruelties  than  its  intolerance.  He  makes  the 
savage  Adario  inveigh  against  taking  testimony  by  means  of 
the  rack.      In  all  this  sensitiveness  to  physical  suffering  he 


Introduction  xlvii 

shows  the  fineness  of  his  spirit,  and  the  delicacy  of  his  organ- 
ization. Moreover,  while  railing  at  the  prevalent  beliefs  of 
his  time,  he  is  not  himself  intolerant ;  he  has  erected  no 
counter  system  of  philosophy  before  which  his  contempo- 
raries must  bow;  he  sees  good  in  various  systems  of  religion, 
laws,  and  government,  even  while  he  satirizes  their  deformities 
and  extravances. 

In  many  ways  Lahontan  was  a  precursor  of  some  of  the 
great  thinkers  of  the  Revolutionary  period  in  France.  His 
was  not  the  spirit  of  his  own  age  —  the  devout  worshiping  of 
supreme  power  as  vested  in  Louis  XIV,  and  of  supreme 
authority  as  resting  in  the  church  of  Rome.  By  Lahontan's 
nature,  Lahontan  was  an  investigator  and  a  critic,  fn'^j^^nce 
No  institution,  no  custom,  no  mode  of  thought  was  of  his  time. 
by  him  accepted  on  faith  or  by  tradition  —  each  must  run  the 
gauntlet  of  his  reasoning  powers,  and  show  its  worth  in  the 
light  of  cold  rationalism.  His  mind  was  passionately  just; 
in  the  midst  of  his  cynicism  he  is  fair  —  even  the  Jesuits 
receive  from  him  their  meed  of  praise  :  he  admits  their  chas- 
tity and  good  works,  while  despising  what  he  deems  their 
prudery  and  bigotry.  Taking  him  as  a  whole,  Lahontan  was 
a  generation  in  advance  of  his  age.  The  Zeitgeist  from  the 
hills  of  the  future  descended  upon  him.  In  his  hatred  and 
scorn  of  the  current  ecclesiasticism  and  despotism,  he  antici- 
pated Rousseau  ;  his  cynical  criticism  of  existing  institutions 
foreshadowed  Voltaire ;  his  exaltation  of  the  virtues  and 
blessings  of  the  savage  state,  preluded  the  Encyclopedists. 
In  the  Discours  sur  VOrigine  et  les  Fondements  de  VInegalite  parmi 


xlviii  Introduction 

les  ommes,  Rousseau  apparently  borrows  many  ideas  from  La- 
hontan's  Dialogue  ;  Chateaubriand's  gentle  barbarian  Atala 
is  brother  to  the  astute  and  charming  Adario. 

We  have  sought  to  reproduce  the  old  text  as  closely  as 
possible,  with  its  typographic  and  orthographic  peculiarities, 
our  wish  being  to  preserve  the  "  atmosphere  "  of  the  original. 
E„ct  It  has,   however,  been   found    advisable   here    and 

reproduction.  ^\^qj.q  ^q  make  a  few  minor  mechanical  changes; 
these  consist  almost  wholly  of  palpable  blemishes,  the  result 
of  negligent  proof-reading  in  the  edition  followed  —  such  as 
turned  letters,  transposed  letters,  slipped  letters,  and  mis- 
spacings.  Such  corrections  have  been  made  without  specific 
mention ;  but  in  some  instances  the  original  errors  have  been 
retained,  and  in  juxtaposition  the  correction  given  within 
braclcets.  Throughout,  we  indicate  the  pagination  of  the  old 
edition  which  we  are  reprinting,  by  inclosing  within  brackets 
the  number  of  each  page  at  its  beginning,  e.  g.  [75]  ;  in  the  one 
instance,  in  the  second  volume,  where  a  page  was,  as  the  fruit 
of  carelessness  in  make-up,  misnumbered  in  the  original,  we 
have  given  the  incorrect  as  well  as  the  correct  figure,  thus : 
[276,  i.  e.  279]. 

In  the  preparation  for  the  press  of  this  reprint  of  the 
original  London  edition  of  1703,  the  Editor  has  had  through- 
out the  valued  cooperation  of  Louise  Phelps  Kellogg,  Ph.  D., 
his  editorial  assistant  on  the  staflF  of  the  Wisconsin 

Aid 

acknowledged.  HistoHcal  Socicty.  He  is  also  under  especial 
obHgations  to  Victor  Hugo  Paltsits,  of  the  Lenox  Branch 


Introduction  xlix 

of  the  New  York  Public  Library,  whose  careful  and  scientific- 
ally constructed  Bibliography  of  Lahontan  was  prepared  for 
the  present  publication.  As  in  the  case  of  Hennepin,  a  year 
ago,  Mr.  Paltsits  has  here  given  us  the  first  accurate  Bibliog- 
raphy of  this  difficult  subject  thus  far  issued. 

R.  G.  T. 
Madison,  Wis.,  October,  1904. 


LAHONTAN  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

By  Victor  Hugo  Paltsits 

^T^HE  path  trodden  by  the  bibHographer  who  undertakes  a  critical 
-*-  study  of  the  various  editions  of  the  voyages  of  the  Baron  de 
Lahontan  is  beset  with  innumerable  stumbling-blocks.  Vagaries  in 
the  books  themselves ;  imperfections  of  extant  or  available  copies  in 
libraries ;  and  the  fact  that  no  complete  series  exists  in  the  libraries  of 
any  single  city  —  all  these  conditions  he  encounters  in  his  investiga- 
tions. He  discovers  also,  by  the  most  painstaking  analysis,  that  others 
who  have  dealt  with  the  subject  have  tabulated  editions  as  extant 
which  never  existed ;  and  that  numerous  errors  have  been  perpetuated 
by  the  shirking  of  independent  research. 

The  bibliography  presented  herewith  has  been  made  from  the 
books  themselves  —  generally  by  testing  the  collations  by  several  copies. 
Only  by  this  method  has  it  been  possible  to  present  an  almost  defini- 
tive work.  Yet,  after  all  the  care  bestowed,  it  is  not  unlikely,  on 
account  of  the  difficulty  of  finding  immaculate  copies  of  certain  edi- 
tions, that  some  plates  or  maps  are  not  here  recorded.  The  books  of 
Lahontan  have  not  been  collected  with  that  avidity  which  we  find 
elsewhere  evident  in  this  collecting  age. 

The  present  bibliography  differs  from  all  of  its  predecessors,  in  that 
it  gives  an  analysis  of  each  volume  by  its  component  parts,  by  its  pagi- 
nation, by  its  signatures,  and  by  the  location  of  its  plates  and  maps. 
This  is,  to  coin  a  new  term,  anatomical  bibliography,  and  follows  an 
idea  which  I  have  sought,  in  several  similar  monographic  studies,  to 


Hi  Lahontan  Bibliography 

introduce  as  a  more  scholarly  method  in  American  bibliography.  Only 
by  such  means  can  the  librarian,  scholar,  or  collector  ascertain  whether 
his  books  are  perfect,  or  wherein  they  lack  completeness.  The  mere 
lumping  of  pagination  or  plates  falls  far  short  of  usefulness ;  it  is, 
indeed,  a  source  of  irritation  and  annoyance. 

In  Henry  Harrisse's  Notes  sur  la  Nouvelle  France  (Paris,  1872), 
nos.  795-803,  a  brief  summary  of  a  few  editions  of  Lahontan's  work 
was  given,  devoid  of  collations  or  other  bibliographical  data.  Joseph 
Sabin,  in  his  Dictionary  of  Books  relating  to  America,  vol.  x.  (1878), 
pp.  27-32,  gave  the  fullest  record  which  was  printed  up  to  his  time; 
but  he  read  into  his  work  non-extant  editions,  and  distorted  the  facts. 
Justin  Winsor  presented  "A  bibliographical  and  critical  note"  to  his 
Narrative  and  Critical  History  of  America ,  vol.  iv.  (1884),  pp.  257- 
262 ;  it  is,  however,  a  more  or  less  inaccurate  and  incomplete  sum- 
mary. James  Constantine  Pilling  was  the  first  bibliographer  to  get  at 
all  a  proper  grasp  of  the  subject,  in  his  Bibliography  of  the  Algonquian 
Languages  (Washington,  1891),  pp.  288-295,  with  seven  facsimile  title- 
pages  of  the  1703  French  editions.  He  made  some  mistakes,  which 
reappeared  in  Roy  and  Dionne,  who  drew  almost  bodily  from  him. 
J.  Edmond  Roy  appended  a  bibliography  to  his  otherwise  very  impor- 
tant work  on  "  Le  Baron  de  Lahontan,"  published  in  the  Proceedings 
and  Transactions  of  the  Royal  Society  of  Canada  for  1894,  section  i.  His 
monograph  is  divided  into  the  following  divisions:  "  Avant-propos," 
pp.  63-64 ;  genealogy  and  biography  of  Lahontan,  pp.  64-109 ;  exam- 
ination and  critique  of  Lahontan's  book,  pp.  109-165  ;  "  Pieces  Justifi- 
catives"  (documents),  pp.  166-179;  "  Notes  sur  les  diverses  Editions 
des  Ouvrages  de  Lahontan,"  pp.  179-192.  There  is  also  a  separate 
issue  of  his  work  from  the  "  Proceedings,"  with  its  own  printed 
wrapper.  Phileas  Gagnon,  in  his  Essai  de  Bibliographie  Canadienne 
(Quebec,  1895),  item  1922,  summarized  the  bibliography  of  Lahontan 


Lahontan  Bibliography  liii 

in  about  ten  lines.  Narcisse  E.  Dionne  is  the  latest  bibliographer  of 
the  subject,  in  Le  Courrier  du  Livre  (Quebec:  Raoul  Renault,  1899), 
vol.  iii,  pp.  313-326.  His  work  is  merely  a  compilation  from  former 
bibliographies  and  sale-catalogues,  presents  nothing  original,  and  is 
uncritical. 

In  the  present  account,  the  abbreviated  designation  for  the  location 
of  copies  is  explained  by  the  following  key: 

B  =  Boston  Public  Library. 

BA  =  Boston  Athenaeum. 

BE  =  Bureau  of  Ethnology,  Washington,  D.  C. 

BM  =  British  Museum,  London. 

BN  =  Bibliotheque  Nationale,  Paris. 

C  =  Library  of  Congress,  Washington,  D.  C. 

HC  =  Harvard  College  Library,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

JCB  =  John  Carter  Brown  Library,  Providence,  R.  L 

LLQ  =  Legislative  Library,  Quebec. 

LP  =  Library  of  Parliament,  Ottawa. 

LU  =  Laval  University,  Quebec. 

MHS  =  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  Boston. 

NL  =  New  York  Public  Library  (Lenox  Library  Building). 

NYHS  =  New  York  Historical  Society,  New  York  City. 

WHS  =  Wisconsin  Historical  Society,  Madison. 

The  arrangement  pursued  is  chronological,  by  the  imprint  date  of 
each  volume  ;  when  the  volumes  of  an  edition  bear  the  same  date  they 
are  placed  sequentially  under  that  particular  year.  Each  volume,  in 
fact,  has  for  identification  its  own  earmarks. 

It  is  a  pleasure  to  acknowledge  the  special  facilities  afforded  by 
librarians  in  the  prosecution  of  this  work,  and  particularly  to  Mr. 
George  Parker  Winship,  librarian  of  the  Carter  Brown  Library,  and 
Dr.  Herbert  Putnam,  Librarian  of  Congress. 


liv  Lahontan  Bibliography 

1703  —  French  :  Angel  issue  —  Vol.  i. 

Nouveaux  |  Voyages  |  de  I  Mr.  le  Baron  de  Lahontan,  |  dans  I 
TAmerique  |  Septentrionale,  |  Qui  contiennent  une  relation  des  dif- 
ferens  Peuples  |  qui  y  habitent ;  la  nature  de  leur  Gouvernement ; 
leur  I  Commerce,  leurs  Coutumes,  leur  Religion,  &  |  leur  maniere  de 
faire  la  Guerre.  |  L'interet  des  Franfois  &  des  Anglois  dans  le  Com-  | 
merce  qu'ils  font  avec  ces  Nations ;  I'avantage  que  |  I'Angleterre  peut 
retirer  dans  ce  Pais,  etant  |  en  Guerre  avec  la  France.  |  Le  tout  enrichi 
de  Cartes  &  de  Figures.  I  Tome  Premier.  I  [Emblematic  circular  cut  of 
Angel,  etc.,  with  inscription  underneath^  | 

A  La  Haye,  |  Chez  les  Freres  I'Honore,  Marchands  Libraires.  | 
M.  D  c  c  III.  I 

Collation.  —  i2mo;  title,  verso  blank;  "A  sa  Majeste  Frederic  IV," 
pp.  (4);  "Preface,"  pp.  (7);  "Table  des  Lettres  du  Tome  I,"  pp.Cg); 
"  Voyages  "  or  text,  pp.  1-266  ;  "Explication  de  quelques  Termes  qui 
se  trouvent  dans  le  premier  tome,"  pp.  267-279 ;  verso  of  p.  279  blank. 
No  mispaging.  The  2d,  4th,  6th,  8th,  12th,  and  17th  lines  and  place 
and  date  of  imprint  printed  in  red. 

Plates.  —Opposite  pp.  34,  46,  72,  85,  98,  116,  141,  174,  2ii,  226, 
and  242 ;  three  frontispieces,  namely,  a  globe  and  bird  in  a  circle,  an 
Indian  in  an  oval  with  superscription  "Et  leges  et  sceptra  terit,"  and  a 
small  "Carte  generale  de  Canada  a  petit  point;"  also  a  large  folded 
"Carte  que  le  Gnacsitares  ont  dessine,"  etc.,  found  sometimes  opp. 
p.  I,  but  intended  for  p.  136.  In  the  preface  of  this  volume  the  fol- 
lowing note  appears:  "La  Carte  mise  a  la  tete  du  premier  Volume 
doit  se  raporter  a  la  16.  Lettre  du  meme  Volume." 

Signatures.  —  *  in  eleven,  A — L  in  twelves,  M  in  eight.  Sig.  I5 
printed  correctly. 

Copies.  —  BM,  JCB  (the  Globe  and  Indian  frontispieces  mounted), 


Lahontan  Bibliography  \y 

NL  (two,  one  in  perfect  condition,  and  one  lacking  Globe  and  Indian 
frontispieces;  both  copies  bound  in  contemporary  hogskin),  NYHS 
(imperfect  and  otherwise  a  poor  copy). 

1703  —  French:  Angelissue  —  Vol.  2. 

Memoires  |  de  |  TAmerique  |  Septentrionale,  |  ou  la  Suite  |  des 
Voyages  de  Mr.  le  |  Baron  de  Lahontan.  |  Qui  contiennent  la  De- 
fcription  d'une  grande  eten-  I  due  de  Pais  de  ce  Continent,  I'interet 
des  Francois  &  des  1  Anglois,  leurs  Commerces,  leurs  Navigations,  | 
les  Moeurs  &  les  Coutumes  des  Sauvages  &c.  |  Avec  un  petit  Diction- 
aire  de  la  Langue  du  Pais.  |  Le  tout  enrichi  de  Cartes  &  de  Figures.  | 
Tome  Second.  |   \_Same  cut  as  in  first  volume]  \ 

A  La  Haye,  |  Chez  les  Freres  I'Honore,  Marchands  Libraires.  | 
M.  DCCIII.  I 

Collation.  —  i2mo;  title,  verso  blank;  "Memoires,"  pp.  3-194; 
half-title:  "Petit  I  Dictionaire  |  de  la  Langue  |  des  Sauvages,"  on  p. 
[195];  P-  [196]  blank;  "  Petit  Dictionaire,"  pp.  197-220;  "Table  des 
Matieres  contenues  dans  les  deux  tomes,"  pp.  (16).  P.  219  is  mis- 
paged  29.  The  1st,  3d,  6th,  7th,  12th,  and  14th  lines  and  place  and 
date  of  imprint  printed  in  red. 

P/^/fj.  —  Opposite  pp.  95,  125,  133,  148,  155,  160,  185,  187,  188, 
189,  and  191 ;  a  large  folded  "  Carte  generale  de  Canada  Dediee  au  roy. 
de  Danemark,"  opp.  p.  3  ;  two  frontispieces,  namely,  a  globe  and  bird 
in  a  circle,  and  an  Indian  in  an  oval,  exactly  like  these  two  cuts  in  the 
first  volume  of  this  issue. 

Signatures. —  A — I  in  twelves,  K  in  ten. 

Copies.  —  BM.  JCB  (the  Globe  and  Indian  frontispieces  mounted), 
NL  (two,  one  in  perfect  condition,  and  one  lacking  Globe  and  Indian 
frontispieces),  NYHS  (imperfect  and  otherwise  a  poor  copy). 


Ivi  Lahontan  Bibliography 

1703  —  French  :  Angel  issue  —  Vol.  3. 

Suple'ment  |  aux  Voyages  |  du  |  Baron  de  Lahontan,  |  Ou  Ton 
trouve  des  Dialogues  curieux  |  entre  |  I'Auteur  |  et  |  un  Sauvage  | 
De  bon  fens  qui  a  voyage.  |  L'on  y  voit  aufli  plufieurs  Obfervations 
faites  par  le  meme  |  Auteur,  dans  (es  Voyages  en  Portugal,  en  Efpagne, 
I  en  Hollande,  &  en  Dannemarck,  &c.  |  Tome  Troisie'me.  1  Avec 
Figures.  |   {^Same  cut  as  in  vols.  I  and  2  of  Angel  issue\   \ 

A  La  Haye,  |  Chez  les  Freres  I'Honore,  Marchands  Libraires.  | 
M.  DCC.  III.  I 

Collation. —  i2mo;  title,  verso  blank;  "Preface,"  pp.  (12);  "Avis 
De  I'Auteur,  Au  Lecteur,"  pp.  (2);  "Dialogues  Ou  Entretiens  entre 
un  Sauvages,  Et  le  Baron  de  Lahontan,"  pp.  1-103 ;  p.  [104]  blank; 
half-title:  "Voyages  |  Du  |  Baron  de  Lahontan  |  En  |  Portugal,  | 
Et  en  I  Danemarc,"  on  p.  [105];  p.  [106]  blank;  "Voyages  De 
Portugal,  Et  de  Danemarc,"  pp.  107-222.  P.  86  is  mispaged  89. 
Title-page  printed  wholly  in  black. 

Plates.  —  Folded  plates  at  pp.  i,  118,  149,  and  155  ;  folded  maps  of 
Portugal  and  Denmark,  by  N.  de  Fer,  opp.  pp.  107  and  145,  respectively. 

Signatures.  — *  in  eight,  A — I  in  tv^^elves,  K  in  three  (some  copies 
have  a  blank  leaf  to  complete  the  last  signature  in  four) . 

Copies.  — BM,  JCB,  LP. 

1 703  —  French  :  Ornament  issue  —  Vol.  i . 
Nouveaux  |  Voyages  |  de  |  M""  le    Baron   de   Lahontan,  |  dans  | 
I'Amerique  1  Septentrionale,  |  Qui  contiennent  une  Relation   des  dif- 
ferens  |  Peuples  qui  y  habitent ;   la  nature  de  leur  |  Gouvernement ; 
leur  Commerce,  leurs  Coil-  I  tumes,  leur  Religion,  &  leur  maniere  de  | 
faire  la  Guerre.  |  L'interet  des  Fran? ois  &  des  Anglois  dans  le  Commer- 
I  ce  qu'ils  font  avec  ces  Nations;  I'avantage  que  |  I'Angleterre  peut 


Lahontan  Bibliography  Ivii 

retirer  dans  ce  Pais,  etant  |  en  Guerre  avec  la  France.  |  Le  tout  enrichi 
de  Cartes  &  de  Figures.  |  Tome  Premier.  |   \_Ornament]   \ 

A  La  Haye,  |  Chez  les  Freres  rHoncre,  Marchands  Libraires.  | 
M.  DCIII.   I 

Collation.  —  i2mo ;  title,  verso  blank  ;  "  A  sa  Majeste  Frederic  IV," 
pp.  (4);  "  Preface,"  pp.  (7);  "  Table  des  Lettres  du  Tome  I,"  pp.  (11); 
"  Voyages  "  or  text,  pp.  1-266  ;  "  Explication  de  quelques  Termes  qui 
se  trouvent  dans  le  premier  tome,"  pp.  267-279;  verso  of  p.  279  blank. 
Pp.  35,  82,  98,  123,  128,  177,  241,  and  242  are  mispaged  34,  84,  78, 
133,  126,  176,  242,  and  142,  respectively.  The  2d,  4th,  6th,  8th  to 
I2th,  and  i8th  lines  and  place  and  date  of  imprint  printed  in  red. 

Plates.  — Frontispiece  and  opposite  pp.  14,  34,  47,  72,  85,  98,  116, 
141,  155  (really  belongs  in  second  volume  at  that  page),  174,  225,  and 
242;  a  small  "Carte  generale  du  Canada  en  petit  point,"  opp.  p.  9, 
and  folded  "Carte  que  les  Gnacsitares  ont  Dessine,"  etc.,  at  p.  136. 

Signatures.  —  *  in  tvsrelve,  A — L  in  tvi^elves,  M  in  eight.  Sig.  I5  is 
misprinted  I3. 

Copies.—  B,  BA,  JCB,  MHS. 

1703  —  French  :   Ornament  issue  —  Vol.  2. 

Memoires  |  de  |  I'Amerique  |  Septentrionale,  |  ou  la  Suite  des 
Voyages  |  de  |  M""  le  Baron  de  Lahontan.  1  Qui  contiennent  la  De- 
fcription  d'une  grande  |  etendue  de  Pais  de  ce  Continent,  I'interet  | 
des  Franf  ois  &  des  Anglois,  leurs  Com-  |  merces,  leurs  Navigations,  les 
Moeurs  &  1  les  CoQtumes  des  Sauvages  &c.  |  Avec  un  petit  Diction- 
naire  de  la  Langue  du  Pais.  |  Le  tout  enrichi  de  Cartes  &  de  Figures.  | 
Tome  Second.  |  [Ornament]   \ 

A  La  Haye,  |  Chez  les  Freres  I'Honore,  Marchands  Libraires.  | 
M.  DCCIII.   I 


Iviii  Lahontan  Bibliography 

Collation.  — i2mo;  title,  verso  blank;  "  Memoires,"  pp.  3-194 
(mispaged  164);  half-title:  "Petit  |  Dictionaire  |  de  la  Langue  |  des 
Sauvages,"on  p.  [195];  p.  [196]  blank;  "  Petit  Dictionaire,"  pp.  197" 
220;  'Table  des  Matieres  contenues  dans  les  deux  tomes,"  pp.  (17), 
verso  of  last  leaf  blank;  one  blank  leaf  to  complete  sig.  K.  Pp.  167, 
169,  175,  194  and  219  are  mispaged  761,  269,  375,  164,  and  26,  respec- 
tively. The  ist,  3d,  5th,  7th,  13th,  and  15th  lines  and  place  and  date 
of  imprint  printed  in  red. 

P/fl/^j.  —  Opposite  pp.  55,  95,  loi,  125,  130,  151,  i74,  189,  190,  and 
191  ;  a  "  Carte  generale  de  Canada,"  opp.  p.  5. 

Signatures.  —  A— K  in  twelves,  the  last  leaf  blank.  D3  is  printed  in 
small  cap.,  and  F3  is  misprinted  F2.  The  small  printer's  ornament,  or 
fleuron,  differs  in  size  from  that  of  the  first  volume  of  this  issue. 

Coi>w.-B,  BA,  JCB,  MHS. 

1 703  —  French  :  Globe  issue  —  Vol.  i  . 

Nouveaux  |  Voyages  |  de  |  M*"  le  Baron  de  Lahontan,  1  dans  | 
I'Amerique  1  Septentrionale,  |  Qui  contiennent  une  relation  des  dif- 
ferens  Peuples  |  qui  y  habitent ;  la  nature  de  leur  Gouvernement ;  | 
leur  Commerce,  leur  Coutumes,  leur  Reli-  |  gion,  &  leur  maniere  de 
faire  la  Guerre.  |  L'interet  des  Francois  &  des  Anglois  dans  le  Com- 
mer-  |  ce  qu'ils  font  avec  ces  Nations ;  I'avantage  que  1  I'Angleterre 
peut  retirer  dans  ce  Pais,  etant  |  en  Guerre  avec  la  France.  |  Le  tout 
enrichi  de  Cartes  &  de  Figures.  |  Tome  Premier.  1  iCut  of  a  globe]   \ 

A  La  Haye,  |  Chez  les  Freres  I'Honore.  Marchands  Libraire  [sic] 

I   M.  DCCIII.   I 

Collation.  —  i2mo ;  collation  the  same  as  the  "Ornament  "  issue  of 
the  same  year,  with  similar  mispaging  and  signatures. 

Plate.  —  The  plate  for  p.  155  is  sometimes  found  in  this  volume, 
but  really  belongs  in  the  second  volume.     The  title-pages  of  both  vol- 


Lahontan  Bibliography  lix 

umes  of  this  "  Globe  "  issue  are  printed  entirely  in  black  ink,  and  the 
plates  are  superior  to  those  in  the  "  Ornament  "  issue.  The  "  Globe  " 
issue  has  corrections  in  the  place-nomenclature  on  the  maps,  and  some 
additions  of  places  on  these  maps  have  also  been  noticed.  The  "  Orna- 
ment "  issue  has  fancy  initial  letters,  head  and  tail  pieces,  while  the 
"  Globe  "  issue  is  simpler  in  this  respect ;  but  the  two  issues  agree  typo- 
graphically as  to  text,  even  in  broken  letters  and  singular  mispaging. 
Copies.  —  BA,  C,  LLQ,  LU,  NL. 

1 703  —  French  :  Globe  issue  —  Vol.  2. 

Memoires  |  de  |  I'Amerique  |  Septentrionale,  |  ou  la  Suite  des 
Voyages  |  de  1  IVP  le  Baron  de  Lahontan.  |  Qui  contiennent  la  De- 
fcription  d'une  grande  etendue  de  |  Pais  de  ce  Continent,  interet  des 
Francois  &  des  |  Anglois,  leurs  Commerces,  leurs  Navigations,  les  | 
Moeurs  &  les  Coutumes  des  Sauvages,  &c.  |  Avec  un  petit  Dictionnaire 
de  la  Langue  du  Pais.  |  Le  tout  enrichi  de  Cartes  &  de  Figures.  | 
Tome  Second.  |   \_Cut  of  a  globe]  \ 

A  La  Haye,  |  Chez  les  Freres  I'Honore,  Marchand  [sic]  Libraires. 

I   M.  DCCIII.  I 

Collation.  —  i2mo.  The  plate  which  is  found  in  the  "  Ornament  " 
issue  of  this  volume  opposite  p.  55  is  properly  placed  at  p.  155  in  this 
"  Globe  "  issue. 

Plates.  —  "Lac  des  Outagamis  "  and  another  plate  containing  a 
bow,  hatchet,  etc.,  and  scenes  in  Indian  warfare  and  cruelty,  are  not 
found  similarly  located  in  several  copies  examined ;  the  former  appears 
to  belong  opp.  p.  165,  and  the  latter  opp.  p.  174. 

Signatures.  —  Some  copies  have  p.  2i8  misprinted  418,  and  the  sig- 
nature mark  D3  is  not  printed  in  small  caps,  as  in  the  "Ornament" 
issue,  but  sig.  F3  is  misprinted  F2. 

Copies.  —  BA,  C,  LLQ,  LU,  NL. 


Ix  Lahontan  Bibliography 

1703  —  English  —  Vol.  i.^ 
New  1  Voyages  I  to  I  North-America.  |  Containing  I  An  Account 
of  the  feveral  Nations  of  that  vaft  Con-  |  tinent ;  their  Cufloms,  Com- 
merce, and  Way  of  |  Navigation  upon  the  Lakes  and  Rivers ;  the  feve- 

I  ral  Attempts  of  the  Englifh  and  French  to  difpoffefs  |  one  another ; 
with  the  Reafons  of  the  Mifcarriage  |  of  the  former ;  and  the  various 
Adventures  be-  |  tween  the  French,  and  the  Iroquefe  Confederates  of  | 
England,  from  1683  to  1694.  I  ^  Geographical  Defcription  of  Canada, 
and  a  Natu-  |  ral  Hiflory  of  the  Country,  with  Remarks  upon  |  their 
Government,  and  the  Interefl  of  the  Englifh  |  and  French  in  their 
Commerce.  |  Alfo  a  Dialogue  between  the  Author  and  a  General  of 
the  I  Savages,  giving  a  full  View  of  the  Religion  and  flrange  |  Opin- 
ions of  thofe  People :  With  an  Account  of  the  Au-  |  thors  Retreat  to 
Portugal  and  Denmark  and  his  Remarks  |  on  thofe  Courts.  |  To 
which  is  added,  |  A  Dictionary  of  the  Algonkine  Language,  which  is 
generally  |  fpoke  in  North-America.  |  lUuftrated  with  Twenty  Three 
Mapps  and  Cutts.  I  Written  in  French  |  By  the  Baron  Lahontan, 
Lord  Lievtenant  |  of  the  French  Colony  at  Placentia  in  New-  | 
foundland,  now  in  England.  |  Done  into  Englifh.  |  In  Two  Volumes. 

I  A  great  part  of  which  never  Printed  in  the  Original.  | 

London:   Printed  for  H.  Bonwicke  in  St.  Paul's  Church-yard;  | 
T.  Goodwin,  M.  Wotton,  B.  Tooke,  in  Fleetflreet ;  and  S.  Manfhip 

I  in  Cornhil,  1703.  I 

Collation.  — Svo;  title,  verso  blank;  "To  His  Grace  William 
Duke  of  Devonshire,"  pp.  (2);  "The  Preface,"  pp.  (8);  "  The  Con- 
tents," pp.  (12);  "Some  New  Voyages"  pp.  1-202 ;  "Memoirs  of 
North-America,"  pp.  203-274 ;  "A  Table  explaining  some  Terms 
made  use  of  in  both  Volumes,"  pp.  275-280;  "Books  lately  Printed, 


1  This  is  the  original  English  edition  which  is  herewith  reprinted. 


Lahontan  Bibliography  Ixi 

&c.,"  p.  (i);  one  blank  page.  No  mispaging.  The  "  Table"  ends 
in  the  midst  of  the  letter  "T"  on  p.  280,  and  there  is  a  superfluous 
catch-word  "  THE  "  at  the  foot  of  that  page. 

P/a/w.  —  Opposite  pp.  26,  43,  55,  65,  75,  89,  106,  160,  184  and 
225  (map  of  Newfoundland);  a  small  full-page  map  of  Canada  to  face 
the  title-page,  and  two  large  folded  maps  to  face  p.  i,  as  follows  :  (A) 
"  A  General  Map  of  New  France  Com,  call'd  Canada,"  (B)  "A  Map 
drawn  upon  Stag-skins  byy^  Gnacfitares,"  etc. 

Signatures.  —  A  in  eight,  a  in  four,  B — S  in  eights,  T  in  four,  and 
one  advertisement  leaf. 

Copies.— B,  HC,  JCB,  MHS,  NL  (three),  WHS. 

The  following  extract  from  the  preface  of  this  volume  is  worthy  of 
notice  here : 

While  my  Book  was  a  Printing  in  Holland,  I  was  in  England  ;  and  as  soon 
as  it  appear'd,  several  English  Gentlemen  of  a  distinguishing  Merit,  who  understand 
the  French  as  well  as  their  Mother  Tongue,  gave  me  to  know,  that  they  would  be 
glad  to  see  a  more  ample  Relation  of  the  Manners  and  Customs  of  the  People  of  that 
Continent,  whom  we  call  by  the  name  of  Savages.  This  oblig'd  me  to  communicate 
to  these  Gentlemen,  the  substance  of  the  several  Conferences  I  had  in  that  Country 
with  a  certain  Huron,  whom  the  French  call  Rat.  While  I  stay'd  at  that  American's 
Village,  I  imploy'd  my  time  very  agreeably  in  making  a  careful  Collection  of  all  his 
Arguments  and  Opinions  ;  and  as  soon  as  I  return'd  from  my  Voyage  upon  the  Lakes 
of  Canada,  I  shew'd  my  Manuscript  to  Count  Frontenac,  who  was  so  pleas'd  with  it, 
that  he  took  the  pains  to  assist  me  in  digesting  the  Dialogues,  and  bringing  them  into 
the  order  they  now  appear  in  :  For  before  that,  they  were  abrupt  Conferences  without 
Connexion.  Upon  the  Solicitation  of  these  English  Gentlemen,  I've  put  these  Dia- 
logues into  the  hands  of  the  Person  who  translated  my  Letters  and  Memoirs  :  And  if 
it  had  not  been  for  their  pressing  Instances,  they  had  never  seen  the  light  ;  for  there 
are  but  few  in  the  World  that  will  judge  impartially,  and  without  prepossession,  of 
some  things  contained  in  'em. 

I  have  likewise  intrusted  the  same  Translator  with  some  Remarks  that  I  made 
in  Portugal,  and  Denmark,  when  I  fled  thither  from  Newfound-Land.  There  the 
Reader  will  meet  with  a  description  of  Lisbon  and  Copenhagen,  and  of  the  capital 
City  of  Arragon. 

To  the  Translation  of  my  first  Volume,  I  have  added  an  exact  Map  of  Newfound- 
Land,  which  was  not  in  the  Original.     I  have  likewise  corrected  almost  all  the  Cuts 


Ixii  Lahontan  Bibliography 

of  the  Holland  Impression,  for  the  Dutch  Gravers  had  murder'd  'em,  by  not  under- 
standing their  Explications,  which  were  all  in  French.  They  have  grav'd  Women  for 
Men,  and  Men  for  Women  ;  naked  Persons  for  those  that  are  cloath'd,  and  e  Contra. 
As  for  the  Maps,  the  Reader  will  find  'em  very  exact ;  And  I  have  taken  care  to  have 
the  Tracts  of  my  Voyages  more  nicely  delineated,  than  in  the  Original. 


1703  — English  — Vol.  2. 

New  I  Voyages  |  to  |  North-America.  |  Giving  a  full  Account  of 
the  Cuftoms,  |  Commerce,  Religion,  and  ftrange  O-  |  pinions  of  the 
Savages  of  that  Country.  |  With  |  Political  Remarks  upon  the  Courts 
I  of  Portugal  and  Denmark,  and  the  Prefent  |  State  of  the  Commerce 
of  thofe  Countries.  |  Never  Printed  before.  |  Written  |  By  the  Baron 
Lahontan,  Lord  |  Lieutenant  of  the  French  Colony  at  |  Placentia  in 
Newfoundland :  Now  in  |  England.  |  Vol.  IL  | 

London :  |  Printed  for  H.  Bonwicke  in  St.  Paul's  Church-yard ; 
T.  Goodwin,  |  M.  Wotton,  B.  Tooke  in  Fleetftreet ;  and  S.  Manfhip 
in  Cornhil,  |  1703.  | 

Collation.  —  8vo ;  title,  verso  blank;  "A  Discourse,"  pp.  1-89; 
"A  Conference  or  Dialogue,"  pp.  90-183;  p.  [184]  blank;  "An  Ap- 
pendix, Containing  Some  New  Voyages  to  Portugal  and  Denmark," 
pp.  185-286;  "A  Short  Dictionary  Of  the  most  Universal  Language 
of  the  Savages,"  pp.  287-302 ;  "The  Index,"  pp.  (13);  one  blank 
page.  The  second  figure  of  the  paging  of  p.  43  is  inverted  and  p.  279 
is  misprinted  276.  Sets  of  this  edition  are  usually  very  much  mixed  up 
in  the  arrangement  of  the  preliminary  and  end  leaves,  and  the  majority 
of  copies  examined  lacked  the  frontispiece  to  the  second  volume. 

Plates.  —  Frontispiece  containing  an  Indian  within  an  oval,  having 
the  superscription  "  Et  Leges  et  Sceptra  terit  ";  and  opposite  pp.  5,  29, 
36,  51,  59  (two),  80,  82,  84  and  86. 

Signatures.  —  Title-page,  Aa — Sf  in  eights,  Tt  in  seven,  Vv  in  seven. 


Lahontan  Bibliography  Ixiii 

Copies. — B  (with  frontispiece),  HC  (lacks  front.),  JCB  (with 
front.),  MHS  (lacks  front.),  NL  (two,  both  lack  front.),  WHS  (lacks 
front.). 

1704— French  — Vol.  i. 

Nouveaux  |  Voyages  |  de  Mr  le  Baron  |  de  Lahontan  |  dans  | 
I'Amerique  |  Septentrionale.  |  Qui  contiennent  une  relation  des  dif- 
ferens  Peu-  |  pies  qui  y  habitent,  la  nature  de  leur  Gouver-  |  nement, 
leur  Commerce,  leur  Coutume,  leur  |  Religion,  &  leur  maniere  de  faire 
la  Guerre.  |  L'interet  des  Franfois  &  des  Anglois  dans  le  |  Commerce 
qu'ils  font  avec  ces  Nations,  I'a-  |  vantage  que  I'Angleterre  peut  retirer 
dans  ce  |  Pais,  etant  en  Guerre  avec  la  France.  |  Le  tout  enrichi  de 
Cartes  &  de  Figures.  |  Tome  Premier.  |   [Small  ornament}   | 

A  La  Haye,  |  Chez  les  Freres  Lhonore',  Marchands  Libraires.  | 
M.  DCCIV.   I 

Collation.  —  i2mo  ;  title,  verso  blank  ;  "  A  sa  Majeste  Frederic  IV," 
pp.  (2);  "  Preface,"  pp.  (5);  "  Table  desLettres  du  L  Tome,"  pp.  (9); 
"Voyages,"  pp.  1-266;  "Explication  de  quelques  Termes,"  pp.  267- 
280.     P.  82  is  misprinted  84.     The  title-page  printed  wholly  in  black. 

Plates.  —  Frontispiece  of  an  Indian  in  an  oval,  and  opposite  pp.  14, 
34,  47,  72,  85,  98,  116,  141,  174,  225  and  242;  a  small  "Carte 
generale  du  Canada  en  petit  point "  opp.  p.  i  of  the  text ;  a  folded  map 
opp.  p.  136,  entitled:    "Carte  que  les  Gnacsitares  ont  Dessine,"  etc. 

Signatures. —  A — M  in  twelves,  N  in  six  (the  last  leaf  blank). 
Sig.  E5  is  misprinted  Ee. 

Copies.— JCB,  LP. 

1704  —  French  — Vol.  2. 

Memoires  |  de  |  I'Amerique  |  Septentrionale,  |  ou  |  la  Suite  des 
Voyages  |  de  |  Mr  le  Baron  de  Lahontan.  |  Qui  contiennent  la  De- 


Ixiv  Lahontan  Bibliography 

fcription  d'une  |  grande  etendue  de  pais  de  ce  Conti-  |  nent,  Pinteret  des 
Francois  &  des  An-  |  glois,  leurs  Commerces,  leurs  Na-  |  vigations,  les 
Moeurs  &  les  Coutu-  |  mes  des  Sauvages,  &c.  |  Avec  un  petit  Diction- 
naire  de  la  Langue  du  Pais.  |  Le  tout  enrichi  de  Cartes  &  de  Figures.  | 
Et  augmente  dans  ce  (econd  Tome  de  la  ma-  |  niere  dont  les  Sauvages 
fe  regalent.  |   [Small  ornament,  same  as  in  vol.  /]  | 

A  La  Haye,  |  Chez  les  Freres  Lhonore',  Marchands  Libraires.  | 
M.  DCCIV.  I 

Collation. — 8vo;  title,  verso  blank;  "Memoires,"  pp.  3-198; 
"Petit  Dictionaire,"  pp.  199-222;  "Table  des  Matieres,"  pp.  (18). 
Pagination  of  p.  loi  imperfectly  printed  10.  Title-page  printed  wholly 
in  black. 

Plates.  —  Opposite  pp.  95,  98,  lOi,  125,  130.  I5i.  I55>  167,  185, 
189,  190,  and  191;  a  folded  "Carte  generale  de  Canada"  opp.  p.  5. 

Signatures.  —  A — K  in  twelves. 

Copies.  — ]CB,  LP. 

1704  —  French  —  Vol.  3. 

Suite  I  Du  I  Voyage,  |  De  I'Amerique,  |  Ou  Dialogues  |  De  Mon- 
fieur  le  |  Baron  de  Lahontan  |  Et  d'un  |  Sauvage,  |  Dans  I'Amerique. 
Contenant  une  defcription  |  exacte  des  moeurs  &  des  coutumes  de  ces 
I  Peuples  Sauvages.  |  Avec  les  Voyages  du  meme  en  Portgugal  &  en  | 
Danemarc,  dans  lefquels  on  trouve  des  parti-  |  cularitez  tres  curieufes, 
&  qu'on  n'avoit  1  point  encore  remarquees.  |  Le  tout  enrichi  de  Cartes 
&  de  Figures.  |   \_Small  scrolled  ornament^  \ 

A  Amsterdam,  |  Chez  la  Veuve  de  Boeteman,  |  Et  fe  vend  |  A 
Londres,  chez  David  Mortier,  Li-  |  braire  dans  le  Strand,  a  I'Enfeigne 
d'Erafme.  |  M.  DCCIV.  | 

Collation.  —  i2mo;  title,  verso  blank;  "  Preface,"  pp.  (12);  "Avis 


Lahontan  Bibliography  Ixv 

De  I'Auteur  Au  Lecteur,"  pp.  (2);  "Dialogues,"  pp.  1-103;  p.  [104] 
blank;  half-title:  "Voyages  |  Du  |  Baron  de  Lahontan  |  En  Por- 
tugal, I  Et  en  I  Danemarc,"  on  p.  [105];  p.  [106]  blank;  text  of 
"Voyages,"  pp.  107-222.  P.  86  is  mispaged  89.  The  ist,  3d,  5th, 
7th,  and  9th  lines  and  place  of  imprint  printed  in  red. 

Plates.  — Opposite  pp.  i,  118,  149,  and  155;  a  map  of  Portugal  at 
p.  107,  and  a  map  of  Denmark  at  p.  145. 

Signatures.  —  *  in  eight,  A — I  in  twelves,  K  in  three.  This  volume 
is  merely  a  reissue  of  the  original  sheets  of  the  1703  edition  of  the  Supl'e- 
ment,  with  a  new  title-page.  We  have  seen  sets  of  the  "Angel  issue  " 
of  vols.  I  and  2  accompanied  by  the  1703  edition  of  the  Supl'ement ;  by  the 
1704  Suite,  and  by  the  issue  of  1704  called  Dialogues  {vide  next  item). 

Copies.  —  LLQ,  NL. 

1704  —  French  :  Dialogues  issue  —  Vol.  3. 

Dialogues  |  De  Monfieur  le  |  Baron  de  Lahontan  |  Et  d'un  | 
Sauvage,  |  Dans  I'Amerique.  |  Contenant  une  defcription  exacte  des 
moeurs  |  &  des  coutumes  de  ces  Peuples  Sauvages.  |  Avec  les  Voyages 
du  meme  en  Portugal  &  en  |  Danemarc,  dans  lefquels  on  trouve  des 
parti-  I  cularitez  tres  curieuses,  &  qu'on  n'avoit  |  point  encore  remar- 
quees.  |  Le  tout  enrichi  de  Cartes  &  de  Figures.  |   \_Cut,  a  vase  of  flowers\ 

A  Amsterdam,  |  Chez  la  Veuve  de  Boeteman,  |  Et  fe  vend  |  A 
Londres,  chez  David  Mortier,  Li-  |  braire  dans  le  Strand,  a  1'  Enfeigne 
d'  Erafme.  |  M.  DCCIV.  I 

Collation.  —  This  is  a  separate  issue  of  the  Suite  Du  Voyage  of  this 
year,  which  as  already  shown  in  loco  is  merely  the  sheets  of  the  1703 
original  with  a  new  title-page. 

Copies.  — BM,  C,  JCB,  NL  (two). 


Ixvi  Lahontan  Bibliography 

1705  —  French:  Jonas  VHonore  —  Vol.  i. 

Voyages  |  du   Baron  |  de  La   Hontan  |  dans  |  I'Amerique  |  Sep- 

tentrionale,  |  Qui  contiennent  une  Relation  des  differens  Peuples  |  qui 

y  habitent ;  la  nature  de  leur  Gouvernement ;   leur  |  Commerce,  leur 

Coutumes,  leur  Religion,  &  |  leur  maniere  de  faire  la  Guerre :  |  L'ln- 

teret  des  Franfois  &  des  Anglois  dans  le  Com-  |  merce  qu'ils  font  avec 

ces  Nations  ;  I'avantage  que  |  I'Angleterre  peut  retirer  de  ce  Pais,  etant 

I  en  Guerre  avec  la  France.  |  Le  tout  enrichi  de  Cartes  &  de  Figures. 

I  Tome  Premier.  |  Seconde  Edition,  revue,  corrigee,  &  augmentee.  | 

{.Cut,  with  emblematic  scene,  globe,  pillar  and  figures\  \ 

A  La  Haye,  |  Chez  Jonas  I'Honore,  &  Compagnie.  |  mdccv.  | 
Collation.  —  i2mo  ;  engraved  frontispiece,  w^ith  title:  "  Nouveaux 
I  Voyages  |  du  Barron  1  de  Lahontan  ";  title,  verso  blank;  "Preface," 
pp.  (8);  "Table  des  Lettres  du  Tome  Premier,"  pp.  (8);  "Voyages" 
or  text,  pp.  [i]-364;  "  Explication  de  quelques  Termes,"  pp.  365-376. 
No  mispaging.  The  ist,  3d,  5th,  6th,  nth  to  14th,  and  i6th  lines  and 
place  and  date  of  imprint  printed  in  red.  In  some  copies,  if  not  indeed 
in  all,  the  paper  of  signatures  N — P  (pp.  289-360)  is  browned. 

Pto«.  —  Opposite  pp.  I,  38,  53,  82,  91,  118,  127,  174,  244,  303, 
324,  and  340;  a  folded  "Carte  que  les  Gnacsitares  ont  dessine,"  etc., 
opp.  p.  I.     The  only  characteristic  variation  between  the  Jonas  and 
Franfois  I'Honore  issues  of  this  year  seems  to  be  their  title-pages. 
Signatures.  —  *  in  nine,  A — P  in  twelves,  Q  in  eight. 
Copies.— "QM,  JCB,  NL,  NYHS  (imperfect). 

1 705  —  French  :   Jonas  VHonore  —  VoL.  2. 

Memoires  |  de  |  I'Amerique  |   Septentrionale,  |   ou  la  Suite  |   des 

Voyages  de  Mr.  le  |  Baron  de  La  Hontan:  |  Qui  contiennent  la  De- 

fcription  d'une  grande  etendue  |  de  Pais  de  ce  Continent,  I'interet  des 

Franfois  &  des  |  Anglois,  leurs  Commerces,  leurs  Navigations,  |  les 


Lahontan  Bibliography  Ixvii 

Moeurs  &  les  Coutumes  des  Sauvages,  &c.  |  Avec  un  petit  Dictionaire 
de  la  Langue  du  Pais.  |  Le  tout  enrichi  de  Cartes  &  de  Figures.  | 
Tome  Second.  |  Seconde  Edition,  augmentee  des  Conversations  de  | 
I'Auteur  avec  un  Sauvage  diftingue.  |   \_Same  cut  as  in  first  volume]  \ 

A  Amsterdam,  |  Pour  Jonas  THonore  a  la  Haye.  |  M  DCC  v.  | 

Collation.  —  i2mo;  title,  verso  blank;  "Memoires,"  pp.  5-196; 
"  Conversations  de  I'Auteur  de  ces  Voyages  avec  Adario,"pp.  197-310; 
half-title:  "Dictionaire  |  de  la  Langue  |  des  Sauvages,"  on  p.  [311]; 
p.  [312]  blank;  "Dictionaire,"  pp.  313-336;  "Table  Des  Matieres 
principales  contenues  dans  ce  II  Volume,"  pp.  (2).  No  mispaging. 
The  1st,  3d,  6th,  7th,  12th,  and  14th  lines  and  place  and  date  of  im- 
print printed  in  red. 

Plates.— Opposite  pp.  95,  104,  125,  129,  133,  148,  155,  160,  185, 
187,  189,  and  191;  frontispiece  "Carte  Generale  de  Canada  a  petit 
point,"  and  a  large  folded  "  Carte  Generale  de  Canada  "  opp.  p.  5. 

Signatures. — Title-page,  A3 — [A12] ,  B — O  in  twelves,  P  in  one. 

Co^-«.— BM,  JCB.NL. 

1705  —  French:  Francois  V Honor'e  —  VOL.  I. 

Voyages  |  du  Baron  |  de  La  Hontan  |  dans  |  I'Amerique  |  Sep- 
tentrionale,  |  Qui  contiennent  une  Relation  des  difierens  Peuples  | 
qui  y  habitent;  la  nature  de  leur  Gouvernement;  leur  |  Commerce, 
leurs  Coutumes,  leur  Religion,  &  |  leur  maniere  de  faire  la  Guerre:  | 
L'Interet  des  Francois  &  des  Anglois  dans  le  Com-  |  merce  qu'ils  font 
avec  ces  Nations;  I'avantage  que  |  I'Angleterre  peut  retirer  de  ce  Pais, 
etant  |  en  Guerre  avec  la  France.  |  Le  tout  enrichi  de  Cartes  &  de 
Figures.  |  Tome  Premier.  |  Seconde  Edition,  revue,  corrigee,  &  aug- 
mentee. I    \_Emblematic  cut,  a  globe  with  five  figures  seated  near  a  colutnni  \ 

A  Amsterdam,  |  Chez  Franfois  I'Honore  vis-a-vis  de  la  Bourfe.  | 
M  D  CC  V.  I 


Ixviii  Lahontan  Bibliography 

Collation.  —  i2mo;  engraved  frontispiece,  with  title:  "Nouveaux  I 
Voyages  |  du  Barron  |  de  Lahontan";  title,  verso  blank;  "Preface," 
pp.  (8);  "Table  des  Lettres  du  Tome  Premier,"  pp.  (8);  "Voyages" 
or  text,  pp.  [i] — 364;  "Explication  de  quelques  Termes,"  pp.  365- 
376.  No  mispaging.  The  ist,  3d,  5th,  6th,  nth  to  14th,  and  i6th 
lines  and  place  and  date  of  imprint  printed  in  red. 

Plates. — Opposite  pp.  i,  38,  53,  82  (corrected  from  72),  91,  118, 
127,  174,  244,  303,  324,  and  340;  a  folded  "  Carte  que  les  Gnacsitares 
ont  dessine,"  etc.,  opp.  p.  i ,  but  often  found  at  some  other  location  in  the 
volume.  The  only  characteristic  variation  between  the  Franfois  and 
Jonas  I'Honore  issues  of  this  year  seems  to  be  their  title-pages. 

Signatures.  — *  in  nine,  A — P  in  twelves,  Q  in  eight. 

Copies.  — B,  BM,  C,  HC. 

1705  —  French  :  Francois  VHonor'e  —  VOL.  2. 
Memoires  |  de  |  I'Amerique  1  Septentrionale,  |  ou    la    suite  |  des 
Voyages  de  Mr.  le  Baron  de  La  Hontan  :  |  Qui  contiennent  la  De- 
fcription  d'une  grande  etendue  |  de  Pais  de  ce  Continent,  I'interet  des 
Francois  &  des  |  Anglois,  leurs  Commerces,   leurs  Navigations,  I  les 
Moeurs  &  les  Coutumes  des  Sauvages,  &c.  |  Avec  un  petit  Dictionaire 
de  la  Langue  du  Pais.  |  Le  tout  enrichi  de  Cartes  &  de  Figures.  | 
Tome  Second.  |  Seconde  Edition,  augmentee  des  Conversations  de  | 
I'Auteur  avec  un  Sauvage  diftingue.  |   [_Same  cut  as  in  first  volume'}  | 
A  Amsterdam,  |  Chez  Franfois  I'Honore  &Compagnie.|  M  DCC  v.  | 
Collation.  —  i2mo;   title,   verso   blank;    "Memoires,"  pp.  5-196; 
"  Conversations,"  pp.  197-310;  half-title:  Dictionare  |  de  la  Langue  | 
des  Sauvages,"  on  p.  [311];  p.  [312]  blank;  "Dictionaire,"  pp.  313- 
336;  "Table  Des  Matieres  principales  contenues  dans  ce  II  Volume," 
pp.  (2).     No  mispaging.     The  ist,  3d,  6th,  7th,  12th,  and  14th  lines 
and  place  and  date  of  imprint  printed  in  red. 


Lahontan  Bibliography  Ixix 

/'/<7/fj.  —  Opposite  pp.  95,  104,  125,  129,  133,  148,  155,  160,  185, 
187,  189,  and  191;  frontispiece  "Carte  Generale  de  Canada  a  petit 
point,"  and  large  folded  "Carte  generale  du  Canada  "  opp.  p.  5,  but 
having  the  location  mark  "  Pag:  i  "  engraved  upon  it. 

Signatures.  —  A — O  in  twelves,  P  in  one. 

Copies.  — B,  BM,  C,  HC  (lacks  large  map). 

1705  —  English:  Extract. 

A  Voyage  to  North  America.  Or  a  Geographical  Defcription  of 
Canada.  By  the  Baron  La  Hontan,  Lord  Lieutenant  of  the  French 
Colony  at  Placentia  in  Newfound-Land. 

The  above  title  is  the  heading  of  chap,  xvi  of  the  original  folio 
edition  of  John  Harris's  Navigantium  atqiie  Itinerantium  Bibliotheca  : 
Or,  a  Complcat  Collection  of  Voyages  and  Travels :  .  .  .  Volume  II. 
(London:  Printed  for  Thomas  Bennet  .  .  .  mdccv).  The  com- 
plete extract  from  Lahontan  is  embraced  by  Harris's  chapters  xvi-xxvi, 
or  pp.  915-928. 

The  revised  editions  of  Harris  (edited  by  J.  Campbell),  published 
in  1 744-1 748  and  1764,  do  not  contain  these  excerpts. 

1706  —  French  — Vol.  i. 

Voyages  f  cfu  Baron  |  de  La  Hontan  |  dans  |  I'Amerique  |  Sep- 
tentrionale,  |  Qui  contiennent  une  Relation  des  differens  Peuples  | 
qui  y  habitent ;  la  nature  de  leur  Gouvernement  ;  leur  |  Commerce, 
leurs  Coutumes,  leur  Religion ;  &  |  leur  maniere  de  faire  la  Guerre :  | 
L'Interet  des  Francois  &  des  Anglois  dans  le  Com-  |  merce  qu'ils  font 
avec  ces  Nations  ;  I'avantage  que  |  I'Angleterre  peut  retirer  de  ce  Pais, 
etant  |  en  Guerre  avec  la  France.  |  Le  tout  enrichi  de  Cartes  &  de 
Figures.  |  Tome  Premier.  |  Seconde  Edition,  revue,  corrige,  &  aug- 
mentee.  |   \_Cut  of  three  cherubs'\  \ 


Ixx  Lahontan  Bibliography 

A  La  Haye,  |  Chez  Charles  Delo,  fur  le  Singel.  |  MDCCVI.  | 
This  edition  is  merely  a  reissue  from  the  same  sheets  of  the  two 
1705  issues  of  Franfois  and  Jonas  I'Honore,  with  which  it  agrees  in 
collation ;  even  the  paper  of  signatures  N — P  is  browned  as  in  them, 
and  all  typographical  peculiarities  are  repeated  in  the  body  of  both 
volumes. 

Copies.  —  BA  (lacks  many  plates  and  the  large  map),  JCB,  NL. 

1 706  —  French  —  Vol.  2. 

Memoires  |  de  |  I'Amerique  |  Septentrionale,  |  ou  la  Suite  |  des 
Voyages  de  Mr.  le  |  Baron  de  La  Hontan :  |  Qui  contiennent  la  De- 
fcription  d'une  grande  etendue  |  de  Pais  de  ce  continent,  I'interet  des 
Franfois  &  des  |  Anglois,  leurs  Commerces,  leurs  Navigations,  |  les 
Moeurs  &  les  Coutumes  des  Sauvages,  &c.  |  Avec  un  petit  Dictionaire 
de  la  Langue  du  Pais.  |  Tome  Second.  |  Seconde  Edition,  augmente 
des  Conversations  |  de  I'Auteur  avec  un  Sauvage  diftingue.  |  [C«/  of 
two  cherubs  bearing  the  host^  \ 

A  La  Haye,  |  Chez  Charles  Delo,  fur  le  Singel.  |  MDCCVi.  | 

This  edition  is  merely  a  reissue  from  the  same  sheets  of  the  two 
1705  issues  of  Franfois  and  Jonas  I'Honore,  with  which  it  agrees  in 
collation. 

Copies.  —  BA  (lacks  many  plates  and  the  large  map),  JCB,  NL. 

1707  —  French  —  Vol.  i. 

Nouveaux  |  Voyages  |  de  Monsieur  |  le  Baron  de  Lahontan,  I 
dans  1  I'Amerique  |  Septentrionale,  |  Qui  contiennent  une  Relation 
des  difife-  |  rens  Peuples  qui  y  habitent,  la  nature  1  de  leur  Gouverne- 
ment,  leur  Commerce,  |  leurs  Coiatumes,  leur  Religion,  &  leur  |  ma- 
niere  de  faire  la  Guerre.  |  L'interet  des  Francois  &  des  Anglois  dans  le 
I  Commerce  qu'ils  font  avec  ces  Nations;  |  I'avantage  que  la  France, 


Lahontan  Bibliography  Ixxi 

peut  retirer  dans  ce  |  Pais,  etant  en  Guerre  avec  I'Angleterre.  |  Le 
tout  enrichi  de  Cartes  &  de  Figures.  |  Tome  Premier.  |   \Floral  cui\   \ 

A  La  Haye,  |  Chez  Isaac  Delorme,  Libraire.  |  m.  dccvii.  | 

Collation. —  i2mo  ;  title,  verso  blank  ;  "  A  sa  Majeste  Frederic  IV," 
pp.  (4);  "  Preface,"  pp.  (6);  "Table  des  Lettres  du  tome  I,"  pp.  (6); 
"Voyages,"  pp.  1-342;  "Explication  de  quelques  Termes  qui  se 
trouvent  dans  le  premier  Tome,"  pp.  343~354 ;  "Table  des  Matieres 
contenues  dans  le  premier  Tome,"  pp.  (12).  Pp.  22,  190,  191,  193, 
218,  282,  and  283  are  mispaged  72,  192,  193,  195,  198,  284,  and  285, 
respectively.     Title-page  printed  wholly  in  black. 

Plates.  —  The  copy  in  the  Library  of  Congress,  the  only  one  I  have 
been  able  to  examine,  evidently  lacks  six  plates  and  two  maps.  It  has 
a  frontispiece  of  an  Indian  in  an  oval,  and  plates  opposite  pp.  47,  loi, 
119,  161,  and  313.  Two  leaves  from  sig.  E  (pp.  107-110)  are  also 
wanting  in  that  copy. 

Signatures.  —  Title,  a  in  eight,  A — B  in  sixes,  b  in  twelve,  C — P  in 
twelves,  Q  in  four  (last  leaf  blank).  Fs  printed  Fv ;  I4  printed  liiij ; 
I5  printed  Iv. 

Copies.  —  C  (imperfect). 

1 708  —  French  —  Vol.  2. 

Memoires  |  de  |  I'Amerique  |  Septentrionale,  I  ou  la  Suite  des 
Voyages  I  de  Monsieur  |  le  Baron  de  Lahontan,  |  qui  contiennent  | 
La  Defcription  d'une  grande  etendue  de  |  Pais  de  ce  Continent, 
I'interet  des  |  Franfois  &  des  Anglois,  leurs  Com-  |  merces,  leurs  Nav- 
igations, les  Moeurs  |  &  les  Coutumes  des  Sauvages  &c.  |  Avec  un 
Dictionnaire  de  la  Langue  du  Pais.  |  Le  tout  enrichi  de  Cartes  &  de 
Figures.  |  Tome  Seconde.  |   \_Cut,  a  pot  of  flowers^  \ 

A  La  Haye,  |  Chez  Isaac  Delorme,  Libraire.  |  M.  DCCViii.  | 
Collation.  —  i2mo;   title,  verso  blank;   "Memoires,"   pp.   1-215  ; 


Ixxii  Lahontan  Bibliography 

p.  [216]  blank;  "Petit  Dictionaire  de  la  Langue  des  Sauvages," 
pp.  217-239;  verso  of  p.  239  blank.  Pp.  38,  39,  40,  44,  105,  116, 
150,  and  160  are  mispaged  36,  37,  38,  48,  89,  115,  250,  and  60,  respec- 
tively.    The  title-page  printed  wholly  in  black. 

Plates.  —  The  copy  in  the  Library  of  Congress,  the  only  one  I  have 
been  able  to  examine,  evidently  lacks  five  plates  and  perhaps  a  small 
map  of  Canada.  It  has  plates  opposite  pp.  97,  104,  132,  136,  155, 
166,  and  211  ;  and  a  "Carte  generale  de  Canada"  opp.  p.  3. 

Signatures.  — Title,  A — K  in  twelves.  Sig.  A3  is  printed  Aiij ;  C5 
printed  Cv  ;  E5  printed  Ev  ;  K2  printed  Kij. 

Copies.  —  C  (imperfect). 

1708  —  French  —  Vol.  3. 

Dialogues  |  de  Monsieur  |  le  Baron  de  Lahontan,  |  et  d'un  | 
Sauvage,  |  dans  I'Amerique.  I  Contenant  |  Une  defcription  exacte  des 
mceurs  |  &  des  coutumes  de  ces  Peuples  |  Sauvages.  |  Avec  les  Voy- 
ages du  meme  en  Portugal  |  &  en  Danemarc,  dans  lefquels  on  |  trouve 
des  particularitez  tres-curieufes,  |  &  qu'on  n'a  point  encore  remarquees. 
I  Le  tout  enrichi  de  Cartes  &  de  Figures.  |  Tome  Troisieme.  |  \_Same 
floral  cut  as  in  vol.  j]  | 

A  La  Haye,  |  Chez  Isaac  Delorme,  Libraire.  |  M.  Dccviii.  | 

Collation.  —  i2mo;  title,  verso  blank;  "Preface,"  pp.  (13);  "Avis 
de  I'Auteur  au  Lecteur,"pp.  (3);  "Dialogues,"  pp.  1-174;  one  blank 
leaf  for  pp.  [175]  and  [176];  half-title:  "Voyages  |  de  |  Portugal  | 
et  de  I  Danemarc,"  on  p.  [177;  p.  [178]  blank;  "  Voyages,"  pp.  179- 
374.  Pp.  265,  268,  269,  272,  273,  276,  277,  280,  281,  284,  285,  and 
288  are  mispaged  269,  272,  273,  276,  277,  280,  281,  284,  285,  288,  289, 
and  290,  respectively.     Title-page  printed  wholly  in  black. 

Plates.  —  The  copy  in  the  Library  of  Congress,  the  only  one  I  have 


Lahontan  Bibliography  Ixxiii 

been  able  to  examine,  evidently  lacks  three  plates  and  two  maps,  of 
Portugal  and  Denmark.     It  has  one  plate  opposite  p.  i. 

Signatures.  —  a  in  five,  b  in  four,  A — P  in  twelves,  Q  in  eight  (last 
leaf  blank).     Sig.  H4  is  a  blank  leaf. 

Copies.  —  C  (imperfect) . 

1709  — French  —  Vol.  i. 

Nouveaux  |  Voyages  |  de  Mr  le  Baron  |  de  Lahontan,  |  dans  | 
TAmerique  |  Septentrionale.  1  Qui  contiennent  une  relation  des  dif- 
ferens  Peu-  |  pies  qui  y  habitent,  la  nature  de  leur  Gouver-  |  nement, 
leur  Commerce,  leur  Coiatume,  leur  |  Religion,  &leurmaniere  de  faire 
la  Guerre.  |  L'intetet  des  Francois  &  des  Anglois  dans  le  |  Commerce 
qu'ils  font  avec  ces  Nations,  I'a-  |  vantage  que  I'Angleterre  peut  retirer 
dans  I  ce  Pais,  etant  en  Guerre  avec  la  France.  |  Le  tout  enrichi  de 
Cartes  &  de  Figures.  |  Tome  Premier.  |   \_Small  ornament]  \ 

A  La  Haye,  |  Chez  les  Freres  L  Honore,  Marchands  |  Libraires.  | 
M.  DCCIX. 

Collation.  —  i2mo  ;  title,  verso  blank  ;  "A  sa  Majeste  Frederic  IV," 
pp.  (3);  "  Preface,"  pp.  (5);  "  Table  des  Lettres  du  I.  tome,"  pp.  (8); 
"Voyages,"  pp.  1-266;  "Explication  de  quelques  Termes,"  pp.  267- 
280.  Pp.  229  and  274  are  misprinted  129  and  174,  respectively. 
Title-page  printed  entirely  in  black. 

Plates.  —  Frontispiece  of  an  Indian  and  opposite  pp.  14,  34,  47,  72, 
85,98,  116,  141,  174,  225,  and  242  ;  small  "Carte  generale  du  Canada 
en  petit  point  "  opp.  p.  i,  and  a  small  folded  "  Carte  que  les  Gnacsitares 
ont  Dessine  "  opp.  p.  136. 

Signatures.  —  A — M  in  twelves,  N  in  six  (the  last  leaf  blank). 

Copies.— HC  (two),  JCB. 


Ixxiv  Lahontan  Bibliography 

1709  — French  — Vol.  2. 

Memoires  |  de  |  I'Amerique  |  Septentrionale,  |  ou  |  la  Suite  des 
Voyages  |  de  |  Mr  le  Baron  de  Lahontan.  I  Qui  contiennent  la  De- 
fcription  d'une  |  grande  etendue  de  pais  de  ce  Con-  |  tinent,  I'interet 
des  Francois  &  des  |  Anglois,  leurs  Commerces,  leurs  |  Navigations,  les 
Moeurs  &  les  Cou  |  tumes  des  Sauvages,  &c.  |  Avec  un  petit  Diction- 
naire  de  la  Langue  du  Pais.  1  Le  tout  enrichi  de  Cartes  &  de  Figures. 
I  Et  augmente  dans  ce  fecond  Tome  de  la  ma-  |  niere  dont  les  Sauvages 
fe  regalent.  |   \_Same  small  ornament  as  in  vol.  j]  I 

A  La  Haye,  |  Chez  les  freres  L  Honore,  Marchands  Libraires.  | 
M.  DCCIX.  I 

Collation.  — i2mo;  title,  verso  blank;  "Memoires,"  pp.  3-198; 
"  Petit  Dictionaire  de  la  Langue  des  Sauvages,"  pp.  199-222;  "Table 
des  Matieres  contenues  dans  les  deux  Tomes,"  pp.  (18).  Pp.  200  and 
220  are  mispaged  220  and  120,  respectively.  Title-page  printed  entirely 
in  black. 

P/fl^w.  —  Opposite  pp.  95,  lOi,  125,  130,  151,  155.  167,  185,  189, 
190,  and  191  ;  a  folded  "Carte  generale  de  Canada"  opp.  p.  5. 

Signatures.  —  A — K  in  twelves.     Big.  K4  is  misprinted  K3. 

Copies.  — nC  (two),  JCB. 

1 709  —  German  :  Abridgment. 

Des  beriihmten  |  Herrn  |  Baron  De  Lahontan  |  Neueste  Reisen 

I  Nach  I  Nord-Indien/  |  Oder  dem  |  Mitternachtischen  America,  | 

Mit   vielen   besondern    und   bey   keinem    Scribenten  1  befindlichen  | 

Curiositaeten.  |  Aus  dem  Frantzosischen  iibersetzet  |  Von  |  M.  Vis- 

cher.  I 

Hamburg  und  Leipzig/  |  Im  Reumannischen  Verlag/MDCCIX.  | 
Collation.  —  i2mo;   doublepage  title,  with  reverse  blank;   "Gen- 


Lahontan  Bibliography  Ixxv 

eigter  Leser!",  signed  by  the  translator  and  dated  at  "  Hamburg  d.  15. 
April:  1709,"  pp.  (8);  text  with  heading:  "  Des  Herrn  Baron  de  la 
Hontan  Nord-Indien,"  pp.  1-252;  half-title  of  second  part:  "  Der  | 
Historischen  |  Nachrichten  |  Des  |  Herrn  Baron  de  la  |  Hontan,  | 
Von  I  Nord-Indien/  |  Zweyter  Theil,"  on  p.  253  ;  text  of  same,  pp. 
254-432;  "  Anhang  eines  Worter-Buchs  von  der  Wilden  Sprache," 
pp.  433-454;  "Register,"  pp.  455-459;  verso  of  p.  459  blank.  Pp. 
127,  373,  376,  377,  and  380  are  mispaged  107,  343,  347,  358,  and  339, 
respectively.     Title-page  printed  wholly  in  black. 

Plates.  —  No  plates,  but  small  folded  "  General  Carte  von  Canada  " 
before  the  title-page. 

Signatures.  — )( in  six  (of  which  the  folded  title-page  is  a  part) ,  a— t 
in  twelves,  u  in  two.  The  signature  mark  of  be  is  on  the  verso  of  that 
leaf,  and  that  of  d4  is  wanting. 

Copies.  — "RM,  C,  JCB. 

1 7 10  —  Dutch:  Extract. 

Van  den  oorspronk  en  de  kracht  der  Vooroordeelen,  Door  J.  T. 
Als  mede  een  koort  Uyttreksel  Uyt  de  Aanteykeninge  van  de  Baron 
de  Lahontan,  rakende  de  Zeden,  't  Geloof,  en't  verstant  van  de  Wilden 
tot  Canada,  en  de  lof  der  hedendaagse  Eeuw,  in  vergelykinge,  van 
de  voorgaande  Eeuwen.  En  dat  er  zoo  veele  Atheisten  niet  zyn  als 
men  doorgaans  gelooft,  Door  J.  de  Klerk.  Amsterdam  :  Jan  Blum. 
1710.     i2mo. 

This  title  is  copied  from  Joseph  Sabin's  Dictionary'  of  Books  Re- 
lating to  America,  item  38048.  A  distorted  title  of  the  same  is  given  in 
Frederik  MuUer's  Catalogue  of  Books,  Maps,  Plates  on  America.  Part  I. 
(Amsterdam,  1872),  item  317.  I  have  not  seen  this  extract.  See 
another  edition,  under  1723. 


Ixxvi  Lahontan  Bibliography 

171 1  —German. 

Des  beruhmten  |  Herrn  |  Baron  De  Lahontan  |  Neueste  Reisen  | 
Nach  I  Nord-Indien/  |  Oder     dem  |  Mitternachtischen     America  ', 
Mit  vielen  besondern  und  bey  keinem  Scribenten  befindlichen  1  Curio- 
sitzeten.  |  Auch   bey  dieser  andern  Auflage   mit  |  Seiner  Reise   nach 
Portugall/Dennemarck  und  |  Spanien/vermehret.  |  Aus  dem  Frant- 
zosischen  vibersetzet  |  Von  M.  Vischer.  | 

Hamburg  und  Leipzig/  I  Im  Reumannischen  Verlag/MDCCXI.  | 

Collation.  —  i2mo  ;  doublepage  title,  with  reverse  blank  ;  "  Vorrede. 
An  den  verstandigen  Leser,"  dated  at  end  "  Hamburg,  d.  20.  Novemb. 
1710,"  pp.  (19);  one  blank  page;  text  headed:  "Des  Herrn  Baron  de 
la  Hontan  Nord-Indien,"  pp.  1-316;  half-title:  "  Der  1  Historischen 
I  Nachrichten  |  Des  |  Herrn  Baron  de  la  I  Hontan,  |  Von  1  Nord- 
Indien/  I  Zweyter  Theil,"  on  p.  [317];  text  of  same,  pp.  318-563; 
"  Anhang  eines  Worter-Buchs  von  der  Wilden  Sprache,"  pp.  563-590; 
"  Des  Beriihmten  Herrn  Baron  de  la  Hontan  Reise  nach  Portugall  und 
Dennemarck,"  pp.  591-747  ;  "  Register,"  pp.  748-753 ;  verso  of  p.  753 
blank.  Pp.  51,  212,  and  359  are  mispaged  24,  112,  and  395,  respect- 
ively; there  is  also  an  elision  of  pp.  254  and  255.  Title-page  wholly 
in  black. 

Plates.  —  No  plates,  but  a  "  General-Carte  von  Canada,"  folded,  to 

precede  p.  i. 

Signatures.  — )(  in  twelve  (of  which  the  folded  title-page  forms  a 
part).  A— Hh  in  twelves,  li  in  four.  Signature  mark  R4  is  wanting. 
The  translator  calls  this  the  "  Zweite  Auflage  "  in  German. 

Copies.— ]CB. 

1715  — French  — Vol.  i. 

Nouveaux  |  Voyages  I  de  M""-  le  Baron  1  de  Lahontan,  |  dans  | 
I'Amerique  |  Septentrionale.  I  Qui  contient  une  relation  des  differens 
Peuples  1  qui  y  habitent,  la  nature  de  leur  Gouverne-  I  ment,  leur 


Lahontan  Bibliography  Ixxvii 

Commerce,  leur  Coutume,  leur  |  Religion,  &  leur  maniere  de  faire  la 
Guerre.  |  L'interet  des  Frangois  &  des  Anglois  dans  le  Com-  |  merce 
qu'ils  font  avec  ces  Nations,  I'avantage  |  que  I'Angleterre  peut  retirer 
dans  ce  Pais,  |  etant  en  Guerre  avee  la  France.  |  Le  tout  enrich!  de 
Cartes  &  de  Figures.  |   Tome  Premier.  |   [Small  ornament^  \ 

A  La  Haye,  |  Chez  les  Freres  L  Honore,  Marchands  Libraires.  | 
M.  DCCXV.  I 

Collation.  —  i2mo  ;  title,  verso  blank  ;  "  A  sa  Majeste  Frederic  IV,". 
pp.  (3);  "  Preface,"  pp.  (5);  "  Table  des  Lettres  du  L  tome,"  pp.  (8); 
"Voyages"  or  text,  pp.  1-266;  "Explication  de  quelques  Termes," 
pp.  267-280.  Pp.  130,  141,  and  274  are  misprinted  180,  411,  and  174, 
respectively,  and  the  paging  of  131  is  broken.  Title-page  printed  en- 
tirely in  black. 

Plates. —  Frontispiece  and  opposite  pp.  14,  34,  47,  72,  85,  98,  116, 
141,  155,  174,  225,  and  242;  a  small  "Carte  generate  du  Canada 
en  petit  point  "  opp.  p.  9,  and  a  folded  "  Carte  que  les  Gnacsitares  ont 
Dessine,  etc.,  opp.  p.  136. 

Signatures.  —  A — M  in  twelves,  N  in  six  (the  last  leaf  blank).  Sig. 
Me  is  misprinted  He. 

C0/./VJ.  — BN,  HC,  LU. 

1715  —  French  — Vol.  2. 
Memoires  |  de  |  I'Amerique  |  Septentrionale,  |  ou  |  la  Suite  des 
Voyages  |  de  |  Mr  le  Baron  de  Lahontan.  |  Qui  contient  la  Defcrip- 
tion  d'une  gran-  |  de  etendue  de  Pais  de  ce  Continent,  |  l'interet  des 
Franfois  &  des  Anglois,  |  leurs  Commerces,  leurs  Navigations,  |  leur 
Moeurs  &  les  Coiatumes  des  Sau-  |  vages,  <Scc.  |  Avec  un  petit  Diction- 
naire  de  la  Langue  du  Pais.  I  Le  tout  enrichi  de  Cartes  Sc  de  Figures. 
I  Et  augmente  dans  fe  Second  Tome  de  la  maniere  |  dont  les  Sauvages 
fe  regalent.  |   [Same  ornament  as  vol.  j]  | 


Ixxviii  Lahontan  Bibliography 

A  La  Haye,  |  Chez  les  Freres  L  Honore,  Marchands  Libraires.  | 
M.  DCCXV.  I 

Collation.  —  i2mo;  title,  verso  blank;  "  Memoires,"  pp.  i  \_t.e.  3]  — 
198;  "Petit  Dictionnaire  de  la  Langue  des  Sauvages,"  pp.  199-222; 
"Table  des  Matieres,"  pp.  (18).  Pp.  3,  lOO,  200,  and  220  are  mis- 
printed 1,1,  220,  and  122,  respectively. 

Plates.  —  Opposite  pp.  55,  95,  lOi,  125,  130,  151,  174,  189,  190, 
and  191 ;  a  large  folded  "  Carte  generate  de  Canada,"  v^^ithout  page 
location,  but  opposite  the  title-page  in  Harvard  copy. 

Signatures.  —  A — K  in  twelves.  Sig.  F3  and  K4  misprinted  Fs  and 
C3,  respectively. 

CoM.  — BN,  HC,  LU. 

1723  — Dutch:  Extract. 

Den  Oorfpronk  en  de  kracht  |  der  |  Vooroordeelen ;  |  klaar  ver- 
toont  in  een  brief  door  J.  T.  |  Als  mede  |  In  de  zeden,  't  geloof,  en  't 
verftant  |  der  Wilden  te  |  Kanada,  |  getrokken  uit  de  Aantekeningen 
van  I  den  Baron  de  |  La  Hontan.  |  Waar  by  gevoegt  is  |  Den  lof  der 
hedensdaagfche  Eeuw,  in  |  vergelyking  met  de  voorgaande  Eeuwen.  | 
Door  I  J.  De  Klerk,  |   \_Floral  ornament^  \ 

Gedrukt  in  't  Jaar  1723.  | 

Collation.  —  Small  8vo ;  title,  verso  blank;  "Den  oorspronk  en  de 
kracht  der  Vooroordeelen,"  pp.  3-1 1  ;  "Een  kort  Uyttreksel  Uyt  de 
Memoires  de  I'Amerique  Septentrionale  van  Mr.  le  Baron  de  Lahontan, 
Tome  Second,"  pp.  12-26;  "Een  kort  Extract  Uyt  de  beschryvinge 
van  't  Eyland  Formosa,"  pp.  27-29 ;  "  Den  lof  der  hedendaagze  Eeuw," 
etc.,  pp.  29-39;  verso  of  p.  39  blank.  No  mispaging.  Title  wholly  in 
black. 

Signatures. —  A — B  in  eights,  C  in  four. 

Copies.  —  JCB. 


Laho7ita7i  Bibliography  Ixxlx 

1728  —  French  — Vol.  i. 

Voyages  |  du  Baron  |  de  Lahontan  |  dans  |  I'Amenque  |  Septen- 
trionale,  |  Qui  contiennent  une  Relation  des  differens  |   Peuples  qui  y 
habitent ;  la  nature  de  leur  |  Gouvernement ;  leur  Commerce,  leurs  | 
Coutumes,    leur    Religion,   &  leur   maniere  |  de    faire   la   Guerre :  | 
L'Interet  des  Francois  &  des  Anglois  dans  le  |  Commerce  qu'ils  font 
avec  ces  Nations ;  I'a-  |  vantage  que  I'Angleterre  peut  retirer  de  ce  | 
Pais,  etant  en  Guerre  avec  la  France.  |  Le  tout  enrichi  de  Cartes  & 
de  Figures.  |  Tome    Premier.  |  Seconde   Edition,   revue,   corrigee,   & 
augmentee.  |   \_Cut  with  two  flower  vases]  \ 

A  Amsterdam,  |  Chez  Francois  I'Honore,  vis-a-vis  de  la  Bourfe.  | 
M.  DCC.  XXVIII.  I 

Collation.  —  i2mo;  title,  verso  blank;  "Preface,"  pp.  (8);  "Table 
des  Lettres  du  tome  premier,"  pp.  (8);  "  Voiages  "  or  text,  pp.  1-398  ; 
"  Explication  de  quelques  Termes,"  pp.  399-408.  No  mispaging.  The 
1st,  3d,  5th,  6th,  I2th  to  15th,  and  17th  lines  and  place  and  date  of 
imprint  printed  in  red. 

Plates.  —  Frontispiece  and  opposite  pp.  17,  40,  56,  90,  91,  97,  129, 
136,  188,  216,  351,  and  358;  a  small  "  Carte  generale  du  Canada  en 
petit  point"  opp.  p.  105,  and  folded  "Carte  que  les  Gnacsitares  ont 
Dessine,"  etc.,  opp.  p.  162. 

Signatures.  —  Title-page,  *  in  eight,  A — R  in  twelves. 

Copies.  — "&  (two),  BA,  BM,  BN,  C,  HC  (lacks  a  map),  JCB, 
LLQ,  LP,  LU,  NL,  WHS. 

1728  — French  — Vol.  2. 

Memoires  |  de  |  I'Amerique  |  Septentrionale,  |  ou    la    Suite  |  des 

Voyages  de  Mr.  le  1  Baron  de  Lahontan :  |  Qui  contiennent  la  De- 

(cription  d'une  grande  etendue  |  de  Pais  de  ce  Continent,  I'interet  des 

Franfois  |  &  des  Anglois,  leurs  Commerces,  leurs  Naviga-  |  tions,  les 


Ixxx  Lahontan  Bibliography 

Moeurs  &  les  Coutumes  des  Sauvages,  |  &c.  |  Avec  un  petit  Diction- 
aire  de  la  Langue  du  Pais.  |  Le  tout  enrichi  de  Cartes  &  de  Figures.  | 
Tome  Second.  |  Second  Edition,  augmentee  de  la  maniere  dont  les  | 
Sauvages  fe  regalent.  |   \_Cut  luith  two  flower  vases]  \ 

A  Amsterdam,  |  Chez  Francois  I'Honore  &  Compagnie.  I  M.  DCC. 
XXVIII.  I 

Collation.  —  i2mo;  title,  verso  blank;  "  Memoires,"  pp.  1-219; 
"  Dictionaire  de  la  Langue  des  Sauvages,"  pp.  220-238.  Pp.  161  and 
185  are  misprinted  151  and  158,  respectively.  The  ist,  3d,  6th,  7th, 
13th,  and  15th  lines  and  place  and  date  of  imprint  printed  in  red. 

Plates.  —  Opposite  pp.  98,  109,  142,  158,  plate  of  "Lac  des  Outa- 
gamis "  variously  placed  (but  incorrectly  engraved  "Tom.  2  Pag.  358"), 
plate  of  sun-dance  variously  placed  (but  incorrectly  engraved  "  Tom.  2. 
Pag.  267"),  178,  189,  193,  and  209;  a  folded  "Carte  generale  de 
Canada  "  opp.  p.  5. 

Signatures.  —  Title-page,  A — L  in  tvv^elves  (last  three  leaves  blank), 
but  often  found  w^ithout  the  final  blank  leaves. 

Copies.  — B  (two),  BA,  BM,  BN,  C,  JCB,  LLQ,  LP,  LU,  NL 
(lacks  a  map),  WHS. 

1728 — French  —  Vol.  3. 

Suite  I  du  I  Voyage  |  de  I'Amerique  |  ou  Dialogues  |  de  Mon- 
sieur I  le  Baron  de  Lahontan  |  et  d'un  |  Sauvage,  |  de  I'Amerique.  | 
Contenant  une  defcription  exacte  des  moeurs  |  &  des  coutumes  de  ces 
Peuples  Sauvages.  |  Avec  les  Voiages  du  meme  en  Portugal  &  en  Dane- 
I  marc  dans  lelquels  on  trouve  des  particularitez  |  tres-curieufes,  & 
qu'on  n'avoit  point  encore  re-  |  marquees.  |  Le  tout  enrichi  de  Cartes 
&  de  Figures.  |   \_Small  ornament]  \ 

A  Amsterdam.  |  Chez  la  Veuve  de  Boeteman.  |  M.  DCC.  XXVIII.  | 
Collation. —  i2mo;  title,  verso  blank;  "Preface,"  pp.  (lo);  "Avis 


Lahontan  Bibliography  Ixxxi 

del'Auteur  au  Lecteur,"  pp.  (2);  "  Dialogues,"  pp.  15-128;  "  Voiages 
de  Portugal  et  de  Danemarc,"  pp.  129-257,  with  verso  of  p.  257  blank. 
Pp.  84,  206,  207,  and  209  are  misprinted  48,  106,  107,  and  109,  respec- 
tively. The  ist,  3d,  5th,  7th,  9th,  and  17th  lines  and  place  and  date  of 
imprint  printed  in  red ;  in  the  Harvard  and  Carter-Brown  copies  the 
nth  and  12th  lines  are  also  printed  in  red. 

Plates.  —  Opposite  pp.  15,  136,  176,  and  182;  maps  of  Portugal  and 
Denmark  at  pp.  129  and  171,  respectively.  All  the  plates  are  marked 
for  "Tom.  III." 

Signatures. —  A — L  in  twelves  (the  last  three  leaves  blank). 

Copies.  —  B  (two,  one  of  which  lacks  the  maps),  BA,  BM,  BN,  C, 
HC,  JCB,  LLQ,  LP,  LU,  NL,  WHS. 

?  1 73 1 —  French  — Vols,  i  and  2. 

Voyages  du  Baron  de  Lahontan. 

In  Charles  Leclerc's  Bibliotheca  Americana  (Paris:  Maisonneuve  & 
Cie,  1867),  p.  193,  item  825,  the  following  description  appears: 

825.  —  Le  meme  ouvrage.  Amsterdam,  Fr.  L'Honore,  1731,  2  vol. 
in  — 12,  mar.  chocolat,  d.  s.  t. 

Vol.  i.  4  fnc,  188  pp.,  2  fnc,  front,  grave,  8  pi.  et  cartes. — Vol.  ii. 
2  fnc,  220  pp.,  6  pi.  et  cartes. 

I  believe  no  such  edition  exists,  and  that  the  date  was  mistaken  for 
M.  DCC.  XXXXi,  for  the  collation  agrees  with  vol.  i  and  vol.  ii  (called 
Suite)  of  the  1741  edition.  This  vagary  has  misled  every  bibliographer 
who  has  had  recourse  to  Leclerc's  title. 

? 1 73 1— French  —  Vols,  i  and  2. 

Nouveaux  Voyages  *  *  *  dans  I'Amerique  Septentrionale  *  *  *  . 

La  Haye,  Chez  les  Freres  I'Honore.    MDCCXXXI.    2  vols.,   i2mo,  pp. 

(8),  188,  (4);  (4),  220.     14  Plates  and  Maps, 
f 


Ixxxii  Lahontan  Bibliography 

This  title  appears  in  Joseph  Sabin's  Dictionary  of  Books  relating  to 
America,  no.  38640.  It  is  merely  a  repetition  of  Leclerc's  erroneous 
title  {q.  V.  preceding  title),  in  which  Sabin  has  rearranged  the  material 
of  Leclerc  and  mistaken  the  "  Fr."  as  "  Freres,"  instead  of  "  Franfois," 
and  changed  the  place  of  imprint  to  the  common  "  La  Haye  "  of  the 
earlier  editions  by  "  les  Freres  I'Honore."  I  believe  that  no  such 
edition  exists.  This  vagary  has  misled  every  bibliographer  u^ho  has  had 
recourse  to  Sabin  for  this  subject. 

1735  — English:  J.  and  J.  Bonwicke,  etc. —Vol.  i. 

New  I  Voyages   |  to    |  North  -  America.  |   Containing  |  An    Ac- 
count of  the  feveral  Nations  of  that  vaft  Con-  1  tinent ;  their  Cuftoms, 
Commerce,  and  Way  of  Naviga-  |  tion  upon  the  Lakes  and  Rivers ;  the 
feveral  Attempts  of  |  the  Englifh  and  French  to  difpoffefs  one  another  ; 
with  the  I  Reafons  of  the  Mifcarriage  of  the  former ;  and  the  various  | 
Adventures  between  the  French,  and  the  Iroquefe  Confe-  |  derates  of 
England,  from  1683  to  1694.  I  -A-  Geographical  Defcription  of  Canada, 
and  a  |  Natural  Hiflory  of  the  Country,  with  Remarks  upon  their  | 
Government,  and  the  Interefl  of  the  Englifh   and  French  |  in   their 
Commerce.  |  Alfo  a  Dialogue  between  the  Author  and  a  General  of 
the  I  Savages,  giving  a  full  View  of  the  Religion  and  ftrange  Opi-  ! 
nions  of  thofe  People :  With  an  Account  of  the  Author's  Retreat  |  to 
Portugal  and  Denmark,  and  his  Remarks  on  thofe  Courts.  |  To  which 
is   added,  |  A  Dictionary   of   the  Algonkine    Language,   which    is  | 
generally  fpoke   in    North-America.  |  Illuftrated    with   Twenty-Three 
Maps  and  Cuts.  |  Written  in  French  |  By  the  Baron  Lahontan,  | 
Lord  Lieutenant  of  the  French  Colony  at  Placentia  |  in  Newfoundland, 
at  that  Time  in  England.  |  Done  into  Englifh.     The  Second  Edition. 
I  In  Two  Volumes.  |   A  great   Part  of  which  never  Printed  in  the 
Original.  |  Vol.  I.  | 


Lahontan  Bibliography  Ixxxiii 

London:  |  Printed  for  J.  and  J.  Bonwicke,  R.  Wilkin,  S.  Birt,  T. 
Ward,  I  E.  Wicksteed ;  and  J.  Osborn.     M,  DCC,  xxxv.  | 

Collation.  —  8vo  ;  title,  verso  blank  ;  "  To  His  Grace  William  Duke 
of  Devonshire,"  pp.  (2);  "The  Preface,"  pp.  (8);  "The  Contents," 
pp.  (12);  "  Some  Nevir  Voyages,"  pp.  [i]-202;  "  Memoirs  of  North- 
America,"  pp.  203-274;  "A  Table  explaining  some  Terms  made  use 
of  in  both  Volumes,"  pp.  275-280.     No  mispaging, 

P/fl/^j.  —  Opposite  pp.  26,  43,  55,  65,  75,  89,  106,  160,  184,  and 
225 ;  small  full-page  map  of  Canada  opp.  the  title-page,  and  two  large 
folded  maps,  marked  A  and  B,  opp.  p.  i,  as  follovv^s  :  "  A  General  Map 
of  New  France  Com,  call'd  Canada,"  and  "A  Map  drawn  upon  Stag- 
skins  by  y^  Gnacfitares,"  etc. 

Signatures.  —  A  in  eight,  a  in  four,  B — S  in  eights,  T  in  four. 

Copies.  —  BA,  C. 

1735  —  English:  O shorn  issue  —  Vol.  i. 

New  I  Voyages  |  to  |  North-America.  |  Containing  1  An  Account 
of  the  feveral  Nations  of  that  vaft  Con-  |  tinent ;  their  Cuftoms,  Com- 
merce, and  Way  of  Naviga-  I  tion  upon  the  Lakes  and  Rivers ;  the 
feveral  Attempts  of  I  the  Englifh  and  French  to  difpoffefs  one  another  ; 
with  the  I  Reafons  of  the  Mifcarriage  of  the  former  ;  and  the  various  | 
Adventures  between  the  French,  and  the  Iroquefe  Confe-  |  derates  of 
England,  from  1683  to  1694.  I  A  Geographical  Defcription  of  Canada, 
and  a  |  Natural  Hiflory  of  the  Country,  with  Remarks  upon  their  | 
Government,  and  the  Intereft  of  the  Englifh  and  French  |  in  their 
Commerce.  I  Alfo  a  Dialogue  between  the  Author  and  a  General  of 
the  I  Savages,  giving  a  full  View  of  the  Religion  and  flrange  Opi-  I 
nions  of  thofe  People :  With  an  Account  of  the  Author's  Retreat  |  to 
Portugal  and  Denmark,  and  his  Remarks  on  thofe  Courts.  |  To  which 
is  added,  |  A  Dictionary  of  the  Algonkine  Language,  which  is  |  gen- 


Ixxxiv  Lahontan  Bibliography 

erally  fpoke  in  North-America.  |  Illuftrated  with  Twenty-Three  Maps 
and  Cuts.  |  Written  in  French  |  By  the  Baron  Lahontan,  |  Lord 
Lieutenant  of  the  French  Colony  at  Placentia  |  in  Newfoundland,  at 
that  Time  in  England.  |  Done  into  Englifh.  The  Second  Edition.  |  In 
Two  Volumes.  |  A  great  Part  of  which  never  Printed  in  the  Original. 
I  Vol.  L  I 

London :  |  Printed  for  J.  Osborn,  at  the  Golden-Ball,  in  Pater- 
nofler-Row.  |  M,  Dcc,  xxxv.  I 

Collation.  —  8vo  ;  title,  verso  blank  ;  "  To  His  Grace  WiUiam,"  pp. 
(2);  "The  Preface,"  pp.  (8);  "The  Contents,"  pp.  (12);  "Some 
New  Voyages  to  North-America,"  pp.  [i]-202  ;  "  Memoirs  of  North- 
America,"  pp.  203-274;  "A  Table  explaining  some  Terms  made  use 
of  in  both  Volumes,"  pp.  275-280.     No  mispaging. 

P/^j^w.  —  Opposite  pp.  26,  43,  55,  65,  75,  89,  106,  160,  and  184;  a 
small  map  oi  Canada  to  face  the  title-page ;  two  large  folded  maps  to 
face  p.  I  of  text,  as  follows:  (A)  "A  General  Map  of  New  France, 
Com,  call'd  Canada,"  and  (B)  "A  Map  drawn  upon  Stag-skins  by 
y^  Gnacfitares,"  etc.;  map  of  Newfoundland  opp.  p.  225. 

Signatures.  — A  in  eight,  a  in  four,  B — S  in  eights,  T  in  four. 

Copies.  — BM,  MHS,  NL  (two,  one  imperfect). 

173s  —  English  :  J.  Walthoe,  etc.  —  Vol.  2. 

New  I  Voyages  |  to  |  North-America.  |  Giving  a  full  Account  of 
the  Cuftoms,  |  Commerce,  Rehgion,  and  ftrange  Opinions  |  of  the 
Savages  of  that  Country.  |  With  |  Political  Remarks  upon  the  Courts 
I  of  Portugal  and  Denmark,  and  the  Prefent  State  of  |  the  Commerce 
of  thofe  Countries.  |  The  Second  Edition.  |  Written  |  By  the  Baron 
Lahontan,  Lord-Lieutenant  of  1  the  French  Colony  at  Placentia  in 
New-  I  foundland  :  Now  in  England.  |  Vol.  IL  | 


Lahontan  Bibliography  Ixxxv 

London  :  |  Printed  for  J.  Walthoe,  R.  Wilkin,  J.  and  J.  Bonwicke, 
I  J.  Osborn,  S.  Birt,  T.  Ward  and  E.  Wickfteed.     1735.  I 

Collation.  —  8vo ;  title,  verso  blank;  "A  Discourse,"  pp.  3-91; 
"A  Conference,"  pp.  92-185;  p.  [186]  blank;  "An  Appendix,"  pp. 
187-288;  "A  Short  Dictionary,"  pp.  289-304.     No  mispaging. 

Plates.  —  Frontispiece,  and  opposite  pp.5,  29,  36,  59  (two),  80, 
82,  84,  and  86. 

Signatures.  —  Aa — Tt  in  eights.     Sig.  Tts  is  misprinted  Tt4. 

Copies.— BA  (lacks  plates),  C,  MHS,  NL  (two,  one  of  which 
lacks  last  leaf). 

1 735  —  English  :  Brindley  issue  —  Vol.  i  . 

New  I  Voyages  |  to  |  North-America.  |  Containing  |  An  Account 
of  the  feveral  Nations  of  that  vaft  Con-  |  tinent ;  their  Cuftoms,  Com- 
merce, and  Way  of  Naviga-  |  tion  upon  the  Lakes  and  Rivers ;  the 
feveral  Attempts  of  |  the  Englifh  and  French  to  difpoffefs  one  another; 
with  the  1  Reafons  of  the  Mifcarriage  of  the  former  ;  and  the  various  | 
Adventures  between  the  French,  and  the  Iroquefe  Confe-  |  derates  of 
England,  from  1683  to  1694.  I  -^  Geographical  Defcription  of  Canada, 
and  a  |  Natural  Hiftory  of  the  Country,  with  Remarks  upon  |  their 
Government,  and  the  Intereft  of  the  Englifh  and  |  French  in  their 
Commerce.  |  Alfo  a  Dialogue  between  the  Author  and  a  General  1  of 
the  Savages,  giving  a  full  View  of  the  Religion  and  |  flrange  Opinions  of 
thofe  People  :  With  an  Account  of  |  the  Author's  Retreat  to  Portugal 
and  Denmark,  and  his  |  Remarks  on  thofe  Courts.  |  To  which  is  added, 
I  A  Dictionary  of  the  Algonkine  Language,  which  is  |  generally  fpoke 
in  North-America.  |  lUuftrated  with  Twenty-Three  Maps  and  Cuts.  | 
Written  in  French  |  By  the  Baron  Lahontan,  |  Lord  Lieutenant  of  the 
French  Colony  at  Placentia  |  in  Newfoundland,  at  that  Time  in  En- 


Ixxxvi  Lahontan  Bibliography 

gland.  I  Done  into  Englifh.    The  Second  Edition,  |  In  Two  Volumes. 
I  A  great  Part  of  which  never  Printed  in  the  Original.  |   Vol.  I.  | 

London  :  |  Printed  for  John  Brindley,  Bookfeller,  at  the  King's- 
Arms  I  in   New-bond-ftreet,  Bookbinder   to   her  Majefly,   and    his  | 
Royal  Highnefs  the  Prince  of  Wales ;  and  Charles  |  Corbett,  at  Addi- 
fon's-head,  Temple-bar.     1735.  I 

Collation.  —  8vo  ;  title,  verso  blank;  dedication  "To  His  Grace 
WiUiam  Duke  of  Devonshire,"  pp.  (2).  "The  Preface,"  pp.  (8); 
"The  Contents,"  pp.  (12);  "  Some  New  Voyages  to  North-America," 
pp.  [i]-202;  "Memoirs,"  pp.  203-274;  "A  Table  explaining  some 
Terms  made  use  of  in  both  Volumes,"  pp.  275-280.  No  mispaging. 
The  Carter  Brown  copy,  the  only  one  I  have  examined,  has  the  fol- 
lowing plates,  etc.: 

Plates.  — Opposite  pp.  26,  43,  65,  75,  89,  and  106  ;  a  small  map  of 
Canada  to  face  the  title-page ;  a  map  of  Newfoundland  at  p.  225  ;  and 
two  large  folded  maps  to  precede  p.  i  of  the  text,  as  follows  :  (A)  "  A 
General  Map  of  New  France  Com,  call'd  Canada,"  (B)  "A  Map 
drawn  upon  Stag-skins  by  y^  Gnacfitares,"  etc.  The  copy  examined 
apparently  lacks  plates  opposite  pp.  55,  160,  and  184. 

Signatures.  — A  in  eight,  a  in  four,  B — S  in  eights,  T  in  four. 

Copies.  —  C,  JCB. 

1735  —  English:  Brindley  issue  —  VoL.  2. 

New  I  Voyages  |  to  |  North-America.  |  Giving  a  full  Account  of 
the  Cu-  I  floms,  Commerce,  Religion,  and  ftrange  |  Opinions  of  the 
Savages  of  that  Country.  |  With  1  Political  Remarks  upon  the  Courts 
I  of  Portugal  and  Denmark,  and  the  Prefent  |  State  of  the  Commerce 
of  thofe  Countries.  |  The  Second  Edition.  |  Written  1  By  the  Baron 
Lahontan,  Lord  Lieutenant  |  of  the  French  Colony  at  Placentia  in 
New-  I  foundland  :  Now  in  England.  |  Vol.  IL  | 


Lahontan  Bibliography  Ixxxvii 

London  :  |  Printed   for  J.  Brindley,   Bookfeller,   at    the    King's  | 
Arms  in  New-bond-ftreet,  Bookbinder  to  her  Ma-  |  jefty,  and  his  Royal 
Highnefs  the  Prince  of  Wales ;  |  and  C.  Corbett,  at  Addifon's-head, 
Temple-bar.  |  M   D.  cc.  xxxv.  | 

Collation.  — 8vo;  title,  verso  blank;  "A  Discourse,"  pp.  3~9i  I 
"A  Conference  or  Dialogue,"  pp.  92-185;  p.  [186]  blank;  "An 
Appendix,"  pp.  187-288;  "A  Short  Dictionary,"  pp.  289-304-  No 
mispaging. 

Plates.  — Opposite  pp.  5,  29,  36,  59  (two),  80,  82,  84,  and  86, 
perhaps  also  a  plate  on  healing  sick  and  burying  the  dead  at  p.  51  (not 
found  in  the  Carter  Brown  copy),  and  a  frontispiece  of  an  Indian  in 
an  oval. 

Signatures.  —  Aa — Tt  in  eights. 

Copies.  —  C,  JCB. 

1739  —  Dutch  —  Vol.  i. 

Reizen  |  van  den  Faron  |  van  La  Hontan  |  in  het  |  Noordelyk  | 
Amerika,  |  Vervattende  een  Verhaal  van  verfcheide  Volke-  |  ren  die 
het  bewoonen  ;  den  aart  hunner  Re-  |  geering,  hun  Koophandel,  hun 
Ge-  I  woontens,    hun    Godsdienft,  en  |  hun   wys   van    Oorloogen.  | 
Neevens  het  Belang  der  Franfchen  en  der  Engel-  |  fchen  in  hun  Koop- 
handel met  die  Volkeren  ;  en  |   't  voordeel  dat  Engeland,  met  Vrankryk 
in  I  Oorlog  zynde,  van  dat  Land  kan  trekken.  |  Alles  met  verfcheide 
Aanteekeningen  vermeer-  |  dert  en  opgeheldert,  en  met  Kaarten  en  | 
Plaaten  verciert.  |  Eerste  Deel.  |  Vertaalt  door  |  Gerard  Westerwyk. 
I    \_Ornament^  \ 

In's  Gravenhage,  |  By  Isaac  Beauregard.     1739-  I 
Collation.  —  8vo  ;   title,  verso  blank;   "  Voorbericht  van  den  Ver- 
taaler,"  pp.  (3);  "  Korte  Inhouden,"  pp.  (7);  "  Reizen,"  pp.  [i]-28o, 
an  insert  map-key  of  four  pages  at  this  location,  and  281-582.    Pp.  58, 


Ixxxviii  Lahontan  Bibliography 

59,  62,  298,  305,  and  445  are  mispaged  59,  60,  64,  498,  30,  and  447 
respectively;  there  are  no  pp.  191  and  192.  The  ist,  3d,  6th,  I2th  to 
15th  and  2ist  lines  and  place  of  imprint  printed  in  red. 

P/fl/«.  —  Opposite  pp.  I,  65,  190  (plate  marked  192),  297,  398, 
488,  and  544;  a  large  folded  "  Carte  que  les  Gnacsitares  ont  dessine," 
etc.,  between  pp.  280  and  281. 

Signatures. —  *  in  six,  A — Nn  in  eights,  Oo  in  two,  with  an  insert 
of  two  leaves  between  S3  and  S4. 

Copies  — C,  JCB,  NL,  WHS. 

1739  —  Dutch  —  Vol.  2. 

Gedenkschriften  |  van  het  |  Noordelyk  |  Amerika,  |  of  het  ver- 
volg  der  |  Reizen  van  den  |  Baron  van  La  Hontan.  |  Vervattende  de 
Befchrj^ing  van  een  groote  I  ftreek  Land  van  dat  Weerelddeel ;  het 
Belang  |  der  Franfchen  en  der  Engelfchen  in  't  zelve ;  |  hun  Koop- 
handel,  hun  Schipvaart,  en  de  |  Zeeden  en  Gewoontens  der  Wil-  | 
den,  &c.  Alles  met  Aanteekeningen  |  vermeerdert  en  opgeheldert.  | 
Neevens  de  Zaamenfpraaken  van  den  Schryver  met  |  een  Wilden, 
en  een  Woordenboek  |  van  de  Taal  dier  Volkeren.  |  Met  Kaarten  en 
Plaaten  Verciert.  |  Tweede  Deel.  |  Vertaalt  door  |  Gerard  Westerwyk. 

I   \_Ornament\  \ 

In's  Gravenhage,  |  By  Isaac  Beauregard,  1739.  I 
Collation.  —  8vo  ;  title,  verso  blank  ;  "  Gedenkschriften,"  pp.  [i]- 
358;  half-title:  "  Saamenspraaken  |  van  den  |   Schryver  dezer  Reizen 

I  met  I  Adario  |  een  Wilden  van  Aanzien,"   etc.,   on  p.    [359];  p. 

[360]  blank;  text  of  same,  pp.  [3621-523;  "Woordenboek  van  de 
Taal  der  Wilden,"  pp.  524-552.  Pp.  91,  327,  and  427  are  misprinted 
19,  227,  and  527,  respectively.  The  ist,  4th,  7th,  15th  to  17th,  and 
2ist  lines  and  place  of  imprint  printed  in  red. 


Lahontan  Bibliography  Ixxxix 

P/fl/^j.— Opposite  pp.  178,  190,  239,  273,  297,  352,  357,  358  (long 
narrow  cut  not  numbered),  and  390;  a  "  Carte  generale  de  Canada" 
opp.  p.  5  (marked  on  plate  "Tom:  2.  P:  i"),  which  has  three 
pages  of  text  to  accompany  it  —  the  whole  intended  to  be  bound 
between  pp.  4  and  5  of  the  text. 

Signatures.  —  Title,  A— LI  in  eights,  Mm  in  four,  with  two  insert 
leaves  between  A2  and  A3. 

Copies.  — C,  JCB,  NL,  WHS. 

1 741  —  French  —  Vol.  i  . 

Voyages  |  du  Baron  |  de  Lahontan  |  dans  |  I'Amerique  |  Septen- 
trionale,  |  Qui  contiennent  une  Relation  des  difle-  |  rens  Peuples  qui  y 
habitent ;  la  nature  |  de  leur  Gouvernement ;  leur  Commer- 1  ce,  leurs 
Coutumes,  leur  Religion,  &  |  leur  maniere  de  faire  la  Guerre :  | 
L'Interet  des  Franfois  &  des  Anglois  dans  le  |  Commerce  qu'ils  font 
avec  ces  Nations,  I'a-  |  vantage  que  I'Angleterre  peut  retirer  de  ce  | 
Pais,  etant  en  Guerre  avec  la  France.  |  Le  tout  enrichi  de  Cartes 
&  de  Figures.  |  Tome  Pemier  [_sic\  \  Seconde  Edition,  reviae,  corrigee, 
&  augmentee.  |   [^Ornament]  \ 

A  Amsterdam,  |  Chez  Francois  L'Honore,  vis-a-vis  de  la  Bourfe.  | 
M.  DCC.  xxxxi.  I 

Collation.  —  i2mo  ;  title,  verso  blank  ;  "  Preface,"  pp.  (8);  "  Voy- 
ages" or  text,  pp.  1-188;  "Table  des  Lettres,"  pp.  (4).  P.  82  is 
mispaged  28.  The  ist,  3d,  5th,  6th,  12th  to  15th,  and  17th  lines  and 
place  and  date  of  imprint  printed  in  red. 

P/fi/w.  —  Opposite  pp.  14,  25,  38,  56,  87,  97,  129,  and  156,  and 
frontispiece  of  an  Indian  in  an  oval ;  a  small  "  Carte  general  du  Canada 
en  petit  point  "  opp.  p.  10. 

Signatures.  —  Title-page,  *  in  four.  A— H  in  twelves. 

Co/./«.-BE,  C,  JCB,  WHS. 


xc  Lahontan  Bibliography 

1741 —  French  — Vol.  2  (called  Vol.  3). 

Memoires  |  de  1  TAmerique  |  Septentrionale,  |  ou  la  Suite  |  des 
Voyages  de  Mr  le  |  Baron  de  Lahontan  :  |  Qui  contiennent  la  De- 
fcription  d'une  grande  |  etendue  de  Pais  de  ce  Continent,  I'interet  des 
I  Franfois  &  des  Anglois,  leurs  Commerces,  |  leurs  Navigations,  les 
MceurS  &  les  Coutu  |  tumes  [_sic]  des  Sauvages,  &c,  |  Avec  un  petit 
Dictionaire  de  la  langue  du  Pais.  |  Le  tout  enrichi  de  Cartes  &  de  Fig- 
ures. I  Tome  Troisieme.  |  Seconde  Edition,  augmentee  de  la  maniere 
dont  I  les  Sauvages  fe  regalent.  |   [_Cut,  a  double  cornucopia]  \ 

A  Amsterdam,  |  Chez  Francois  I'Honore  &  Compagnie.  |  M.  DCC. 
xxxxi.  I 

Collation.— 'i2mo;  title,  verso  blank;  "Memoires,"  pp.  1-218; 
"  Dictionnaire  de  la  Langue  des  Sauvages,"  pp.  219-237,  with  verso  of 
p.  237  blank.  No  mispaging.  The  ist,  3d,  6th  7th,  13th,  and  15th 
lines  and  place  and  date  of  imprint  printed  in  red. 

P/fl/a.  —  Opposite  pp.  51,  103,  no,  137,  142,  166,  191,  208,  209, 
and  210;  a  large  folded  "  Carte  generale  de  Canada"  opp.  p.  i. 

Signatures.  — T'wXq,  A— K  in  twelves  (the  last  leaf  blank). 

Copies.  —  BE,  C,  HC,  JCB,  WHS. 

1 741  —French  — Vol.  3  (called  Vol.  2). 

Suite  I  des  Voyages  |  du  Baron  1  de  Lahontan  |  dans  |  I'Amerique 
I  Septentrionale,  |  Qui  contiennent  une  Relation  des  difiEe-  |  rens 
Peuples  qui  y  habitent ;  la  nature  |  de  leur  Gouvernement ;  leur 
Commer-  |  ce  leurs  Coutumes,  leur  Religion,  &  |  leur  maniere  de 
faire  la  Guerre :  L'Interet  des  Franfois  &  des  Anglois  dans  le  |  Com- 
merce qu'ils  font  avec  ces  Nations,  I'a-  |  vantage  que  I'Angleterre 
peut  retirer  de  ce  |  Pais,  etant  en  Guerre  avec  la  France.  |  Le  tout 
enrichi  de  Cartes  &  de  Figures.  |  Tome  Second.  |  Seconde  Edition, 
revue,  corrigee,  &  augmentee.  |   \_Ornament'\  \ 


Lahontan  Bibliography  xci 

A  Amsterdam,  |    Chez  Francois  I'Honore,  vis-a-vis  de  la  Bourfe.  I 
M.  DCC,  xxxxi.  I 

Collation.  —  i2mo  ;  title,  verso  blank  ;  "  Table  des  Lettres  du  Tome 
Second,"  pp.  (4);  "Suite,"  pp.  1-210;  "Explication  de  quelques 
Termes,"  pp.  211-220.  No  mispaging.  The  2d,  4th,  6th,  7th,  13th 
to  i6th,  and  i8th  lines  and  place  and  date  of  imprint  printed  in  red. 

Plates.  —  Opposite  pp.  23,  38,  172,  and  175;  a  "Carte  que  les 
Gnacsitares  ont  Dessine,"  etc.  opp.  p.  i. 

Signatures.  —  Title  and  tvv^o  leaves,  A — I  in  twelves,  K  in  tw^o 

Copies.  — ^E,  C,  JCB,  WHS. 

1757  —  French:  Extract. 
Voiage  du    Baron  de  la  Hontan  sur  la  Riviere  Longue. 

The  above  marginal  title  belongs  to  a  short  extract  in  the  original 
quarto  edition  of  Histoire  General  des  Foiages,  ou  Nouvelle  Collection 
de  toutes  les  Relations  de  Foiages,  edited  by  Antoine  Francois  Prevost 
d'Exiles.     It  is  found  in  vol.  xiv  (Paris:   Chez   Didot,    1757),   pp. 

719-729. 

This  French  collection  of  voyages  vs^as  also  issued  in  duodecimo  — 
Paris:  Chez  Didot,  1749-1789,  80  vols,  of  text;  in  quarto  —  J  La 
Haye :  Chez  Pierre  De  Hondt,  1 747-1 780,  25  vols.  It  appeared  in 
Dutch  — In' s  Gravenhage  :  By  Pieter  de  Hondt,  1 747-1 767,  21  vols., 
quarto;  in  German  —  Leipzig:  Arkstee  und  Merkus,  1 747-1 774,  21 
vols.,  quarto;  and  in  Spanish  —  En  Aladrid :  En  la  Imprenta  de  Don 
Juan  Antonio  Lozano,  1763-1791,  28  vols.,  quarto. 

1758  —  German  :  Extract. 

Reife  des  Barons  de  la  Hontan  auf  dem  langen  Flufle.  I 
This  is  the  heading  of  an  extract  in  vol.  16  of  the  "  Allgemeine 
Hiftorie  |  der    Reifen   zu  Waffcr  und    Lande ;  |  oder  |  Sammlung  | 
aller  |  Reifebefchreibungen,  I   \_etc.'\  Leipzig,  bey  Arkflee  und  Merkus. 


xcii  Lahontan  Bibliography 

1758.  I  "  This  is  the  German  translation  of  Prevost's  collection,  q.  v. 
under  1757.  The  German  editor  was  Johann  Joachim  Schwabe. 
Lahontan  begins  the  fourth  "Abschnitt"  of  the  twelfth  chapter, 
on  p.  694.     Described  from  a  copy  in  BA. 

1 8 12  —  English  :  Abridgment. 

Travels  in  Canada  ;  |  by  the  Baron  Lahontan.  | 

Such  is  the  heading  of  this  abridgment  in  John  Pinkerton's  "  A 
General  Collection  of  the  best  and  most  interesting  Voyages  and 
Travels  in  all  Parts  of  the  World  ;  *  *  *  Volume  the  thirteenth.  *  *  * 
London :  Printed  for  Longman,  Hurst,  Rees,  Orme,  and  Brown, 
Paternoster-Row;  and  Cadell  and  Davies,  in  the  Strand.  i8i2."  A 
foot-note  shows  that  the  English  edition  (London,  1735)  was  used  as 
the  source  of  the  text.  It  extends  from  pp.  254-373.  Good  illus- 
trations are  included  as  follows:  "Coffer  of  Perotte,"  opp.  p.  266; 
double  plate,  "On  the  River  St.  Lawrence"  and  "Characteristic 
Scenery  of  the  Hudson  River,"  opp.  p.  271  ;  "Falls  of  Niagara,"  which 
is  "Engraved  by  G.  Cooke,  from  an  Original  Drawing,"  opp.  p.  296. 

1831  —  Italian  —  Vols,  i  and  2. 

Viaggi  I  del  |  Barone  di  Lahontan  |  nell'America  Settentrionale  | 
Tradotti    dal   Francese  |  dal  gia  Capitano  Italiano  |  A.  F.  |  Volume 
Primo  [Secondo]  | 

Milano  |  Per  G.  Truffi  e  Comp.  |  1831  I 

Collation.  —  2  vols.;  small  8vo;  Vol.  i  :  Half-title:  "Viaggi  |  del  | 
Barone  di  Lahontan,"  verso  blank;  title,  verso  blank;  "Viaggi"  or 
text  (Letters  I-XV) ,  pp.  [5]-2i5  ;  "  Indice,"  on  verso  of  p.  215.     No 
plates  or  maps. 

Signatures.  —  Two  unmarked  signatures  in  eights,  2-12  in  eights, 
13  in  four. 


Lahontan  Bibliography  xciii 

Vol.2:  Half-title,  verso  blank;  title,  verso  blank;  text  (Letters 
XVI-XXV),  pp.  [5]-20i  ;  "  Indice,"  p.  202.     No  plates  or  maps. 

Signatures. —  [i]  in  four,  2-12  in  eights,  13  in  four,  13*  in  six 
(last  leaf  blank). 

Printed  paper  covers,  with  cut  of  a  globe  on  a  stand ;  that  of  vol.  2 
is  dated  "  M.  DCCC.  xxxil."  This  is  a  translation  of  the  first  volume  of 
the  French  work,  or  series  of  twenty-five  letters.  The  only  copy  I 
have  seen  is  in  the  Library  of  Congress. 

igoo  —  French. 

Un  Outre-Mer  I  au  xvii*  Siecle  |  Voyages  au  Canada  |  Du  Baron 
de  La  Hontan  |  publies  |  Avec  une  Introduction  et  des  Notes  |  par  | 
M.  Franfois  de  Nion  |  [Printers'  mark]  \ 

Paris  I  Librairie  Plon  |  Plon-Nourrit  et  C'^,  Imprimeurs-Editeurs  | 
Rue  Garanciere,  8  |   1900  I  Tous  droits  reserves  | 

Collation.  —  8vo ;  cover-title,  verso  blank;  half-title,  with  list  of 
works  by  the  same  editor,  etc.,  on  verso;  title,  verso  blank;  "Intro- 
duction," pp.  [v]-xix;  one  blank  page;  text  pp.  [i]-33i ;  P-  [332] 
blank;  "Table  des  Matieres,"  pp.  [333]-338;  colophon,  with  verso 
blank  ;  list  of  publications  by  the  same  publishing  house,  on  last  cover, 
with  recto  blank.     No  mispaging. 

Signatures.  — Cover-title,  half-title,  title,  a  in  eight,  i — 2i  in  eights, 
22  in  two,  last  cover.  This  work  is  arranged  under  twenty-five  letters. 
It  is  not  a  full  reprint  of  Lahontan,  but  presents  parts  of  his  work,  with 
interpretations  in  the  narrative.  There  are  no  maps  or  plates,  and  the 
editorial  notes  are  sparse. 

Described  from  a  copy  in  NL. 


NEW 

VOYAGES 

T  O 

North-America. 

CONTAINING 

An  Account  of  the  feveral  Nations  of  chat  vaft  Con- 
tinent ;  their  Cuiioms,  Commerce,  and  Way  of 
Navigation  upon  the  Lakes  and  Rivers  ;  the  feve- 
ral  Attempts  of  the  Engli(h  and  French  to  difpoilefs 
one  another  ;  with  the  Reafons  of  the  Mifcarriage 
of  the  former ;  and  the  various  Adventures  be- 
tween the  French y  and  the  Irotjuefe  Confederates  of 
England,  from    i68;  to  1694. 
A  Geographical  Defcription  of  Canada,  and  a  Natu- 
ral Hiftory  of  the  Country,  with  Remarks  upon 
their  Government^  and  the  Intereft  of  the  Engli^} 
and  French  in  their  Commerce. 
AJfoa  Dialogue  between  the  Author  and  a  General  of  the 
Savages,  giving  a  full  View  of  the  Religion  and  ftrange 
Opinions  of  thofe  People  :  With  an  Account  of  the  Au- 
thors Retreat  to  Portugal  and  Deiimat\  and  his  Remarks 
on  thofe  Courts. 

To  which  is  added, 
A  D'.dionary  of  the  Alg&nkjne  Language,  which  is  generally 
Ipoke  in  North' America. 


Illuftrated  with  Twenty  Three  Mapps  and  Cutis. 
Written  in  French 

By  the  Baron  Lahontan,  Lord  Lievtenant 
of  the  French  Colony  at  Flacentia  ia  l^eiV' 
foundlandy  now  in  England. 

Done  into  EngliPo. 


In   Two   VOLUMES. 

A  great  part  of  which  never  Printed  in  the  Original. 


LO  ^7D0iV ;  Printed  for  H.  Btnwicke  in  Sz.  PauVs  Church-yaid  ; 
T.  Goodwin^  At.  H^otten,  B,  Jooif,  in  Fleet (Irtet  ;  and  5.  Manjh/^ 
in  Cornhil,  1703. 


To  His  Grace 

WILLIAM 

Duke  of  Devon/hire  J 

Lord  Steward  of  Her  Majejlies  Houfehold^  Lord  Lieutenant  of  the 
County  of  Derby,  Chief  Juflice  in  Eyre  of  all  Her  Majefiies 
Forrefls^  Chafes^  Parks^  &c.  Trent-North ;  One  of  the  Lords 
of  Her  Majefiies  Mofl  Honourable  Privy  Council^  and  Knight 
of  the  Mofl  Honourable  Order  of  the  Garter} 

My  Lord, 

SINCE  I  had  the  Honour  to  prefent  the  King  of  Denmark 
with  the  firft  part  of  this  Book,  I  prefume  to  make  a 
Prefent  of  the  Latter  to  your  Grace.^  In  making  the  firft 
Dedication,  I  had  no  other  inducement,  than  a  due  regard  to 


1  Unlike  Hennepin,  Lahontan  did  not  present  his  book  directly  to  the  ruler  of 
England,  but  chose  rather  as  patron  one  of  the  great  Whig  lords,  who  was  distin- 
guished for  his  taste  in  art  and  letters,  and  was  a  critic  of  some  note.  William  Cav- 
endish, duke  of  Devonshire,  had  been  active  in  politics  since  the  reign  of  Charles  II. 
A  private  quarrel,  as  well  as  public  wrongs,  had  estranged  him  from  James  II ;  he 
w-as  one  of  the  chief  supporters  of  the  Revolution  of  1688,  and  high  in  favor  at  the 
courts  both  of  William  III  and  of  Anne.  Next  to  the  English  ruler,  Lahontan  could 
have  applied  to  no  more  popular  or  more  powerful  patron.  —  Ed. 

2  Frederick  IV,  one  of  the  best-known  princes  of. his  day,  was  also  a  savant  and 
connoisseur.  He  had  received  Lahontan  at  his  court,  and  protected  him  in  need. 
Lahontan  refers  here  to  the  first  edition,  rather  than  the  "  first  part  "  of  his  book — 
the  edition  which  appeared  at  the  Hague  (in  French)  early  in  1703.  —  Ed. 


4  The  Dedication, 

the  benefits  I  recelv'd  from  His  Majefties  favour ;  and  the 
fame  Motive  with  reference  to  your  Grace,  has  prompted  me 
to  make  this  acknowledgment  of  the  undeferved  Favours  you 
kindly  vouchfaf'd  me. 

I  did  not  dare  to  launch  out  Into  the  praife  of  His  Dani/h 
Majefty,  who  has  a  juft  Title  to  all  forts  of  Encomiums  ;  by 
reafon  that  the  little  French  I  had,  has  been  forgot  among  a 
fort  of  People,  that  take  Panegyrlcks  to  be  Affronts.  'Tis 
with  the  fame  view.  My  Lord,  that  I  decline  the  pleafure  of 
publifhing  thofe  diftinguifhing  Qualities,  that  place  Your 
Lordfhip  at  the  Head  of  the  Moft  Accomplifh'd  Grandees  of 
the  World,  and  the  Moft  Zealous  Patriots  of  their  Country. 

/  am  with  all  Gratitude  and  Veneration, 
My  Lord, 

Tour  Grace^Sy 

Moft  Humble,  and  Moft 
Obedient  Servant. 

Lahontan. 


THE 

PREFACE. 

HAVING  flatter' d  my  felf  with  the  vain  hopes  of  retrieving  the 
King  of  France's  favour^  before  the  Declaration  of  this 
War  ;'^  I  was  fo  far  from  thinking  to  put  thefe  Letters^  and  Me- 
moirs^ to  the  Prefs ;  that  I  defign'd  to  have  committed  'em  to  the 
flames^  if  that  Monarch  had  done  me  the  honour  of  reinftating  me 
in  my  former  Places^  with  the  good  leave  of  Meffieurs  de  Pont- 

chartrain  *   the   Father  and  the   Son}        ^  ^,  ^,        ,.       , 

'  ^  The  one  Lbancellor  of 

'Twas  with  that  view  that  I  neglected     France,  and  the  other  See- 
to  put  'em  in  fuch  a  drefs  as  might  now     retary  of  State :   Both  of 
be  wi/h'd  for,  for  the  fatisfa^tion  of  the     ''^  '^''fi^y  '^''^■ 
Reader  that  gives  himfelf  the  trouble  to  perufe  'em. 

1  The  reference  is  to  the  War  of  the  Spanish  Succession  (in  America,  called 
Queen  Anne's  War),  which  began  in  1703  between  France  and  Spain  on  the  one 
hand,  and  England,  Austria,  and  Holland  on  the  other,  involving  in  its  course 
most  European  powers.    It  was  terminated  by  the  treaty  of  Utrecht  (1713).  —  Ed. 

2  After  the  able  ministers  who  served  during  the  vigor  of  his  reign,  those  chosen 
by  Louis  XIV  during  his  old  age  were  mediocre  in  talent.  The  two  Counts  of  Pont- 
chartrain  belonged  to  this  latter  class.  Louis  Phelypeaux  the  elder  was  born  in  1643, 
and  early  entered  the  public  service;  in  1689  he  became  comptroller-general  of 
finance,  and  the  following  year  minister  of  the  marine,  with  charge  of  colonial  affairs. 
His  son  Jerome  (born  in  1674)  became  secretary  of  state  in  1693,  and  upon  his 
father's  promotion  to  the  chancellorship  (1699),  succeeded  to  the  latter's  offices. 
Thus  during  the  latter  years  of  Louis  XIV  the  Pontchartrains  were  the  most  powerful 
ministers  of  the  court.  Both  lost  their  offices  upon  the  demise  of  the  king  (1715)1 
the  elder  dying  in  1727,  the  younger  in  1717.  —  Ed. 


6  The  Preface. 

Between  the  fifteenth  and  fixteenth  year  of  my  Age  I  went  to 
Canada,  and  there  took  care  to  keep  up  a  conflant  Correfpondence 
by  Letters  with  an  old  Relation^  who  had  required  of  me  a  Narra- 
tive of  the  Occurrences  of  that  Country,  upon  the  account  of  the 
yearly  affiftance  he  gave  me.  '  Tis  thefe  very  Letters  that  make  the 
greatefi  part  of  the  firfl  Folum.  They  contain  an  account  of  all  that 
pafs'd  between  the  Englifh,  the  French,  the  Iroquefe,  and  the 
other  Savage  Nations,  from  the  year  1683,  to  1694.  Together  with 
a  great  many  curious  Remarks,  that  may  be  of  life  to  thofe  who  have 
any  knowledge  of  the  Englifn  or  French  Colonies. 

The  whole  is  writ  with  a  great  deal  of  Fidelity;  for  I  reprefent 
things  jufi  as  they  are.  I  neither  flatter  nor  f pare  any  Perfon  what- 
foever ;  I  attribute  to   the  *  Iroquefe,         ,  ^     ,.^ 

the  glory  they  have  purchafed  on  feveral     .^  New-York,  Mahak. 
occafions,  tho'  at  the  fame  time  I  hate 

that  Rafcally  People,  as  much  as  Horns  and  Law-Suits.  Notwith- 
ftanding  the  Veneration  I  have  for  the  Clergy,  I  impute  to  them  all 
the  mifchief  the  Iroquefe  have  done  to  the  French  Colonies,  in  the 
courfe  of  a  War  that  had  never  been  undertaken,  if  it  had  not  been 
for  the  Connfels  of  thefe  pious  Church-Men. 

The  Reader  is  defir'd  to  take  notice  that  the  Towns  of  New- 
York,  are  known  to  the  French  by  their  old  Names  only,  and  for 
that  reafon  I  was  oblig'd  to  make  ufe  of  the  fame  in  my  Letters,  as 
well  as  my  Mapps.  They  give  the  name  of  New-York  to  all  that 
Country,  that  reaches  from  the  Source  of  its  River  to  the  Mouth, 
that  is,  to  the  Ifland,  upon  which  there  ftands  a  City  calVd  in  the  time 
of  the  Dutch  Manathe,  and  now  by  the  Enghfh,  New-York. 


The  Preface.  7 

In  like  manner  the  Plantation  0/ Albany,  that  lies  towards  the  bead 
of  the  River ^  is  calVd  by  the  French,  Orange. 

Farther;  I  would  not  have  the  Reader  to  take  it  amifs,  that  the 
thoughts  of  the  Savages  are  fet  forth  in  an  European  Drefs.  The 
occafton  of  that  choice  proceeded  from  the  Relation  I  Correfponded 
with;  for  that  honefl  Gentleman  ridiculed  the  Metaphorical  Ha- 
rangue of  the  *  Grangula;  and  intreated 
me  not  to  make  a  literal  iranjlatton  of 

a  Language  that  vjas  fo  fluff'd  with  Fi5lions  and  Savage  Hyper- 
boles. 'Tis  for  this  reafon  that  all  the  Difcourfes  and  Arguments  of 
thofe  Nations^  are  here  accommodated  to  the  European  Style  and  way 
of  Speaking  ;  for  having  comply' d  with  my  Friend's  Requefl,  I  con- 
tented my  f elf  in  keeping  only  a  Copy  of  the  Letters  I  writ  to  him, 
during  my  Pilgrimage  in  the  Country  of  thefe  naked  Philofophers. 

'Twill  not  be  improper  to  acquaint  the  Reader  by  the  bye^  that 
thofe  who  know  my  faults,  do  as  little  juflice  to  thefe  People,  as  they 
do  to  me,  in  alledging  I  am  a  Savage  my  felf,  and  that  that  makes 
me  fpeak  fo  favourably  of  my  Fellow-Savages.  Thefe  Obfervators 
do  me  a  great  deal  of  Honour,  as  long  as  they  do  not  explain  them- 
felves,  fo  as  to  make  me  dire^ly  of  the  fame  Character  with  that 
which  is  tack'd  to  the  word  Savage  by  the  Europeans  in  their  way 
of  thinking:  For  in  faying  only  that  I  am  of  the  fame  temper  with 
the  Savages,  they  give  me  without  dejign,  the  Character  of  the  hon- 
eflefl  Man  in  the  JVorld.  'Tis  an  uncontefled  truth,  that  the  Nations 
which  are  not  debauch'd  by  the  Neighbourhood  of  the  Europeans, 
are  flrangers  to  the  Meafures  of  Meum  and  Tuum,  and  to  all 
Laws,  Judges,  and  Priefls.     This  can't  be  call'd  in  queflion,  fince 


8  The  Preface. 

all  Travellers  that  have  vifited  thofe  Countries,  vouch  for  its  truth  ; 
and  a  great  many  of  different  Profeffions,  have  given  the  World 
repeated  affurances  that  'tis  fo.  Now  this  being  granted,  we  ought 
not  to  fcruple  to  believe,  that  thefe  are  fuch  wife  and  reafonable 
People.  I  take  it,  a  Man  miifl  be  quite  blind,  who  do's  not  fee  that 
the  property  of  Goods  (I  do  not  fpeak  of  the  ingroffing  of  Women) 
is  the  only  Source  of  all  the  Difordejs  that  perplex  the  European 
Societies.  Upon  that  Confideration  'twill  be  eafie  to  perceive,  that  I 
have  not  fpoke  wide  in  defcribing  that  Wifdom  and  Acutenefs  which 
fhines  through  the  Words  and  Actions  of  thefe  poor  Americans.  // 
all  the  World  had  accefs  to  the  Books  of  Voyages,  that  are  found  in 
fome  well  flock' d  Libraries^  they  would  find  in  above  a  hundred  De- 
fcriptions  of  Canada,  an  infinity  of  Difcourfes  and  Arguments  offer' d 
by  the  Savages,  which  are  incomparably  flronger,  and  more  nervous 
than  thofe  I've  inferted  in  my  Memoirs. 

As  for  fuch  as  doubt  of  the  Inflin5i  and  wonderful  capacity  of 
Beavers,  they  need  only  to  cafl  their  Eyes  upon  the  Great  Map  of 
America,  drawn  by  the  Sieur  de  Fer,  and  grav'd  at  Paris  in  the 
year  1698.^  Where  they  will  meet  with  feveral  furprifing  things, 
relating  to  thefe  Animals. 

While  my  Book  was  a  Printing  in  Holland,  /  was  in  England  ; 
and  as  foon  as  it  appear' d,  feveral  Englifh  Gentlemen  of  a  diftin- 
guifhing  Merit,  who  underfland  the  French  as  well  as  their  Mother 
Tongue,  gave  me  to  know,  that  they  would  be  glad  to  fee  a  more 


^  Nicolas  de  Fer  (1646-1720)  was  a  well-known  cartographer  of  his  time,  bearing 
the  title  of  royal  geographer  of  Belgium  (1701-16).  His  maps  were  more  noted  for 
the  adornment  of  their  borders,  and  their  picturesque  appearance,  than  for  accuracy. 
Lahontan  doubtless  refers  to  engravings  of  beavers  which  ornament  the  margin  of  the 
chart  here  cited.  —  Ed. 


The  Preface.  9 

ample  Relation  of  the  Manners  and  Ciijioms  of  the  People  of  that 
Continent^  whom  we  call  by  the  name  of  Savages.  This  oblig'd  me 
to  communicate  to  thefe  Gentlemen^  the  fitbflance  of  the  feveral  Con- 
ferences I  had  in  that  Country  with  a  certain  Huron,  whom  the 
French  call  Rat.  JFhile  I  flay'd  at  that  American'i  Village,  I 
imploy'd  my  time  very  agreeably  in  making  a  careful  Colle5lion  of 
all  his  Arguments  and  Opinions  ;  and  as  foon  as  I  return' d  from  my 
Voyage  upon  the  Lakes  of  Canada,  /  fhew'd  my  Manufcript  to 
Count  Frontenac,  who  was  fo  pleas'd  with  it,  that  he  took  the  pains 
to  afjijl  me  in  digefling  the  Dialogues,  and  bringing  them  into  the 
order  they  now  appear  in  ^ :  For  before  that,  they  were  abrupt  Con- 
ferences without  Connexion.  Upon  the  Solicitation  of  thefe  Engllfh 
Gentlemen,  I've  put  thefe  Dialogues  into  the  hands  of  the  Perfon 
who  tranflated  my  Letters  and  Memoirs  :  And  if  it  had  not  been  for 
their  pr effing  Liflances,  they  had  never  feen  the  light ;  for  there  are 
but  few  in  the  IForld  that  will  judge  impartially,  and  without  pre- 
poffeffion,  of  fome  things  contain'd  in  'em. 

I  have  likewife  intrufled  the  fame  Tranflator  with  fome  Remarks 
that  I  made  in  Portugal,  and  Denmark,  when  I  fled  thither  from 
Newfound-Land.  There  the  Reader  will  meet  with  a  defcription 
of  Lisbon  and  Copenhagen,  and  of  the  capital  City  of  Arragon. 

To  the  Transflation  of  my  firfl  Volume,  I  have  added  an  exa5l 
Map  of  Newfound-Land,  which  was  not  in  the  Original.  I  have 
likewife  corre5fed  almofl  all  the  Cuts  of  the  Holland  Impreffion,  for 


1  Frontenac's  responsibility  for  the  famous  dialogue  between  Lahontan  and  the 
Huron  has  been  much  discussed.  Without  doubt,  the  governor  of  Canada  permitted 
himself  liberties  in  religious  thought,  and  enjoyed  Lahontan's  clever  flings  against 
the  Jesuits  ;  but  it  can  hardly  be  held  that  all  the  sentiments  expressed  by  the  traveller 
accorded  with  his  own.  —  Ed. 


lo  The  Preface. 

the  Dutch  Gravers  had  murder'd  'em,  by  not  underftanding  their 
Explications,  which  were  all  in  French.  They  have  grav'd  Women 
for  Men,  and  Men  for  Women;  naked  Perfons  for  thofe  that  are 
cloath'd,  and  e  Contra.  j4s  for  the  Maps,  the  Reader  will  find 
'em  very  exa^ ;  And  I  have  taken  care  to  have  the  Tra5ls  of  my 
Voyages  more  nicely  delineated,  than  in  the  Original. 

I  underfland  by  Letters  from  Paris,  that  the  two  Mejfieurs 
de  Pontchartrain  indeavour  by  all  means  to  be  reveng'd  upon  me 
for  the  affront  they  say  I  have  given  'em  in  publi/Iiing  fome  triffling 
Stories  in  my  Book,  that  ought  to  have  been  conceal' d.  I  am  likewife 
inform'd,  that  I  have  reafon  to  be  apprehenfive  of  the  Refentment 
of  fever al  Ecclefiaflicks,  who  pretend  I  have  infulted  God  in  cenf tir- 
ing their  Conduct.  Butfince  I  expelled  nothing  lefs  than  the  furious 
Refentment  both  of  the  one  and  the  other,  when  I  put  this  Book  to 
the  Prefs ;  I  had  time  enough  to  arm  w,yf elf  from  top  to  toe,  in  order 
to  make  head  againfl  'em.  'Tis  my  comfort,  that  I  have  writ  nothing 
but  what  I  make  good  by  Authentick  proofs  ;  befides,  that  I  could  not 
have  f aid  lefs  of  'em  than  I  have  done;  for  if  I  had  not  tied  my  f elf 
up  to  the  direct  thread  of  my  Difcourfe,  I  could  have  made  Digref- 
fions,  in  which  the  Conduct  both  of  the  one  and  the  other,  would 
have  appear  d  to  be  prejudicial  to  the  repofe  of  the  Society,  and  the 
publick  Good.  I  had  provocation  enough  to  have  treated  'em  in  that 
manner ;  but  my  Letters  being  addrefs'd  to  an  old  Bigotted  Relation 
of  mine,  who  fed  upon  Devotion,  and  dreaded  the  influence  of  the 
Court;  he  ftill  befeech'd  me  to  write  nothing  to  him  that  might  dif- 
oblige  the  Clergy  or  the  Courtiers,  for  fear  of  the  intercepting  of  my 
Letters.  However,  I  have  advice  from  Paris,  that  fome  Pedants 
are  fet  at  work  to  lafli  me  in  writing;  and  fo  I  muft  prepare  toftand 


The  Preface.  n 

the  brunt  of  a  fliower  of  affronts,  that  will  be  pour'd  upon  me  in  a 
few  days.  But  'tis  no  matter;  I  am  fo  good  a  Conjurer,  that  I  can 
ward  off  any  florm  from  the  fide  of  Paris.  /  laugh  at  their 
Threats;  and  fince  I  can't  make  ufe  of  my  Sword,  I'll  wage  War 
with  my  Fen. 

This  I  only  mention  by  the  bye,  in  this  my  Preface  to  the  Reader, 
whom  I  pray  the  Heavens  to  Crown  with  Profperity,  in  preferving 
him  from  having  any  bufinefs  to  adjufl  with  mofi  of  the  Miniflers 
of  State,  and  Priefts ;  for  let  them  be  never  fo  faulty,  they'll  flill  be 
faid  to  be  in  the  right,  till  fuch  time  as  Anarchy  be  introduc' d  amongft 
us,  as  well  as  //.>£  Americans,  among  whom  the  forrycfl  fellow  thinks 
him f elf  a  better  Man,  than  a  Chancellor  of  France.  Thefe  People 
are  happy  in  being  fcreen'd  from  the  tricks  and  fliifts  of  Miniflers, 
who  are  always  Maflers  where-ever  they  come.  I  envy  the  fiate  of 
a  poor  Savage,  who  tramples  upon  Laws,  and  pays  Homage  to  no 
Scepter.  I  wi/h  I  could  fpend  the  reft  of  my  Life  in  his  Hutt,  and 
fo  be  no  longer  expos' d  to  the  chagrin  of  bending  the  knee  to  a  fet  of 
Men,  that  facrifice  the  publick  good  to  their  private  intereft,  and  are 
born  to  plague  honeft  Men.  The  two  Miniflers  of  State  I  have 
to  do  with,  have  been  folicited  in  vain,  by  the  Duchefs  of  Lude, 
Cardinal  Bouillon,  Count  Guifcar,  Mr.  de  Quiros,  and  Count 
d'  Avaux^:  Nothing  could  prevail,  tho'  all  that  is  laid  to  my 
charge,  confifls  only  in  not  bearing  the  affronts  of  a  Governour, 
zvhom  they  protect ;  at  a  time  when  a  hundred  other  Officers,  who 


1  These  patrons  who  spoke  on  behalf  of  Lahontan  were  among  the  eminent  per- 
sonages of  the  court  of  Louis  XIV.  The  Count  de  Lude  was  grand  master  of  artillery, 
his  wife  a  friend  of  Madame  de  Frontenac.  Cardinal  Bouillon  was  the  younger  son 
of  the  great  Turenne,  a  prominent  supporter  of  Fenelon  ;  at  this  time  he  was  in  a  sort 
of  honorable  exile  in   Holland,  as  was  likewise  Count  Guiscard,  a  diplomat  and 


12  The  Preface. 

live  tinder  the  imputation  of  Crimes^  infinitely  greater  than  mine,  are 
excused  for  three  Months  abfence  from  Court}  Now  the  Reafon  is, 
that  they  give  lefs  quarter  to  thofe  who  have  the  misfortune  to  dif- 
pleafe  the  two  Mejfieurs  de  Ponchartrain.  than  to  fuch  as  a3 
contrary  to  the  King's  Orders. 

But  after  all  my  Misfortunes,  I  have  this  to  folace  me,  that  I 
injoy  in  England  a  fort  of  Liberty,  that  is  not  met  with  elfewhere: 
For  one  may  juftly  fay,  that  of  all  the  Countries  inhabited  by  civil- 
is'd  People,  this  alone  affords  the  greatefl  perfection  of  Liberty.  Nay, 
I  do  not  except  the  liberty  of  the  Mind,  for  I  am  convinced,  that  the 
Englifh  maintain  it  with  a  great  deal  of  tendernefs:  So  true  it  is, 
that  all  degrees  of  Slavery  are  abhorr'd  by  this  People,  who  fliew 
their  IFifdom  in  the  precautions  they  take  to  prevent  their  finking 
into  a  fatal  Servitude. 


politician  of  some  fame.  Don  Francesco  Bernardo  de  Quiros  was  Spanish  ambassa- 
dor at  the  Hague  ;  and  Count  d'Avaux  had  long  been  French  minister  at  the  same 
court,  retiring  upon  William  Ill's  invasion  of  England  (1688),  and  again  upon  the 
outbreak  of  the  War  of  Spanish  Succession  (1703).  It  was  he  who  accompanied 
James  II  (1689)  to  Ireland,  as  representative  of  Louis  XIV.  —  Ed. 

1  Lahontan  here  refers  to  his  disagreement  with  Brouillan,  governor  of  Newfound- 
land, and  his  own  departure  thence  without  leave.  — Ed. 


THE 

CONTENTS. 

VOL.    I. 

[Original  pagination  retained.] 


LETTER    I. 

Dated  at  Quebec  Nov.  8.  1683. 

CONTAINING  a  Defcription  of  the  Paffage  from  France  to 
Canada  ;  with  fome  Remarks  upon  the  Coafts^  Channels,  &c. 
and  the  variation  of  the  Needle.  p.  i. 

LETTER    II. 

Dated  at  the  Canton  of  Beaupri  May  2.  1684. 

Containing  a  Defcription  of  the  Plantations  of  Canada,  and  the 

manner  in  which  they  were  firfl  form'd :    As  alfo  an  Account  of 

the  Tranfportation  of  IFhores  from  France  to  that  Country  ; 

together  with  a  view  of  its  Climate  and  Soil.  p.  7. 

LETTER.    III. 

Dated  at  Quebec  May  15.  1684. 
Containing  an  ample  Defcription  of  the  City  of  Quebec,  and  of  the 
Ifland  of  St.  Laurence.  p.  n. 


14  The  Contents. 

LETTER.    IV. 

Dated  at  Monreal  June  14.  1684. 

Containing  a  brief  Defcription  of  the  Habitations  of  the  Savages  in 
the  Neighbourhood  of  Quebec  ;  of  the  River  of  St.  Laurence, 
as  far  up  as  Monreal;  of  a  curious  way  of  fifiing  Eels;  and 
of  the  Cities  of  Trois  Rivieres,  and  Monreal :  Together  with 
an  account  of  the  Conduct  of  the  Forrefl-Rangers  or  Pedlers. 

p.  16. 
LETTER.     V. 
Dated  at  Monreal  June  18.  1684. 

In  which  is  contain'd  a  fhort  account  of  the  Iroquefe,  vAth  a  view 
of  the  War  and  Peace  they  made  vAth  the  French,  and  of  the 
means  by  which  it  was  brought  about.  p.  22. 

LETTER.    VL 

Dated  at  Monreal  June  20.  1684. 

Being  an  ample  Defcription  of  the  Canows  made  of  Birch  Bark^  in 
zvhich  the  Canadans  perform  all  their  Voyages;  with  an  Account 
of  the  manner  in  which  they  are  made  and  manag'd.        p.  26. 

LETTER.    Vn. 

Dated  at  Monreal  Novemb.  2.  1684. 

Defcribing  the  River  of  St.  Laurence,  from  Monreal  to  the  firfl 
great  Lake  of  Canada,  with  the  PFater-falls,  Cataracts,  and 
Navigation  of  that  River :  As  alfo  Fort  Frontenac,  and  the 
advantages  that  accrue  from  it.     Together  with  a  Circumfian- 


The  Contents.  15 

tial  account  of  the  Expedition  of  Mr.  de  la  Barre,  the  Gov- 
ernour  General^  againfl  the  Iroquefe  ;  the  Speeches  he  made, 
the  Replies  he  receiv'd,  and  the  final  Accommodation  of  the  dif- 
ference. P-  29. 

LETTER.    VIII. 

Dated  at  Monreal  June  28.  1685. 

Reprefenting  the  Fortifications  of  Monreal,  and  the  indifcreet  zeal 
of  the  Priefts,  who  are  Lords  of  that  Town :  With  a  Defcrip- 
tion  of  Chambli,  and  of  the  Commerce  of  the  Savages  upon  the 
great  Lakes.  p.  45. 

LETTER.     IX. 

Dated  at  Boucherville  0^.  2.  1685. 

Being  an  Account  of  the  Commerce  and  Trade  of  Monreal :  Of  the 
Arrival  of  the  Marquis  of  Denonville  with  fome  Troops ;  and 
of  the  recalling  of  Mr.  de  la  Barre.  With  a  curious  Defcription 
of  certain  Licenfes  for  trading  in  Beaver-Skins  in  the  remote 
Countries.  P*  5^* 

LETTER.    X. 

Dated  at  Boucherville  July  8.  1686. 

Relating  the  Arrival  of  Mr.  de  Champigni,  in  the  room  of  Mr. 
de  Meules,  who  is  recall'd  to  France ;  the  arrival  of  the 
Troops  that  came  along  with  him,  the  curiofity  of  the  Rackets, 
and  the  way  of  hunting  Elks;  with  a  Defcription  of  that 
Animal.  P-  55* 


i6  The  Contents. 

LETTER.    XI. 

Dated  at  Boucherville  May  28.  1687. 
Being  a  curious  Defcription  of  the  Hunting  of  divers  Animals,  p.  60. 

LETTER.    XII. 

Dated  at  St.  Helens  over  againft  Monreal  June  8.  1687. 

The  Chevalier  de  Vaudreuil  arrives  in  Canada  with  feme  Troops. 
Both  the  Regular  Troops  and  the  Militia  are  pofled  at  St. 
Helens,  in  a  readinefs  to  march  againfl  the  Iroquefe.      p.  68. 

LETTER.    XIII. 

Dated  at  Niagara  Aug.  2.  1687. 

Reprefenting  the  unfavourable  Iffue  of  the  Campaign^  made  in  the 
Iroquefe  Country ;  the  difcovery  of  an  Ambufcade,  and  the 
iffuing  of  Orders  for  the  Author  to  march  with  a  Detachment 
to  the  great  Lakes.  p.  70. 

LETTER.    XIV. 

Dated  at  Miffilimakinac  May  26.  1688. 

The  Author  leaves  Nagara,  and  has  an  Incounter  with  the  Iro- 
quefe at  the  end  of  the  Land-Carriage.  The  after-part  of  his 
Voyage.  A  Defcription  of  the  Country.  He  arrives  at  Fort  St. 
Jofeph  in  the  Mouth  of  the  Lake  of  Hurons.  A  Detachment 
of  the  Hurons  arrive  at  the  fame  place.  After  an  Ingagement, 
they  fet  out  for  MlfTilimakinac.  A  flrange  Adventure  of  Mr. 
de  la  Salle'j  Brother.     Miffilimakinac  defcrib'd.  p.  80. 


The  Contents.  17 

LETTER.    XV. 

Dated  at  Mijfdimakinac  Sept.  i8.  1688. 

Defcribing  the  Fall  calVd  Saut  St.  Marie,  where  the  Author  per- 

fwades  the  Inhabitants  to  joyn  r^^  Outaouas,  and  march  againft 

the  Iroquefe.    And  containing  an  account  of  the  Occurrences  of 

the  Voyage  between  that  Place  and  Miflilimakinac.  p.  92. 

LETTER.    XVL 

Dated  at  Miffilimakinac  May  28.  1689. 
Containing  an  Account  of  the  Author's  Departure  from^  and  Return 
to,  Miflilimaklnac.  //  Defcription  of  the  Bay  of  Puants,  and 
its  Villages.  An  ample  Defcription  of  the  Beavers,  followed  by 
the  Journal  of  a  remarkable  Voyage  upon  the  Long  River,  and 
a  Map  of  the  adjacent  Country.  p.  104. 

LETTER.    XVn. 

Dated  at  Quebec  Sep.  28.  1689. 
The  Author  fets  out  from  Miflilimakinac  to  the  Colony,  and  de- 
fcribes  the  Country,  Rivers,  and  Paffes  that  he  faw  by  the  way. 
The  Iroquefe  make  a  fatal  incur/ton  into  the  Ifland  of  Mon- 
real:  For;  Frontenac  is  abandon'd ;  Count  Frontenac  is  fent 
to  Canada,  and  the  Marquis  of  Denonville  is  recall'd.  p.  142. 

LETTER.    XVIII. 

Dated  at  Quebec  Nov.  15.  1689. 
Giving  an  Account  of  Mr.  de  Frontenac's  Arrival,  his  Reception, 
his  Voyage  to  Monreal,  and  the  repairing  of  Fort  Frontenac. 

p.  151. 


i8  The  Contents. 

LETTER.    XIX. 

Dated  at  Monreal  October  2.  1690. 

Relating  the  Attempts  upon  New-England  and  New- York;  a  fatal 

Embaffyfent  by  the  French  to  the  Iroquefe,  and  an  ill-concerted 

Enterprife  of  the  Englifh  and  the  Iroquefe,  in  marching  by 

Land  to  attack  the  French  Colony.  p.  155. 

LETTER.    XX. 

Dated  at  Rochel  January  12.  1691. 
Being  a  Relation  of  a  fecond  and  very  important  Expedition  of  the 
Englifh  by  Sea;  in  which  is  contained  a  Letter  written  by  the 
Engliih  Admiral  to  Count  Frontenac,  with  the  Governour's 
Verbal  Anfwer.  As  alfo  an  account  of  the  Author's  departure 
for  France.  p.  i59* 

LETTER.    XXI. 
Dated  at  Rochel  July  26.  1691. 
Containing  a  Defcription  of  the  Courts  or  Offices  of  the  Miniflers 
of  State,  and  a  view  of  fome  Services  that  are  ill  rewarded  at 
Court.  p.  166. 

LETTER.  XXII. 
Dated  at  Quebec  Nov.  10.  1691. 
JFhich  contains  an  account  of  the  Author's  departure  from  Rochel 
to  Quebec,  of  his  Voyage  to  the  mouth  of  the  River  St.  Laurence, 
of  a  Rencounter  with  an  Englifh  Ship  ivhich  he  fought ;  of  the 
flranding  of  his  Ship  ;  of  his  failing  thro'  the  River  St.  Laurence ; 
of  the  news  he  receiv'd  that  a  party  of  the  Englifh  and  Iro- 
quefe, had  defeated  a  Body  of  the  French  Troops.  p.  171. 


The  Contents.  19 

LETTER.    XXIII. 

Dated  at  Nants  O£lob.  25.  1692. 

Containing  an  Account  of  the  taking  of  fome  Englifh  Feffels^  of 
defeating  a  Party  of  the  Iroquefe,  of  an  Iroquefe  burnt  alive 
at  Quebec ;  of  another  Party  of  thefe  Barbarians,  who  having 
furpris'd  fome  Coureurs  de  Bois,  were  afterwards  furpris'd 
themfelves.  Of  the  Project  of  an  Enterprize  propos'd  by  Mr. 
Frontenac  to  the  Author.  Of  the  Author's  departure  in  a 
Frigat  for  France,  and  his  flopping  at  Placentia,  which  was 
then  attacked  by  the  Englifh  Fleet  that  came  to  take  that  Pofl 
from  us.  How  the  Englifh  fail'd  in  their  Defign,  and  the 
Author  purfu'd  his  Voyage.  p.  175, 

LETTER.    XXIV. 

Dated  at  Nants  May  10.  1693. 

Containing  an  Account  of  Mr.  Frontenac'i  Proje£l,  which  was 
reje5led  at  Court,  and  the  reafon  why  it  was  rejected.  The 
King  gives  the  Author  the  Lieutenancy  of  Newfound  Land, 
&c.  together  with  the  Independent  Company.  p.  187. 

LETTER.    XXV. 

Dated  at  Fiana  in  Portugal  Jan.  31.  1694. 

The  Author's  departure  from  France  to  Placentia.  A  Fleet  of 
30  Englifh  Ships  came  to  feize  upon  that  place;  but  is  dif- 
appointcd,  and  Sheers  off.  The  reafon  why  the  Englifli  have 
bad  fuccefs  in  all  their  Enterprifes  beyond  Sea.  The  Author's 
Adventure  with  the  Governour  of  Placentia.  His  departure  for 
Portugal.   An  Engagement  with  a  Flufhing  Privateer,    p.  193. 


20  The  Contents. 


Memoirs  of  North- America, 

Containing  a  Geographical  Defcription  of  that  vaft  Continent;  the 

Cuftoms  and  Commerce  of  the  Inhabitants^  &c.  p.  203. 

A  ftiort  Defcription  of  Canada.  p.  205. 

A  Lift  of  the  Savage  Nations  of  Canada.  p.  230. 

A  Lift  of  the  Animals  of  Canada.  p.  232. 

A  Defcription  of  fuch  Animals  orBeafls  as  are  not  mentioned 

in  the  Letters.  p.  233. 

A  Lift  of  the  Fowl  or  Birds  of  Canada.  p.  237. 

A  Defcription  of  fuch  Birds  as  are  not  accounted  for  in  the 

Letters.  p.  239. 

A  Defcription  of  the  Infe5ls  of  Canada.  p.  242. 

The  Names  of  the  Fifh  of  Canada.  p.  243. 

A  Defcription  of  the  Fifh  that  are  not  mention' d  in  the  Letters  p.  244. 
The  Trees  and  Fruits  of  Canada.  p.  247. 

A  Defcription  of  the  above-mention' d  Trees.  p.  248. 

A  General  view  of  the  Commerce  of  Canada>  p.  254. 

The  Commodities  truck'd  to  and  again  between  the  French 

and  the  Savages.  p.  257. 

An  Account  of  the  Government  of  Canada  in  General.  p.  260. 

A  Difcourfe  of  the  Intereft  of  the  French  and  Englifh  in 

North-America.  p.  260. 

A  Table  Explaining  fome  uncommon  Terms.  p.  276. 


The  Contents.  21 


The  Contents  of  the  Second 
Volume. 

ADifcourfe  of  the  Habit,  Houfes,  Complexion  and  Temperament 
of  the  Savages  0/ North-America.  P.  i.  Vol.  2 

J  fhort  view  of  the  Humours  and  Ciiftoms  of  the  Savages.  p.  7 
The  Belief  of  the  Savages,  and  the  Obflacles  of  their  Converfion.  p.  19 
The  way  of  PTorfhip  us'd  by  the  Savages.  p.  29 

Jn  Account  of  the  Amours  and  Marriages  of  the  Savages.  p.  34 
A  View  of  the  Difeafes  and  Remedies  of  the  Savages.  p.  45 

The  Diver/ions  of  Hunting  and  Shooting  ufual  among  the 

Savages.  P-5S 

The  Military  Art  of  the  Savages.  p.  7^ 

A  View  of  the  Heraldy  and  the  Coats  of  Arms  of  the  Savages,  p.  84 
An  Explication  of  the  Savage  Hieroglyphicks.  p.  86 


A  Conference  or  Dialogue  between  the  Author  and 
Adario,  a  noted  Man  among  the  Savages. 

Containing  a  Circumfiantial  view  of  the  Cufloms  and  Humours  of 
that  People.  P-  90- 


22  The  Contents. 


An  APPENDIX^  Containing  fome  New  Voyages 
to  Portugal  and  Denmark;  after  the  Author's  Retire- 
ment from  Canada. 

LETTER.    I. 

Dated  at  Lisbon  April  20.  1694. 

Containing  a  Defcription  0/ Viana,  Porto  a  Porto,  Avelro,  Colm- 
bra,  Lisbon  ;  together  with  a  View  of  the  Court  of  Portugal; 
and  an  Account  of  the  Government^  Laws^  Cufioms,  and  Hu- 
mours of  the  Portuguefe.  p.  185. 

LETTER    II. 

Dated  at  Travemunde  1694. 

Containing  an  Account  of  the  Author's  Voyage  from  Lisbon  to 
Garnfey ;  his  Adventure  with  an  Englifh  Man  of  fVar^  and 
an  Englifli  Privateer :  A  Defcription  of  Rotterdam  and  Am- 
flerdam  ;  the  Author's  Voyage  to  Hamburgh ;  the  Dimenfions 
of  a  Flemifh  Sloop ;  a  Defcription  of  the  City  of  Hamburg; 
the  Author's  Journey  from  thence  to  Lubeck,  and  a  Defcription 
of  that  City.  p.  211. 

LETTER.    III. 

Dated  at  Copenhagen  Sept.  12.  1694. 

Containing  a  Defcription  of  the  Port  and  City  of  Copenhagen,  a 
view  of  the  Danifh  Courts  and  of  the  Humours^  Cufioms^  Com- 
merce, Forces,  &c.  of  the  Danes.  p.  226. 


The  Contents.  23 

LETTER.    IV. 
Dated  at  Paris  Decemb.  29.  1694. 

Containing  a  Journal  of  the  Author's  Travels  from  Copenhagen 
to  Paris.  p.  244. 

LETTER.    V. 
Dated  at  Erleich  July  4.  1694. 

Giving  a  viezv  of  the  SttperJUtion  and  Ignorance  of  the  People  of 
Beam ;  their  addi^lednefs  to  the  notions  of  Witchcraft,  Appari- 
tions, &c.  And  the  Author's  Arguments  againft  that  Delufion. 

p.  255. 

LETTER.    VI. 

Dated  at  Huefia  July  11.  1695. 

Containing  an  Account  of  the  Author's  efcape  and  journey  to  Spain ; 
his  being  taken  up  for  a  Huguenot,  and  the  Ignorance  and 
Bigotry  of  the  Curates  and  People  of  Beam  in  France,   p.  268. 

LETTER.    VII. 

Dated  at  Saragoza  Octob.  8.  1695. 

Containing  a  Defcription  of  Saragoza  ;  a  View  of  the  Government 
0/ Arragon,  and  an  Account  of  the  Cufloms  of  the  People,  p.  274. 

A  fhort  Dictionary  of  the  Language  of  the  Savages.  p.  287. 


Some  New 

VOYAGES 

TO 

North-America. 

TOME   I. 


LETTER    I. 

Dated  at  the  Port  of  Quebec,  Nov.  8.  1683. 
Containing  a  Defcription  of  the  Paffage  from  France  to  Canada; 
with  fome  Remarks  upon  the  Coajis,  Channels,  &c.  and  the 
Variation  of  the  Needle. 

SIR, 

I  AM  furpris'd  to  find  that  a  Voyage  to  the  New  World  is 
fo  formidable  to  thofe  who  are  oblig'd  to  undertake  it; 
for  I  folemnly  proteft  that  'tis  far  from  being  what  the  World 
commonly  takes  it  for.  'Tis  true,  the  Paffage  is  in  fome  mea- 
fure  long  ;  but  then  the  hopes  of  viewing  an  unknown  Country, 
attones  for  the  tedioufnefs  of  the  Voyage.  When  we  broke 
ground  from  Rochel,  I  acquainted  you  with  the  Reafons  that 
mov'd  Mr.  le  Fevre  de  la  Barre,  Governor  General  of  Canada, 


26  Some  New  Voyages 

to  fend  the  Sieur  Mahu,  a  Canadefe^  to  France'^',  and  at  the 
fame  time  gave  you  to  know,  that  he  [2]  had  refolv'd  upon  the 
utter  deftrudllon  of  the  Iroquefe,  who  are  a  very  Warlike  and 
Savage  People.^  Thefe  Barbarians  befriend  the  Eitgli/h,  upon 
the  account  of  the  Succours  they  receive  from  'em ;  but  they 
are  enemies  to  us,  upon  the  apprehenfion  of  being  deftroy'd 
by  us  fome  time  or  other.  The  General  I  fpoke  of  but  now, 
expeded  that  the  King  would  fend  him  feven  or  eight  hundred 
Men ;  but  when  we  fet  out  from  Rochel  the  feafon  was  fo  far 
advanc'd,  that  our  three  Companies  of  Marines  were  reckon'd 
a  fufficient  Venture. 


1  Le  Febre  de  la  Barre  was  in  1682  appointed  governor  of  New  France,  to  super- 
sede Frontenac.  He  was  an  officer  of  experience,  having  seen  service  in  the  West 
Indies,  been  governor  of  Cayenne  (1664-66),  and  defeated  an  English  fleet  and 
recovered  Antigua,  Montserrat,  and  Nevis  for  the  French.  In  early  life  he  had  been 
a  lawyer  and  government  official  in  France.  Upon  his  arrival  in  the  colony  (1682), 
he  determined  upon  war  with  the  Iroquois,  and  dispatched  to  the  king  urgent  requests 
for  regular  troops,  of  whom  the  colony  was  bereft.  In  the  spring  of  1683,  the  Iro- 
quois again  harassed  the  colony,  and  the  governor  impressed  a  small  vessel  lying  at 
Quebec  to  send  news  thereof  to  France.  This  would  appear  to  have  been  the  ship  of 
one  Jean  Paul  Meheu,  seigneur  of  a  fief  of  La  Riviere  Maheu.  Some  years  previous, 
a  Canadian  of  the  same  name  is  noted  as  bearing  letters  to  France.  —  Thv.aites, 
Jesuit  Relations  (Cleveland,  1896-1901),  xlvi,  p.  179.  When  this  urgent  request 
reached  the  court,  the  king  determined  to  at  once  send  to  New  France  three  companies 
of  soldiers.  See  Collection  de  Manuscrits  relatifs  a  la  Nowvelle  France  (Quebec, 
1883),  i,  p.  310.  The  transport  was  named  the  "Tempest,"  commanded  by  Sieur 
Pingo.  It  departed  from  La  Rochelle  Aug.  29,  1683  ;  among  the  officers  was  Lahon- 
tan,  this  being  his  first  venture  across  seas.  —  Ed. 

2  The  Iroquois  had  long  been  the  scourge  of  Canada  ;  taking  advantage  of  their 
strategic  position  between  the  English  and  Dutch  of  New  York  and  the  French  of  the 
St.  Lawrence,  they  were  attempting  to  control  the  fur-trade  of  the  interior  in  the 
interest  of  the  English,  bringing  disaster  upon  the  colony  of  New  France.  They 
made  war  upon  the  Indian  allies  of  the  French  on  the  Upper  Lakes,  and  had  recently 
(1680-82)  inflicted  a  heavy  blow  upon  the  Illinois,  among  whom  La  Salle  was  endeav- 
oring to  found  a  colony.  —  Ed. 


to  North' Kv[\tnc2i,  27 

I  met  with  nothing  in  our  Paflfage  that  was  difagreeable, 
abating  for  a  Storm  that  alarm'd  us  for  fome  days,  upon  the 
precipice  of  the  bank  of  Newfound-Land^  where  the  Waves 
fwell  prodigioufly,  even  when  the  Winds  are  low.  In  that 
Storm  our  Frigat  receiv'd  fome  rude  fhocks  from  the  Sea ; 
but  in  regard  that  fuch  accidents  are  ufual  in  that  Voyage, 
they  made  no  impreffion  upon  the  old  feafon'd  Sailors.  As 
for  my  part,  I  could  not  pretend  to  that  pitch  of  indifference ; 
for  having  never  made  fuch  a  Voyage  before,  I  was  fo  alarm'd 
in  feeing  the  Waves  mount  up  to  the  Clouds,  that  I  made  more 
vows  to  Neptune^  than  the  brave  Idomenaus  did  in  his  return 
from  the  Wars  of  Troy.  After  we  made  the  bank,  the  Waves 
funk,  and  the  Wind  dwindled,  and  the  Sea  became  fo  fmooth 
and  eafie,  that  we  could  not  work  our  Ship.  You  can  fcarce 
imagine  what  quantities  of  Cod-fifh  were  catch'd  there  by  our 
Seamen,  in  the  fpace  of  a  quarter  of  an  hour;  for  though  we 
had  thirty  two  fathom  Water,  yet  the  Hook  was  no  fooner  at 
the  bottom,  than  the  Fifh  was  catch'd  ;  fo  that  they  had  noth- 
ing to  do  but  to  throw  in,  and  take  up  without  interruption : 
But  after  all,  fuch  is  the  misfortune  of  this  Fifhery,  that  it  do's 
not  fucceed  but  upon  certain  banks,  which  are  commonly  paft 
over  without  flopping.  However,  as  we  were  plentifully  [3] 
entertain'd  at  the  coft  of  thefe  Fifhes,  fo  fuch  of  'em  as  con- 
tinued in  the  Sea,  made  fufficient  reprifals  upon  the  Corps  of 
a  Captain,  and  of  feveral  Soldiers,  who  dy'd  of  the  Scurvy, 
ajid  were  thrown  over-board  three  or  four  days  after. 

In  the  mean  time  the  Wind  veering  to  the  Weft-North- 
Weft,  we  were  oblig'd  to  lye  bye  for  five  or  fix  days  ;  but  after 


28  Some  New  Voyages 

that  it  chop'd  to  the  North,  and  fo  we  happily  made  Cape 
Raje^  tho'  indeed  our  Pilots  were  at  a  lofs  to  know  where  we 
were,  by  reafon  that  they  could  not  take  the  Latitude  for  ten 
or  twelve  days  before.^  You  may  eafily  imagine,  that  'was 
with  great  joy  that  we  heard  one  of  our  Sailors  call  from  the 
Top-Maft,  Land,  Land,  juft  as  St.  Paul  did  when  he  approach'd 
to  Maltha,  VTjv  6pC>,  yijv  6pC):  For  you  muft  know  that  when 
the  Pilots  reckon  they  approach  to  Land,  they  ufe  the  pre- 
caution of  fending  up  Sailors  to  the  Top-Maft,  in  order  to 
fome  difcovery ;  and  thefe  Sailors  are  reliev'd  every  two  hours 
till  Night  comes,  at  which  time  they  furl  their  Sails  if  the  Land 
is  not  yet  defcry'd :  So  that  in  the  Night-time  they  fcarce 
make  any  way.  From  this  it  appears  how  important  it  is 
to  know  the  Coaft,  before  you  approach  to  it ;  nay,  the  Paf- 
fengers  put  fuch  a  value  upon  the  difcovery,  that  they  prefent 
the  firft  difcoverer  with  fome  Piftoles.  In  the  mean  time, 
you'll  be  pleas'd  to  obferve,  that  the  Needle  of  the  Compafs, 
which  naturally  points  to  the  North,  turns  upon  the  bank  of 
Newfound-Land,  twenty  three  Degrees  towards  the  North- 
Weft;  that  is,  it  points  there  a  degree  nearer  to  the  Weft, 
than  North-North- Weft.  This  remark  we  made  by  our  Com- 
pafs of  Variation. 

We  defcry'd  the  Cape  about  Noon ;  and  in  order  to  con- 
firm the  Difcovery,  ftood  in  upon  it  with  all  fails  aloft.     At 


1  The  name  Race,  applied  to  the  southeastern  extremity  of  Newfoundland,  is 
first  met  under  the  form  "  Cap  Rogo,"  on  a  map  of  about  the  year  1500.  The  name 
seems  to  have  been  given  from  the  French  word  "  ras,"  bare  or  flat.  See  Harrisse, 
Decowverte  et  Evolution  cartographique  de  Terre-Newve  (Paris,  1900) ,  p.  43.  —  Ed. 


to  iVor^i-America.  29 

laft,  being  affur'd  that  'twas  the  Promontory  we  look'd  for, 
an  univerfal  joy  was  [4]  fpread  throughout  the  Ship,  and  the 
fate  of  the  wretches  that  we  had  thrown  over-board,  was  quite 
forgot.  Then  the  Sailors  fet  about  the  Chriftening  of  thofe 
who  had  never  made  the  Voyage  before,  and  indeed  they  had 
done  it  fooner,  if  it  had  not  been  for  the  death  of  our  above- 
mention'd  Companions.  The  Chriftening  I  fpeak  of,  is  an 
impertinent  Ceremony,  pradis'd  by  Sea-faring  Men,  whofe 
humours  are  as  ftrange  and  extravagant,  as  the  Element  it  felf, 
upon  which  they  foolifhly  truft  themfelves.  By  vertue  of  a 
Cuftom  of  old  ftanding,  they  profane  the  Sacrament  of  Bap- 
tifm  in  an  unaccountable  manner.  Upon  that  occafion,  the 
old  Sailors  being  blacken'd  all  over,  and  difguis'd  with  Rags 
and  Ropes,  force  the  greener  fort  that  have  never  pafs'd  fome 
certain  degrees  of  Latitude  before,  to  fall  down  on  their 
Knees,  and  to  fwear  upon  a  Book  of  Sea  Charts,  that  upon 
all  occafions  they  will  pradtife  upon  others,  the  fame  Cere- 
mony that  is  then  made  ufe  of  towards  them.  After  the  admin- 
iftring  of  this  ridiculous  Oath,  they  throw  fifty  Buckets  full  of 
Water  upon  their  Head,  Belly,  and  Thighs,  and  indeed  all 
over  their  Body,  without  any  regard  to  times  or  feafons. 
This  piece  of  folly  is  chiefly  pradlis'd  under  the  ^Equator, 
under  the  Tropicks,  under  the  Polar  Circles,  upon  the  bank 
of  Newfound-Land;  and  in  the  Streights  of  Gibraltar^  the 
Sund^  and  the  Dardanelloes.  As  for  Perfons  of  Note  or  Char- 
acter, they  are  exempted  from  the  Ceremony,  at  the  expence 
of  five  or  fix  bottles  of  Brandy  for  the  Ships  Crew. 


30  Some  New  Voyages 

Three  or  four  days  after  the  performance  of  this  Solem- 
nity, v/e  difcover'd  Cape  Raye}  and  fo  made  up  to  St.  Laurence 
Bay,  in  the  Mouth  of  which  we  were  becalm'd  for  a  little 
while ;  and  during  that  Calm,  we  had  a  clearer  and  pleafanter 
day,  than  any  we  had  feerl  in  the  Paffage.  It  look'd  as  if  that 
day  had  been  vouchfaf'd  us  by  way  of  recompence  [5]  for  the 
Rains,  Foggs,  and  high  Winds,  that  we  incounter'd  by  the 
way.  There  we  faw  an  Engagement  between  a  Whale  and  a 
*  Efpadon,  a  Fijh  between  *  Sword-Fifh,  at  the  diftance  of  a  Gun- 
10  and  15  Foot  long,  be-  ihot  from  our  Frigat.  We  were  per- 
iv.g  four  Foot  in  circum-  fedtly  charm'd  when  we  faw  the  Sword- 
ference,  and  having  in  its      pj^  j^^p   ^^^  ^f  ^^^  ^^^^^  -^^  ^^der 

Snout  a  fort  of  Saw  which  ,        .      o  •  1      -n     1       /•    1 

.  ,  r,  ,  ;  J  J  to  dart  Its  Spear  mto  the  Body  of  the 
IS  four  Foot  long,  four  In-  ^  •' 

ches  broad,  and  fix  Lines  Whale,  when  oblig'd  to  take  breath. 
thick.  This  entertaining  fhow  lafted  at  leaft 

two  hours,  fometimes  to  the  Starboard,  and  fometimes  to 
the  Larboard  of  the  Ship.  The  Sailors,  among  whom  Super- 
ftition  prevails  as  much  as  among  the  Egyptians,  took  this  for 
a  prefage  of  fome  mighty  Storm ;  but  the  Prophecy  ended 
in  two  or  three  days  of  contrary  Winds,  during  which  time 
we  travers'd  between  the  Ifland  of  Nezv found-Land,  and  that 
of  Cape  Breton.  Two  days  after  we  came  in  fight  of  the 
Ifland  of  Fowls,  by  the  help  of  a  North-Eaft  Wind ;  which 
drove  us  from  the  Mouth  of  St.  Laurence  Bay,  to  the  Ifle  of 
Anticofti,  upon  the  bank  of  which,  we  thought  to  have  been  cafl 


1  Cape  Ray  is  at  the  southwestern  extremity  of  Newfoundland  ;  the  name  first 
appeared  on  a  map  of  1600.     Harrisse,  op.  cit.,  p.  285.  —  Ed. 


to  North'h.vnmcdL,  31 

away,  by  nearing  it  too  much.  In  the  Mouth  of  that  River 
we  fell  Into  a  fecond  calm,  which  was  follow'd  by  a  contrary 
Wind,  that  oblig'd  us  to  lye  bye  for  fome  days.  At  laft  we 
made  Tadoiijfac^  by  gradual  approaches,  and  there  came  to  an 
Anchor.^ 

This  River  is  four  Leagues  broad  where  we  then  rode,  and 
twenty  two  at  its  Mouth ;  but  it  contracts  it  felf  gradually,  as 
it  approaches  to  its  fource.  Two  days  after,  the  Wind  ftand- 
ing  Eaft,  we  weigh'd  Anchor ;  and  being  favor'd  by  the  Tyde, 
got  fafe  through  the  Channel  of  the  Red  Ifland,  in  which  the 
Currents  are  apt  to  turn  a  Veffel  on  one  fide,  as  well  as  at  the 
Ifland  of  Coudres,  which  lies  fome  Leagues  higher.^  But  upon 
the  Coafl:  of  the  laft  [6]  Ifland,  we  had  certainly  ftruck  upon 
the  Rocks,  if  we  had  not  drop'd  an  Anchor.  Had  the  Ship 
been  caft  away  at  that  place,  we  might  eafily  have  fav'd  our 


1  The  Island  of  Fowls  is  probably  the  group  still  known  as  Bird  Rocks,  in  St, 
Lawrence  Gulf,  north  of  Magdalen  Islands. 

Anticosti  is  a  large  island  one  hundred  and  forty  miles  long  by  about  twenty- 
seven  in  average  breadth.  It  lies  in  the  mouth  of  St.  Lawrence  River,  and  three  years 
before  this  voyage  of  Lahontan  had  been  granted  as  a  seigniory  of  Louis  Jolliet,  the 
Mississippi  explorer. 

Tadoussac,  at  the  entrance  of  Saguenay  River,  is  one  of  the  oldest  towns  in 
Canada,  having  been  founded  before  Quebec.  It  was  the  favorite  resort  of  the  Mon- 
tagnais  Indians,  and  the  centre  of  a  thriving  fur-trade  and  fishery.  The  Recollects 
said  mass  here  as  early  as  1617  ;  and  here  the  hostile  English  fleet,  under  Admiral 
Sir  David  Kirk,  anchored  in  July,  1628.  The  Jesuits  began  a  mission  at  Tadoussac 
before  1642,  and  one  of  their  early  churches  (built  1647-50)  is  still  to  be  seen. —  Ed. 

2  Red  Island  is  that  now  known  as  Isle  Rouge,  in  the  St.  Lawrence  opposite 
Tadoussac.    It  was  early  noted  for  its  seal  fishing.    See  Jesuit  Relations,  xxxii,  p.  93. 

Isle  aux  Coudres  was  so  designated  for  the  hazelnut  bushes  with  which  it  abounded, 
and  appears  to  have  been  so  named  by  Cartier.  The  early  voyagers  speak  of  the 
number  of  elk  to  be  found  on  this  island.  —  Ed. 


32  Some  New  Voyages 

felves :  But  it  prov'd  fo,  that  we  were  more  aflfraid  than  hurt. 
Next  Morning  we  weighed  with  a  frefh  gale  from  the  Eaft,  and 
the  next  day  after  came  to  an  Anchor  over  againft  Cape  Tour- 
mente,  where  we  had  not  above  two  Leagues  over,  tho'  at  the 
fame  time  'tis  a  dangerous  place  to  thofe  who  are  unacquainted 
with  the  Channel.^  From  thence  we  had  but  feven  Leagues 
failing  to  the  Port  of  Quebec,  where  we  now  ride  at  Anchor. 
In  our  Paffage  from  the  red  Ifland  to  this  place,  we  faw  fuch 
floats  of  Ice,  and  fo  much  Snow  upon  the  Land,  that  we  were 
upon  the  point  of  turning  back  for  France,  tho'  we  were  not 
then  above  thirty  Leagues  off  our  defired  Port.  We  were 
affraid  of  being  ftop'd  by  the  Ice,  and  fo  loft ;  but  thank  God 
we  'fcap'd. 

We  have  receiv'd  advice,  that  the  Governor  has  mark'd 
out  Quarters  for  our  Troops  in  fome  Villages  or  Cantons 
adjacent  to  this  City;  fo  that  I  am  oblig'd  to  prepare  to  go 
afhore,  and  therefore  muft  make  an  end  of  this  Letter.  I 
cannot  as  yet  give  you  any  account  of  the  Country,  excepting 
that  'tis  already  mortally  cold.  As  to  the  River,  I  mean  to 
give  you  a  more  ample  defcription  of  it,  when  I  come  to  know 
it  better.  We  are  informed  that  Mr.  de  la  Salle  is  juft  return' d 
from  his  Travels,  which  he  undertook  upon  the  difcovery  of 
a  great  River  that  falls  into  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  ;  and  that  he 


1  Cape  Tourmente  is  a  lofty  promontory  on  the  St.  Lawrence,  about  twenty  miles 
below  Quebec,  towering  nineteen  hundred  feet  above  the  meadows  (Beaupre)  at  its 
base.  It  was  so  named  by  Champlain  (1608),  who  noted  that  "  however  little  wind 
may  blow  the  sea  there  is  as  if  it  were  high  tide.  At  this  place  the  water  begins  to 
be  fresh.  "  —  Ed. 


to  North- hxntnc2i.  33 

imbarques  to  morrow  for  France}  He  is  perfedlly  well  ac- 
quainted with  Canada^  and  for  that  reafon  you  ought  to  vifit 
him,  if  you  go  to  Paris  this  Winter.     I  am, 

SIR, 

Tours,  &c. 


1  Rene  Robert  Cavelier,  Sieur  de  la  Salle,  had  just  returned  from  his  successful 
journey  into  the  interior,  where  he  had  explored  the  Mississippi  and  in  Illinois 
founded  the  colony  of  St.  Louis.  Frontenac,  his  patron,  had  been  replaced,  and  the 
new  governor  gave  a  ready  ear  to  La  Salle's  detractors.  The  fortunes  of  the  explorer 
were  desperate,  and  he  was  about  to  embark  for  France  to  seek  redress  at  court. 
This  was  his  farewell  to  Canada,  his  final  voyage  being  made  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico, 
upon  whose  waters  he  was  assassinated  (March  i8,  1687). —  Ed. 


34  Some  New  Voyages 


LETTER    II. 

Dated  at  the  Canton  of  Beaupr^,^  May  2.  1684. 
Containing  a  Defcription  of  the  Plantations  of  Canada,  and  the 
manner  in  which  they  were  firfl  form' d :    As  alfo  an  account  of 
the  Tranfportation  of  JVhores  from  France  to  that  Country ; 
together  with  a  view  of  its  Climate  and  Soil. 

SIR, 

AS  foon  as  we  landed  laft  year,  Mr.  de  la  Barre  lodg'd  our 
three  Companies  in  fome  Cantons  or  Quarters  in  the 
Neighbourhood  of  Quebec.  The  Planters  call  thefe  places  Cotes^ 
which  in  France  iignifies  no  more  than  the  Sea-Coaft ;  tho'  in  this 
Country  where  the  names  of  Town  and  Village  are  unknown, 
that  word  is  made  ufe  of  to  exprefs  a  Seignory  or  Manour, 
the  Houfes  of  which  lie  at  the  diftance  of  two  or  three  hun- 
dred Paces  one  from  another,  and  are  feated  on  the  brink  of 
the  River  of  St.  Laurence.-    In  earneft.  Sir,  the  Boors  of  thofe 


iThe  three  companies  were  quartered  at  villages  in  the  vicinity  of  Quebec.  It 
fell  to  Lahontan's  lot  to  pass  the  winter  in  the  seigniory  of  Beaupre,  which  stretched 
for  six  leagues  along  the  river  and  embraced  more  than  the  present  county  of  Mont- 
morency. Beaupre  was  early  settled,  and  as  a  Jesuit  seigniory  received  much  atten- 
tion. At  this  time  it  was  considered  the  most  orderly  and  thrift)'  settlement  in  the 
colony.  —  Ed. 

2  Feudalism  was  established  in  New  France  by  the  act  of  Richelieu,  in  his  grant 
to  the  Company  of  One  Hundred  Associates  (1627) .  Seigniorial  tenure  was  not  abol- 
ished in  Lower  Canada  (Province  of  Quebec)  until  1854.  On  the  influence  of  this 
system  see  Parkman,  Old  Regime  in  Canada  (Boston,  1874),  chap,  xv ;  Weir, 
Administration  of  the  Old  Regime  in  Canada  (Montreal,  1896-97). —  Ed. 


to  A^or^/6- America.  35 

Manors  live  with  more  eafe  and  conveniency,  than  an  infinity 

of  the  Gentlemen  in  France.     I  am  out  indeed  in  calling  'em 

Boors,  for  that  name  is  as  little  known  here  as  in  Spain; 

whether  it  be  that  they  pay  no  Taxes,  and  injoy  the  liberty  of 

Hunting  and  Fiihing;  or  that  the  eafinefs  of  their  Life,  puts 

'em  upon  a  level  with  the  Nobility.    The 

--,  ,  .  ,    .  .     J  An  Arpent  is  a  fpot 

pooreft  of  them  have  four  Urpents  of    .f^,,^^^ containing  100 

Ground  in  front,  and  thirty  or  forty  in     Perches  fquare,  each  of 

depth :  The  whole  Country  being  a  con-     which  is  eighteen  Foot 

tinued  Forreft  of  lofty  Trees,  the  ftumps     '°"^" 

[8]  of  which  muft  be  grub'd  up,  before  they  can  make  ufe  of 

a  Plough.    'Tis  true,  this  is  a  troublefom  and  chargeable  task 

at  firft ;  but  in  a  fhort  time  after  they  make  up  their  Loffes ; 

for  when  the  Virgin  ground  is  capable  of  receiving  Seed,  it 

yields  an  increafe  to  the  rate  of  an  hundred  fold.     Corn  is 

there  fown  in  May,  and  reap'd  about  the  middle  of  September. 

Inftead  of  threfhing  the  Sheafs  in  the  Field,  they  convey  'em 

to  Barns,  where  they  lie  till  the  coldeft  feafon  of  the  Winter, 

at  which  time  the  Grain  is  more  eafily  difengag'd  from  the 

Ear.    In  this  Country  they  likewife  fow  Peafe,  which  are  much 

efteem'd  in  France.    All  forts  of  Grain  are  very  cheap  here,  as 

well  as  Butchers  Meat  and  Fowl.     The  price  of  Wood  is 

almoft  nothing,  in  comparifon  with  the  charge  of  its  carriage, 

which  after  all  is  very  inconfiderable. 

Moft  of  the  Inhabitants  are  a  free  fort  of  People  that 

remov'd  hither  from  France,  and  brought  with  'em  but  little 

Money  to  fet  up  withal :    The  reft  are  thofe  who  were  Soldiers 

about  thirty  or  forty  years  ago,  at  which  time  the  Regiment 


36  Some  New  Voyages 

of  Carigtian  was  broke,  and  they  exchang'd  a  Military  Poft, 
for  the  Trade  of  Agriculture}  Neither  the  one  nor  the  other 
pay'd  any  thing  for  the  grounds  they  poffefs,  no  more  than 
the  Officers  of  thefe  Troops,  who  mark'd  out  to  themfelves, 
certain  portions  of  unmanur'd  and  woody  Lands;  for  this 
vaft  Continent  is  nothing  elfe  than  one  continued  Forreft. 
The  Governours  General  allow'd  the  Officers  three  or  four 
Leagues  of  ground  in  front,  with  as  much  depth  as  they 
pleas'd ;  and  at  the  fame  time  the  Officers  gave  the  Soldiers 
as  much  ground  as  they  pleas'd,  upon  the  condition  of  the 
payment  of  a  Crown  per  Jrpent,  by  way  of  Fief. 

After  the  reform  of  thefe  Troops,  feveral  Ships  were  fent 
hither  from  France,  with  a  Cargoe  of  Women  of  an  ordinary 
Reputation,  under  the  diredlion  [9]  of  fome  old  ftale  Nuns, 
who  rang'd  'em  in  three  Claffes.  The  Veftal  Virgins  were 
heap'd  up,  (if  I  may  fo  fpeak)  one  above  another,  in  three 
different  Apartments,  where  the  Bridegrooms  fingled  out  their 
Brides,  juft  as  a  Butcher  do's  an  Ewe  from  amongft  a  Flock  of 
Sheep.  In  thefe  three  Seraglio's,  there  was  fuch  variety  and 
change  of  Diet,  as  could  fatisfie  the  moft  whimfical  Appetites; 
for  here  was  fome  big  fome  little,  fome  fair  fome  brown,  fome 
fat  and  fome  meagre.    In  fine,  there  was  fuch  Accommodation, 

^  Lahontan's  chronology  is  quite  inaccurate  ;  scarcely  twenty  years  had  passed 
since  the  regiment  of  Carignan-Salieres,  the  first  regular  troops  in  New  France,  was 
ordered  to  America.  This  command  had  seen  service  in  France  and  against  the 
Turks.  Coming  to  Canada  in  1665,  the  soldiers  were  effectively  employed  against 
the  Iroquois.  A  few  years  later  several  companies  were  disbanded,  and  urged  to 
become  colonists.  Rewards  in  money  and  land  were  given  those  who  married  and 
settled  in  the  province,  and  the  descendants  of  these  soldiers  were  among  the  most  able 
and  prominent  citizens  of  the  colony.  See  Suite,  "  Le  Regiment  deCarignan,"  in 
Canadian  Royal  Society  Proceedings,  2d  series,  viii,  pp.  25-95.  —  Ed. 


to  iVo;Y/6-America.  37 

that  every  one  might  be  fitted  to  his  Mind  :  And  indeed  the 
Market  had  fuch  a  run,  that  in  fifteen  days  time,  they  were  all 
difpos'd  of.  I  am  told,  that  the  fatteft  went  off  befl,  upon 
the  apprehenfion  that  thefe  being  lefs  adive,  would  keep  truer 
to  their  Ingagements,  and  hold  out  better  againft  the  nipping 
cold  of  the  Winter :  But  after  all,  a  great  many  of  the  He- 
Adventurers  found  themfelves  miftaken  in  their  meafures. 
However,  let  that  be  as  it  will,  it  affords  a  very  curious 
Remark ;  namely.  That  in  fome  parts  of  the  World,  to  which 
the  vicious  European  Women  are  tranfported,  the  Mob  of  thofe 
Countries  do's  ferioufly  believe,  that  their  Sins  are  fo  defac'd 
by  the  ridiculous  Chriflening,  I  took  notice  of  before,  that 
they  are  look'd  upon  ever  after  as  Ladies  of  Vertue,  of  Honour, 
and  of  an  untarnifh'd  condud  of  Life.  The  Sparks  that  wanted 
to  be  married,  made  their  Addreffes  to  the  above-mention'd 
Governefl'es,  to  whom  they  were  oblig'd  to  give  an  account  of 
their  Goods  and  Eftates,  before  they  were  allow'd  to  make 
their  choice  in  the  three  Seraglio's.  After  the  choice  was  deter- 
min'd,  the  Marriage  was  concluded  upon  the  fpot,  in  the 
prefence  of  a  Priefl,  and  a  publick  Notary ;  and  the  next  day 
the  Governor-General  beftow'd  upon  the  married  Couple,  a 
Bull,  a  Cow,  a  Hog,  a  Sow,  a  Cock,  a  Hen,  two  Barrels  of 
fait  Meat,  and  eleven  Crowns ;  together  with  [lo]  a 
certain  Coat  of  Arms  call'd  by  the  Greeks  \\  Kipara} 


1  This  slanderous  and  apparently  malicious  account  of  the  mothers  of  the  Cana- 
dian population  has  brought  much  obloquy  upon  our  author.  For  a  refutation  from 
contemporary  documents,  see  Parkman,  Old  Regime,  pp.  221-230  ;  Roy,  "  Le  Baron 
deLahontan,"  Can.  Roy.  Soc.Proc,  1894,  sec.  i,pp.  150-162;  Suite,  "  Pretendues 
Origines  des  Canadiens  fran(ais,"  in  Id.,  1885,  sec.  i,  pp.  13-26.  —  Ed. 


38  Some  New  Voyages 

The  Officers  having  a  nicer  tafte  than  the  Soldiers,  made  their 
AppHcation  to  the  Daughters  of  the  ancient  Gentlemen  of  the 
Country,  or  thofe  of  the  richer  fort  of  Inhabitants ;  for  you 
know  that  Canada  has  been  poffefs'd  by  the  French  above  an 
hundred  years. 

In  this  Country  every  one  lives  in  a  good  and  a  well  fur- 
nifh'd  Houfe ;  and  moft  of  the  Houfes  are  of  Wood,  and  two 
Stories  high.  Their  Chimnies  are  very  large,  by  reafon  of 
the  prodigious  Fires  they  make  to  guard  themfelves  from  the 
Cold,  which  is  there  beyond  all  meafure,  from  the  Month  of 
December^  to  that  of  April.  During  that  fpace  of  time,  the 
River  is  always  frozen  over,  notwithftanding  the  flowing  and 
ebbing  of  the  Sea ;  and  the  Snow  upon  the  ground,  is  three 
or  four  foot  deep  ;  which  is  very  ftrange  in  a  Country  that  lies 
in  the  Latitude  of  forty  feven  Degrees,  and  fome  odd  Minutes. 
Moft  People  impute  the  extraordinary  Snow  to  the  number 
of  Mountains,  with  which  this  vaft  Continent  is  replenifh'd. 
Whatever  is  in  that  matter,  I  muft  take  notice  of  one  thing, 
that  feems  very  ftrange,  namely,  that  the  Summer  days  are 
longer  here  than  at  Paris.  The  Weather  is  then  fo  clear  and 
ferene,  that  in  three  Weeks  time  you  fhall  not  fee  a  Cloud  in 
the  Horizon.  I  hope  to  go  to  Quebec  with  the  firft  opportunity; 
for  I  have  orders  to  be  in  a  readinefs  to  imbarque  within 
fifteen  days  for  Monreal,  which  is  the  City  of  this  Country, 
that  lies  fartheft  up  towards  the  Head  of  the  River. 

I  am, 
SIR, 

Yours,  &c. 


to  North- Knitnc2i,  39 


[11]      LETTER    III. 
Dated  at  Quebec  May  15.  1684. 

Containing  an  ample  Defcription  of  the  City  of  Quebec,  and  of  the 
Ifland  of  Orleans. 

SIR, 

BEFORE  I  fet  out  for  Monreal,  I  had  the  curiofity  to  view 
the  Ifland  of  Orleans^  which  is  feven  Leagues  in  length, 
and  three  in  breadth:  It  extends  from  over  againfl:  Cape 
Tourmente,  to  within  a  League  and  a  half  of  Quebec,  at  which 
place  the  River  divides  it  felf  into  two  branches.  The  Ships 
fail  through  the  South  Channel;  for  the  North  Channel  is  fo 
foul  with  Shelves  and  Rocks,  that  the  fmall  Boats  can  only 
pafs  that  way.  The  Ifland  belongs  to  a  General  Farmer  of 
Fr^wc^,  who  would  make  out  of  it  a  thoufand  Crowns  of  yearly 
Rent,  if  himfelf  had  the  management  of  it.  'Tis  furrounded 
with  Plantations,  that  produce  all  forts  of  Grain.^ 

Quebec  is  the  Metropolitan  of  New-France,  being  almofl:  a 
League  in  Circumference ;  It  lies  in  the  Latitude  of  47  De- 
grees, and  12  Minutes.    The  Longitude  of  this  place  is  uncer- 


iThe  island  of  Orleans,  which  lies  in  the  St.  Lawrence  near  Quebec,  is  twenty- 
one  miles  long  by  about  five  in  width.  It  was  named  by  Cartier  (1535)  Isle  of  Bac- 
chus, but  subsequently  given  its  present  appellation  by  the  same  explorer.  This 
island  was  granted  as  a  fief  in  1636.  At  the  time  of  Lahontan  it  was  a  fief-noble 
in  the  possession  of  the  family  of  Berthelot.  See  Bois,  L' Isle  d' Orleans  (Quebec, 
189s).— Ed. 


40  Some  New  Voyages 

tain,i  as  well  as  that  of  feveral  other  Countries,  with  the  leave 
of  the  Geographers,  that  reckon  you  up  1200  Leagues  from 
Rochel  to  Quebec,  without  taking  the  pains  to  meafure  the 
Courfe:  However,  I  am  fure  that  it  lies  but  at  too  great  a 
diftance  from  France,  for  the  Ships  that  are  bound  hither; 
For  their  paiTage  commonly  lafts  for  two  Months  and  a  half, 
whereas  the  homeward  bound  Ships  may  in  30  or  40  days 
failing,  eafily  make  the  Belle  Ifle,  which  is  the  fureft  [12]  and 
moft  ufual  Land,  that  a  Ship  makes  upon  a  long  Voyage.  The 
reafon  of  this  diflPerence,  is,  that  the  Winds  are  Eafterly  for 
100  days  of  the  year,  and  Wefterly  for  260. 

Quebec  is  divided  into  the  upper  and  the  lower  City.  The 
Merchants  live  in  the  latter,  for  the  conveniency  of  the  Har- 
bor; upon  which  they  have  built  very  fine  Houfes,  three 
Story  high,  of  a  fort  of  Stone  that's  as  hard  as  Marble.  The 
upper  or  high  City  is  full  as  populous,  and  as  well  adorn'd  as 
the  lower.  Both  Cities  are  commanded  by  a  Caftle,  that 
ftands  upon  the  higheft  Ground.  This  Caftle  is  the  Refidence 
of  the  Governours,  and  affords  them  not  only  convenient 
Apartments,  but  the  nobleft  and  moft  extenfive  Profpe6l  in 
the  World.  Quebec  wants  two  effential  things,  namely,  a  Key 
and  Fortifications ;  though  both  the  one  and  the  other  might 
be  eafily  made,  confidering  the  conveniency  of  Stones  lying 
upon  the  fpot.^    'Tis  incompafs'd  with  feveral  Springs,  of  the 

iThe  true  latitude  of  Quebec  is  46°  49'  north;  the  longitude,  71°  13'  west  of 
Greenwich.  —  Ed. 

2  Champlain  began  the  fortifications  of  Quebec  by  the  founding  of  Fort  St.  Louis 
on  the  citadel  rock.  This  building  was  replaced  in  stone  by  his  successor  Mont- 
magny,  who  also  laid  the  foundations  for  the  first  Chateau  St.  Louis,  which  w-s 


to  iVor^^- America.  41 

beft  frefh  Water  in  the  World,  which  the  Inhabitants  draw 
out  of  Wells ;  for  they  are  fo  ignorant  of  the  Hydroftaticks, 
that  not  one  of  'em  knows  how  to  convey  the  Water  to  cer- 
tain Bafins,  in  order  to  raife  either  flat  or  fpouting  Fountains. 
Thofe  who  live  on  the  River  fide,  in  the  lower  City,  are  not 
half  fo  much  pinch'd  with  the  Cold,  as  the  Inhabitants  of  the 
upper ;  befides  that  the  former  have  a  peculiar  conveniency 
of  tranfporting  in  Boats,  Corn,  Wood,  and  other  NecefTaries, 
to  the  very  Doors  of  their  Houfes  :  But  as  the  latter  are  more 
expofs'd  to  the  injuries  of  the  Cold,  fo  they  injoy  the  benefit 
and  pleafure  of  a  cooler  Summer.  The  way  which  leads  from 
the  one  City  to  the  other  is  pretty  broad,  and  adorn'd  with 
Houfes  on  each  fide ;  only  'tis  a  little  fl:eep.  Quebec  fl:ands 
upon  a  very  uneven  Ground ;  and  its  Houfes  are  not  uniform. ^ 
The  Intendant  lives  in  a  [13]  bottom,  at  fome  fmall  difl;ance 
from  the  fide  of  a  little  River,  which  by  joyning  the  River  of 
St.  Laurence^  coops  up  the  City  in  a  right  Angle.  His  Houfe  is 
the  Palace  in  which  the  Soveraign  Council  affembles  four  times 
a  Week^;  and  on  one  fide  of  which,  we  fee  great  Magazines 


demolished  in  1694  to  make  way  for  tne  finer  structure  which  Frontenac  constructed 
during  his  last  years.  See  Gagnon,  Le  Fort  et  le  Chateau  St.  Louis  (Quebec,  1895). 
Quebec's  walls  were  not  built  until  the  latter  years  of  Frontenac;  again,  in  1720, 
Chassegros  de  Lery  made  great  improvements  in  the  circumvallation,  and  enlarged 
the  area  contained  therein.  Repairs  and  improvements  were  maintained  throughout 
the  French  rdgime.  See  Doughty  and  Dionne,  ^lebec  under  Tivo  Flags  (Quebec, 
1903)1  PP-  101-145.  —  Ed. 

1  For  a  plan  of  Quebec  at  this  period,  see  that  of  J.  B.  Franquelin  (1683),  in 
Suite,  Histoire  des  Canadiens  fran^ais,  ii,  p.  32  ;  and  another  of  1700  in  the  same 
work,  p.  49.  —  Ed. 

2  The  sovereign  council  was  established  by  the  king  upon  the  retrocession  of  the 
colony  by  the  Company  of  New  France  (1663).    It  was  first  composed  of  the  governor, 


42  Some  New  Voyages 

of  Ammunition  and  Provifions.  There  are  fix  Churches  in 
the  High  City  :  The  Cathedral  confifts  of  a  Bifhop,  and  twelve 
Prebendaries,  who  live  in  common  in  the  Chapter-Houfe,  the 
Magnificence  and  Architedlure  of  which  is  truly  wonderful. 
Thefe  poor  Priefl:s  are  a  very  good  fort  of  People ;  they  con- 
tent themfelves  with  bare  Necefl"aries,  and  meddle  with  nothing 
but  the  Affairs  of  the  Church,  where  the  Service  is  perform'd 
after  the  Roman  way.^  The  fecond  Church  is  that  of  the 
Jefuits,  which  fl:ands  in  the  Center  of  the  City ;  and  is  a  fair, 
flately,  and  well  lighted  Edifice.    The  great  Altar  of  the  Jefuits 


bishop,  and  five  appointed  councillors.  Later,  the  intendant  %vas  added  to  the  council, 
and  the  number  gradually  increased  to  twelve.  Its  functions  were  mainly  judicial, 
but  it  likewise  took  cognizance  of  civil  and  financial  affairs.  Its  records  have  been 
published. 

At  first  the  council  met  in  the  ante-room  of  the  governor's  palace,  but  upon  the 
complaint  of  the  intendant  the  ministry  ordered  the  purchase  of  the  site  of  a  brewery 
formerly  erected  by  Talon  upon  St.  Charles  River.  Here  the  intendant's  palace  was 
begun.  This  was  burned  in  1713,  being  rebuilt  upon  a  scale  of  splendor.  The  site 
is  once  more  occupied  by  a  brewery.  —  Ed. 

^  The  cathedral  of  Notre  Dame,  now  called  the  "  Basilica,"  was  long  the  only 
parish  church  of  Quebec.  Begun  in  1647,  the  first  mass  was  said  therein  three  years 
later  ;  it  was  consecrated  by  Bishop  Laval  in  1666.  In  the  early  eighteenth  century  its 
size  was  found  inadequate,  and  it  was  rebuilt  after  the  plans  of  the  chief  engineer  of 
New  France,  Chaussegros  de  Lery  (1747-48).  The  building  suffered  much  during  the 
English  siege  (1759),  all  the  wooden  parts  being  burned.  Repairs  were  instituted 
in  1769-71,  since  when  only  minor  changes  have  been  made.  The  chapter  house,  or 
Seminary,  which  had  been  begun  in  1678,  was  considered  one  of  the  finest  buildings 
in  the  country.  See  Tetu,  Histoire  du  palais  episcopal  de  ^lebec  (Quebec,  1896). 
The  Seminary  priests  officiated  as  secular  parish  cures.  Lahontan's  enconiums  are 
the  more  remarkable,  that  his  sympathies  were  seldom  with  ecclesiastics.  It  appears 
that  the  altar  and  its  columns  was  a  superfluous  invention  upon  his  part.  The  Jesuit 
historian  Charlevoix,  writing  of  this  church  in  1720  {Journal  Historique,  letter  iii), 
indicates  that  there  was  no  such  ornament,  and  indulgently  remarks  :  "  One  would 
voluntarily  pardon  that  author  [Lahontan]  if  he  disfigured  the  truth  only  to  give 
/Mster  to  churche?."  —  Ed. 


to  North' hrnQvic^.  43 

Church,  is  adorn'd  with  four  great  Cylindrical  Columns  of  one 
Stone  ;  The  Stone  being  a  fort  of  Canada  Porphyry,  and  black 
as  Jet,  without  either  Spots  or  Veins.  Thefe  Fathers  have 
very  convenient  and  large  Apartments,  beautify'd  with  plea- 
fant  Gardens,  and  feveral  rows  of  Trees,  which  are  fo  thick 
and  bufhy,  that  in  Summer  one  might  take  their  Walks  for 
an  Ice-Houfe:  And  indeed  we  may  fay  without  ftretching, 
that  there  is  Ice  not  far  from  'em,  for  the  good  Fathers  are 
never  without  a  referve  in  two  or  three  places,  for  the  cooling 
of  their  Drink.  Their  College  is  fo  fmall,  that  at  the  beft 
they  have  fcarce  fifty  Scholars  at  a  time.^  The  third  Church 
is  that  of  the  RecoUedts,  who,  through  the  interceffion  of 
Count  Frontenac^  obtain'd  leave  of  the  King  to  build  a  little 
Chappel  (which  I  call  a  Church;)  notwithftanding  the  Remon- 
ftrances  of  Mr.  de  Laval  our  Bifhop,  who,  in  concert  with  the 
Jefuits,  us'd  his  utmoft  Efforts  for  ten  years  together  to  hinder 
it.2     Before  the  building  [14]  of  this  Chappel,  they  liv'd  in  a 


1  The  Jesuits  came  to  Canada  in  1625,  and  thereafter  played  a  prominent  part 
in  the  development  of  the  colony.  Their  college  was  founded  in  1635,  a  year  before 
that  of  Harvard,  making  it  the  oldest  institution  of  learning  on  the  North  American 
continent.  The  church  occupied  the  northeast  angle  of  the  college,  on  the  site  of  the 
present  Jesuit  barracks.  The  city  hall  now  covers  the  larger  portion  of  the  site  of  the 
college  and  its  gardens.  At  the  time  of  Lahontan's  visit,  the  Jesuit  church  was  in  size 
and  decoration  far  superior  to  the  cathedral.  —  Ed. 

2  Franfois  de  Montmorency-Laval,  first  bishop  of  Canada,  was  born  in  1623  and 
educated  in  a  Jesuit  seminary.  Upon  the  death  of  his  brothers,  he  became  heir  of  a 
seigniory  in  France,  but  renounced  it  for  the  service  of  the  church.  In  1658  he  was 
made  bishop  of  Petraea  and  sent  as  vicar  apostolic  to  New  France.  In  1674  Quebec 
was  raised  to  a  bishopric,  and  Laval  made  first  bishop  thereof,  a  position  which  he 
resigned  in  1684.  Four  years  later  he  returned  to  spend  the  remainder  of  his  days 
in  Canada,  where  he  died  in  1708.  He  supported  the  Jesuits,  and  was  opposed  to 
the  re-introduction  of  the  Recollects.  —  Ed. 


44  Some  New  Voyages 

little  Hofpital  that  the  Bifliop  had  order'd  to  be  built  for  'em; 
and  fome  of  'em  continue  there  ftill.^  The  fourth  Church  is 
that  of  the  Urfelines,  which  has  been  burn'd  down  two  or 
three  times,  and  ftill  rebuilt  to  the  Advantage.  The  fifth  is 
that  of  the  Hofpital-Order,  who  take  a  particular  Care  of  the 
Sick,  tho'  themfelves  are  poor,  and  but  ill  lodg'd.^ 

The  Soveraign  Council  is  held  at  Quebec.     It  confifts  of 

twelve  Counfellors  of  *  Capa  y  de  fpada,  who 
"^See  the  Exphca-     ^^^  ^j^g  fupreme  Judicature,  and  decide  all 

Caufes  without  Appeal.  The  Intendant 
claims  a  Right  of  being  Prefident  to  the  Council;  but  in  the 
Juftice-Hall  the  Governour-General  places  himfelf  fo  as  to  face 
him,  the  Judges  being  fet  on  both  fides  of  them  ;  fo  that  one 
would  think  they  are  both  Prefidents.    While  Monficiir  de  Fron- 


1  The  Recollects  (a  branch  of  the  Franciscans)  were  the  first  ecclesiastics  to  enter 
New  France,  coming  over  in  1615.  During  their  first  occupation  they  had  a  small 
convent  called  Notre  Dame  des  Anges,  on  St.  Charles  River,  where  the  General  Hos- 
pital of  Quebec  is  now  situated.  After  the  capture  of  Quebec  by  the  English  (1628) , 
the  friars  were  sent  back  to  France ;  and  the  order  did  not  return  to  this  field  until 
1670,  when  they  were  sent  out  as  a  counterpoise  to  the  Jesuits.  Frontenac  favored 
this  order,  and  gave  them  a  concession  of  land  facing  the  governor's  palace,  where 
they  built  the  chapel  here  mentioned  by  Lahontan,  although  some  of  the  brothers 
were  still  living  at  their  suburban  convent,  Notre  Dame  des  Anges.  This  church 
of  the  Recollects  was  one  of  the  finest  in  New  France,  being  finished  in  1681. 
Charlevoix  said  in  the  next  century,  that  it  was  "worthy  of  Versailles."  In  1796  it 
was  burned,  the  site  now  being  occupied  by  the  Anglican  cathedral  of  Quebec  ;  the 
court  house  occupies  a  portion  of  the  convent  grounds.  —  Ed. 

2  The  Ursulines  were  the  first  order  of  nuns  to  come  to  New  France  (1639),  which 
they  did  under  the  patronage  of  Madame  de  la  Peltrie.  Two  years  later  they  began 
their  convent,  which  still  occupies  the  original  site,  although  the  buildings  have  sev- 
eral times  been  burned,  and  recently  much  enlarged. 

The  Hospitalieres  came  over  at  the  same  time  as  the  Ursulines,  and  founded  Hotel 
Dieu,  a  great  hospital  which  still  exists  on  the  same  site  where  the  corner  stone  was 
laid  in  1654.  —  Ed. 


to  North- Am^nc^i,  45 

tenac  was  in  Canada^  he  laugh'd  at  the  pretended  Precedency 
of  the  Intendants ;  nay  he  ufed  the  Members  of  that  Afifembly 
as  roughly  as  Cromwell  did  the  Parliament  of  England.  At 
this  Court  every  one  pleads  his  own  Caufe,  for  Sollicitors  or 
Barrifters  never  appear  there  ;  by  which  means  it  comes  to 
pafs,  that  Law-Suits  are  quickly  brought  to  a  Period,  without 
demanding  Court  Fees  or  any  other  Charges  from  the  con- 
tending Parties.  The  Judges,  who  have  but  four  hundred 
Livers  a  Year  from  the  King,  have  a  Difpenfation  of  not 
wearing  the  Robe  and  the  Cap.  Befides  this  Tribunal,  we 
have  in  this  Country  a  Lieutenant-General,  both  Civil  and 
Military,  an  Attorney-General,  the  Great  Provoft,  and  a  Chief 
Juftice  in  Eyre.^ 

The  way  of  travelling  in  the  Winter,  whether  in  Town  or 
Country,  is  that  of  Sledges  drawn  by  Horfes ;  who  are  fo 
infenfible  of  the  Cold,  that  I  have  feen  fifty  or  fixty  of  'em  in 
January  and  February  ^?ind  in  the  Snow  up  to  their  Breaft,  in  the 
[15]  midft  of  a  Wood,  without  ever  offering  to  go  near  their 
Owner's  Houfe.  In  the  Winter-time  they  travel  from  Quebec  to 
Monreal  upon  the  Ice,  the  River  being  then  frozen  over;  and 
upon  that  occafion  thefe  Sledges  will  run  you  fifteen  Leagues 
a  day.  Others  have  their  Sledges  drawn  by  two  Maftiff  Dogs, 
but  then  they  are  longer  by  the  way.  As  for  their  way  of 
travelling  in  Summer,  I  fhall  tranfmit  you  an  Account  of  it, 
when  I  come  to  be  better  inform'd.    I  am  told  that  the  People 


^One  of  the  chief  causes  of  dissension  between  Frontenac  and  the  intendant,  was 
the  presidency  of  the  supreme  council.  See  Parkman,  Frontenac,  pp.  47-71.  On 
the  officers  of  justice,  see  Weir,  Administration  of  Old  Regime,  pp.  63-67.  —  Ed. 


46  Some  New  Voyages 

of  this  Country  will  go  a  thoufand  Leagues  in  Canows  of 
Bark;  a  Defcription  of  which  you  may  exped,  as  foon  as  I 
have  made  ufe  of  'em.  The  Eafterly  Winds  prevail  here  com- 
monly in  the  Spring  and  Autumn ;  and  the  Wefterly  have  the 
Afcendant  in  Winter  and  Summer.  Adieu  Sir:  I  muft  now 
make  an  end  of  my  Letter,  for  my  Matter  begins  to  run  fhort. 
All  I  can  fay,  is,  that  as  foon  as  I  am  better  inftru6led  in  what 
relates  to  the  Commerce,  and  the  Civil  and  Ecclefiaftical  Gov- 
ernment of  the  Country,  I'll  tranfmit  you  fuch  exadl  Memoirs 
of  the  fame,  as  fhall  give  you  full  fatisfadlion.  Thefe  you  may 
expedl  with  the  firft  Opportunity ;  for  in  all  Appearance  our 
Troops  will  return  after  the  Conclufion  of  the  Campaign  that 
we  are  now  going  to  make  in  the  Country  of  the  Iroqtiefe, 
under  the  Command  of  Monfietir  de  la  Barre.  In  feven  or 
eight  Days  time  I  mean  to  imbark  for  Monreal ;  and  in  the 
mean  time  am  going  to  make  a  Progrefs  to  the  Villages  of 
Scilleri,  of  Saut  de  la  Chaudiere,  and  of  Lorete^  which  are  inhab- 
ited by  the  Abenakis  and  the  Hurons.  Thefe  Places  are  not 
above  three  or  four  Leagues  off;  fo  that  I  may  return  with 
eafe  next  Week.  As  for  the  Manners  of  the  People,  I  cannot 
pretend  to  defcribe  'em  fo  foon ;  for  a  juft  Obfervation  and 
Knowledge  of  thefe  things  cannot  be  compafs'd  without  time. 
I  have  been  this  Winter  at  hunting  with  thirty  or  [16]  forty 
young  Jlgonkins,  who  were  well  made  clever  Fellows.  My 
Defign  in  accompanying  them,  was,  to  learn  their  Language, 
which  is  mightily  efteem'd  in  this  Country ;  for  all  the  other 
Nations  for  a  thoufand  Leagues  round  (excepting  the  Iroqtiefe 
and  the  Hurons)  underftand  it  perfedlly  well;   nay,  all  their 


to  iVor^Z>-America.  47 

refpedive  Tongues  come  as  near  to  this,  as  the  Portuguefe  does 
to  the  Spanifli}  I  have  already  made  my  felf  Mafter  of  fome 
Words  with  a  great  deal  of  Facility;  and  they  being  mightily 
pleafed  in  feeing  a  Stranger  ftudy  their  Tongue  take  all  imag- 
inable pains  to  inftrudl  me.     I  am, 

SIR, 

Yours,  &c. 


1  The  Algonquian  language  was  the  most  wide-spread  of  the  Indian  dialects  of 
North  America,  being  used  by  most  of  the  tribes  east  of  the  Mississippi  and  south  of 
Hudson  Bay.  The  Huron-Iroquois  stock  were  aliens  in  their  midst.  See  Powell, 
"Linguistic  Families  of  North  America,"  in  U.  S.  Bureau  of  Ethnology  Report, 
1885-86. 

The  Algonkins  proper  were  a  tribe  whose  original  home  was  in  the  province  of 
Quebec.     See  Jesuit  Relations,  index.  —  Ed. 


48  Some  New  Voyages 


LETTER    IV. 

Dated  at  Monreal,  June  14.  1684. 

Containing  a  h'ief  Defcription  of  the  Habitations  of  the  Savages  in 

the  Neighbourhood  of  Quebec  ;  Of  the  River  of  St.  Lawrence, 

&€.  as  far  up  as  Monreal;  Of  a  curious  way  of  fifhing  Eels; 

^  ^  ,       and  of  the  Cities  o/TroIs  Rivieres  and  Mon- 

"^  Coureurs      de  -^  -^  r  1     r>     j   ex 

Bois.  See  the  Ex-     ^^^^  '•  'together  with  an  Account  of  the  Londutl 

plication  Table.       of  the  *  Forrefl  Rangers  or  Pedlers. 

SIR, 

BEFORE  my  Departure  from  Quebec,  I  vifited  the  adjacent 
Villages  inhabited  by  the  Savages.  The  Village  oi  Lorete 
is  peopled  by  two  hundred  Families  [17]  of  Hurons,  who  were 
converted  to  Chriftianity  by  the  Jefuits,  though  with  a  great 
deal  of  Reludancy.^  The  Villages  of  Silleri,  and  of  Saut  de  la 
Chaudiere,  are  compos'd  of  three  hundred  Famihes  oiAbenakis, 
who  are  likewife  Chriftians,  and  among  whom  the  Jefuits  have 

^The  village  of  Lorette  was  a  mission  colony  of  the  Jesuits,  founded  after  the 
destruction  of  the  Huron  mission  by  the  Iroquois  (16+9).  Part  of  the  instructed 
Hurons  sought  the  fathers  at  Quebec,  and  were  first  established  on  the  Isle  of  Orleans  ; 
later,  during  the  Iroquois  war,  the  remnant  was  removed  to  a  less-exposed  situation, 
and  by  1669  settled  at  Notre  Dame  de  Foye  (now  Ste.  Foye).  A  few  years  later, 
this  colony  removed  to  the  village  of  Lorette  (now  Ancienne  Lorette) ,  and  there  Lahon- 
tan  visited  them.  In  1697,  impelled  by  need  of  fresh  fuel  and  land,  they  founded  the 
village  of  Jeune  Lorette,  eight  miles  from  Montreal,  which  became  their  final  home, 
and  where  a  remnant  of  the  Huron  race  is  still  to  be  found.  —  Ed. 


to  North'AvciQv\c2i,  49 

fetled  MifHonaries.^  I  return'd  to  Quebec  time  enough,  and 
imbarqued  under  the  condud:  of  a  Mafter,  that  would  rather 
have  had  a  Lading  of  Goods,  than  of  Soldiers.  The  North- 
Eaft  Winds  wafted  us  in  five  or  fix  days  to  Trois  Rivieres^ 
which  is  the  name  of  a  fmall  City,  feated  at  the  diftance  of 
thirty  Leagues  from  hence.  That  City  derives  its  name  from 
three  Rivers,  that  fpring  from  one  Channel,  and  after  continu- 
ing their  divifion  for  fome  fpace  re-unite  into  a  joynt  Stream, 
that  falls  into  the  River  of  St.  Laurence,  about  half  a  quarter  of 
a  League  below  the  Town.  Had  we  fail'd  all  Night,  the  Tides 
would  have  carry'd  us  thither  in  two  days  time ;  but  in  regard 
that  the  River  is  full  of  Rocks  and  Shelves,  we  durft  not  ven- 
ture upon  it  in  the  dark ;  fo,  we  came  to  an  Anchor  every 
Night,  which  did  not  at  all  difpleafe  me ;  for  in  the  courfe  of 
thirty  Leagues,  (notwithfl:anding  the  darknefs  of  the  Night) 
it  gave  me  an  opportunity  of  viewing  an  infinite  number  of 
Habitations  on  each  fide  of  the  River,  which  are  not  above 
a  Musket-Shot  diftant  one  from  another.  The  Inhabitants 
that  are  fetled  between  Quebec  and  fifteen  Leagues  higher, 
diverted  me  very  agreeably  with  the  fifiiing  of  Eels.     At  low 


^The  mission  colony  at  Sillery  was  originally  founded  for  the  Algonkins,  Mon- 
tagnais,  etc.;  but  its  inhabitants  were  decimated  by  disease  and  the  ravages  of  intoxi- 
cation, so  that  the  converted  Abenaki  from  Maine,  who  began  coming  to  Canada 
about  1680,  formed  the  main  body  of  the  colony.  The  mission  was  maintained  here 
until  1699,  when  the  land  which  had  been  ceded  in  trust  for  the  Indian  converts  was 
retroceded  to  the  Jesuit  order. 

"  Le  Saut  de  la  Chaudiere  "  was  a  village  on  the  river  of  that  name,  opposite 
Quebec,  where  was  established  about  the  time  Lahontan  arrived  in  Canada,  the  Aben- 
aki mission  of  St.  Frangois  de  Sales.  In  1700  all  the  scattered  villages  were  collected 
in  one,  which  exists  till  the  present  time  —  that  of  St.  Francois  du  Lac,  in  Yamaska 

County,  Quebec.  —  Ed. 
4 


50  Some  New  Voyages 

water  they  ftretch  out  Hurdles  to  the  lo weft  Water-M ark; 
and  that  fpace  of  ground  being  then  dry  by  the  retreat  of  the 
Water,  is  cover'd  over,  and  fhut  up  by  the  Hurdles.  Between 
the  Hurdles  they  place  at  certain  diftances  Inftruments  call'd 
Ruches^  from  the  refemblance  they  bear  to  a  Bee-hive ;  befides 
Baskets  and  little  Nets  belag'd  upon  a  Pole,  which  they  call 
Bouteux,  and  Bouts  de  Quievres.  Then  they  let  all  ftand  in  this 
fafhion  for  three  Months  in  [i8]  the  Spring,  and  two  in  the 
Autumn.  Now  as  often  as  the  Tide  comes  in,  the  Eels  look- 
ing out  for  fhallow  places,  and  making  towards  the  Shoar, 
croud  in  among  the  Hurdles,  which  hinder  'em  afterwards  to 
retire  with  the  Ebb-water;  upon  that  they  are  forc'd  to  bury 
themfelves  in  the  abovementioned  Ingines,  which  are  fome- 
times  fo  over-cram'd,  that  they  break.  When  'tis  low  water, 
the  Inhabitants  take  out  thefe  Eels,  which  are  certainly  the 
biggeft,  and  the  longeft  in  the  World.  They  fait  them  up  in 
Barrels,  where  they'll  keep  a  whole  year  without  fpoiling : 
And  indeed  they  give  an  admirable  relifh  in  all  Sauces ;  nay, 
there's  nothing  that  the  Council  of  Quebec  defires  more,  than 
that  this  Fifhery  fhould  be  equally  plentiful  in  all  years. 

Trois  Rivieres  is  a  little  paltry  Town,  feated  in  the  Latitude 
of  forty  fix  Degrees;  'tis  not  fortified  neither  with  Stone,  nor 
Pales.  The  River  to  which  it  owes  its  name,  takes  its  rife  an 
hundred  Leagues  to  the  North- Weft,  from  the  greateft  ridge 
of  Mountains  in  the  Univerfe.  The  Algonkins  who  are  at 
prefent  an  Erratick  fort  of  Savages,  and,  like  the  Jrabs,  have 
no  fetled  Abode;  that  People,  I  fay,  feldom  ftraggle  far  from 
the  banks  of  this  River,  upon  which  they  have  excellent  Beaver- 


to  North' Ammc2i,  51 

hunting.  In  former  times  the  Iroquefe  cut  off  three  fourths  of 
that  Nation ;  but  they  have  not  dar'd  to  renew  their  Incur- 
fions,  fince  the  French  have  Peopled  the  Countries  that  lie 
higher  up  upon  the  River  of  St.  Laurence.  I  call'd  Trois  Riv- 
ieres a  little  Town,  with  reference  to  the  paucity  of  the  Inhab- 
itants ;  though  at  the  fame  time  they  are  very  rich,  and  live  in 
ftately  Houfes.  The  King  has  made  it  the  Refidence  of  a 
Governor,  who  would  die  for  Hunger,  if  he  did  not  trade 
with  the  Natives  for  Beavers,  when  his  fmall  allowance  is  out: 
Befides,  a  Man  that  would  live  there,  muft  be  of  the  like  tem- 
per with  a  Dog,  or  at  leaft  he  muft  take  pleafure  in  fcratching 
[19]  his  Skin,  for  the  Flea's  are  there  more  numerous  than 
the  grains  of  Sand.  I  am  inform'd,  that  the  Natives  of  this 
place  make  the  beft  Soldiers  in  the  Country.^ 

Three  Leagues  higher  we  enter'd  St.  Peter's  Lake,  which  is 
fix  Leagues  long,  and  had  difficulty  enough  in  croffing  it ;  for 
the  frequent  Calms  oblig'd  us  to  caft  Anchor  feveral  times. 
It  receives  three  or  four  Rivers  that  abound  with  Fifh ;  upon 
the  Mouth  of  which,  I  defcry'd  with  my  Telefcope  very  fine 
Houfes.2    Towards  the  Evening  we  fail'd  out  of  that  Lake 


^  For  the  history  of  Trois  Rivieres,  on  the  St.  Lawrence  at  the  mouth  of  Maurice 
River,  see  Suite,  "  La  Riviere  des  Trois  Rivieres,"  Roy.  Soc.  Proc,  1901,  pp.  97- 
116.  — Ed. 

2  Lake  St.  Peters  was  christened  Lac  d'AngouIeme  by  Cartier ;  but  Champlain 
crossing  it  on  the  day  of  the  saint,  changed  the  name  in  the  iatter's  honor.  It  is  an 
enlargement  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  twenty-five  miles  long  by  about  nine  broad,  in  the 
midst  of  the  most  fertile  region  of  Lower  Canada.  It  receives  several  rivers,  chief  of 
which  are  the  Du  Loup  and  Maskinonge  from  the  north  ;  the  Nicoiet,  St.  Francis, 
and  Yamaska  from  the  south,  not  including  River  Richelieu,  which  enters  the  St. 
Lawrence  at  the  upper  end  of  the  lake.  —  Ed. 


UBRARf  


52  Some  New  Voyages 

with  a  frelh  Eafterly  Gale ;  and  though  we  hoifted  up  all  our 
Sails,  the  Current  run  fo  ftrong  againft  us,  that  'twas  three 
hours  before  we  could  make  Sorely  which  was  two  fmall 
Leagues  ofiF.^  Sorel  is  a  Canton  of  four  Leagues  in  front, 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  which,  a  certain  River  conveys  the 
waters  of  Champlain  Lake,  to  the  River  of  St.  Laurence^ 
after  having  form'd  a  Water-fall  of  two  Leagues  at  Cbambli.^ 
Though  we  reckon  but  eight  Leagues  from  Sorel  to  Monreal, 
yet  we  fpent  three  days  in  failing  between  'em ;  by  reafon 
partly  of  flack  Winds,  and  partly  of  the  ftrength  of  the  Cur- 
rents. In  this  courfe  we  faw  nothing  but  Iflands ;  and  both 
fides  of  the  River  all  along  from  Quebec  to  this  place,  are  fo 
replenifh'd  with  Inhabitants,  that  one  may  juflly  call  'em  two 
continued  Villages  of  fixty  Leagues  in  length. 

This  place,  which  goes  by  the  name  of  Fillemarie,  or 
Monreal,  lies  in  the  Latitude  of  forty  five  Degrees,  and  fome 
Minutes ;  being  feated  in  an  Ifland  of  the  fame  name,  which 
is  about  five  Leagues  broad,  and  fourteen  Leagues  long.  The 
Directors  of  the  Seminary  of  St.  Sulpitius  at  Paris,  are  the  Pro- 
prietors of  the  Ifland,  and  have  the  nomination  of  a  Bailifi^, 
and  feveral  other  Magifbrates ;  nay,  in  former  times  they  had 

^  Fort  Sorel  was  built  by  an  officer  of  that  name  (Pierre  de  Saurel),  In  1665. 
Three  years  later  he  married  the  daughter  of  a  Canadian  seigneur,  and  in  1672 
received  a  grant  of  the  seigniory  of  Sorel,  where  he  lived  until  his  death  in  1682. —  Ed, 

^Chambly  was  named  for  Jacques  de  Chambly,  captain  in  the  Carignan  regi- 
ment, whom  Tracy  sent  (1665)  to  build  an  advance  fort  against  the  Iroquois.  He 
received  the  surounding  land  as  a  seigniory  in  1672,  but  the  next  year  was  sent  to 
command  In  Acadia.  Later  he  removed  to  Grenada,  and  Chambly  passed  to  his 
nephew.  — Ed. 


to  North' A.m.tv\c2i,  53 

the  priviledge  of  nominating  a  Governor.^  This  little  Town 
lies  all  open  without  any  Fortification  [20]  either  of  Stone 
or  Wood :  But  its  fituation  is  fo  advantageous,  notwith- 
flanding  that  it  ftands  upon  an  uneven  and  fandy  Ground, 
that  it  might  eafily  be  made  an  impregnable  Poft.  The  River 
of  St.  Laurence  which  runs  juft  by  the  Houfes,  on  one  fide  of 
this  Town,  is  not  Navigable  further,  by  reafon  of  its  rapidity ; 
for  about  half  a  quarter  of  a  League  higher,  'tis  full  of  rapid 
falls,  Eddy's,  ^c.  Mr.  Perot  the  Governor  of  the  Town,  who 
has  but  a  thoufand  Crowns  a  year  Sallary ;  has  made  fhift  to 
get  fifty  thoufand  in  a  few  years,  by  trading  with  the  Savages 
in  Skins  and  Furs.^  The  Bailiff  of  the  Town  gets  but  little 
by  his  place,  no  more  than  his  Officers :  So  that  the  Mer- 
chants are  the  only  Perfons  that  make  Money  here ;  for 
the  Savages  that  frequent  the  great  Lakes  of  Canada^  come 
down  hither  almoft  every  year  with  a  prodigious  quantity  of 


1  Montreal  was  a  religious  colony,  founded  (1642)  by  a  society  of  Associates  of 
Montreal,  who  received  the  island  as  a  seigniory.  In  1663  the  number  of  the  Asso- 
ciates being  much  diminished,  the  Sulpitians  of  Paris  agreed  to  take  charge  of  the 
enterprise,  and  the  seigniory  was  transferred  to  them,  with  the  rights  here  mentioned 
by  Lahontan.  The  Sulpitians  held  their  seigniorial  privileges  until  the  abolition  of 
feudal  tenure  in  1854  ;  they  still  retain  much  land  in  Montreal  and  vicinity.  —  Ed. 

2  Francois  Marie  Perrot  came  to  Canada  with  the  intendant  Talon  (1670),  whose 
niece  he  had  married.  Upon  the  request  of  Talon,  the  Sulpitians  named  him  gov- 
ernor of  Montreal,  a  grant  which  was  later  confirmed  by  the  king.  Perrot  abused  his 
privileges  to  enrich  himself,  and  protected  the  coureurs  des  bois.  Involved  in  a  dis- 
pute with  Frontenac,  the  governor  arrested  Perrot  and  sent  him  to  France  for  trial. 
The  ministry,  after  punishing  him  by  a  brief  imprisonment  in  the  Bastille,  restored 
him  to  his  governorship,  where  he  remained  until  1684.  In  this  year  he  was  ap- 
pointed governor  of  Acadia,  which  position  he  held  for  three  years.  After  his  recall, 
he  remained  in  the  country  as  a  trader,  and  in  1690  was  captured  by  the  English. 
The  date  of  his  death  is  unknown.  —  Ed. 


54  Some  New  Voyages 

Beavers-Skins,  to  be  given  in  exchange  for  Arms,  Kettles, 
Axes,  Knives,  and  a  thoufand  fuch  things,  upon  which  the 
Merchants  clear  two  hundred  per  Cent.  Commonly  the  Gov- 
ernor General  comes  hither  about  the  time  of  their  coming 
down,  in  order  to  fhare  the  profit,  and  receive  Prefents  from 
that  People.  The  Pedlers  call'd  Coiirettrs  de  Bois,  export 
from  hence  every  year  feveral  Canows  full  of  Merchandife, 
which  they  difpofe  of  among  all  the  Savage  Nations  of  the 
Continent,  by  way  of  exchange  for  Beaver-Skins.  Seven  or 
eight  days  ago,  I  faw  twenty  five  or  thirty  of  thefe  Canows 
return  with  heavy  Cargoes ;  each  Canow  was  manag'd  by  two 
or  three  Men,  and  carry'd  twenty  hundred  weight,  /'.  e.  forty 
packs  of  Beaver  Skins,  which  are  worth  an  hundred  Crowns  a 
piece.  Thefe  Canows  had  been  a  year  and  eighteen  Months* 
out.  You  would  be  amaz'd  if  you  faw  how  lewd  thefe  Ped- 
lers are  when  they  return ;  how  they  Feafb  and  Game,  and 
how  prodigal  they  are,  not  only  in  their  Cloaths,  but  [21] 
upon  Women.  Such  of  'em  as  are  married,  have  the  wifdom 
to  retire  to  their  own  Houfes ;  but  the  Batchelors  a6t  juft 
as  our  Eafi-India-Nltn,  and  Pirates  are  wont  to  do ;  for  they 
Lavifh,  Eat,  Drink,  and  Play  all  away  as  long  as  the  Goods 
hold  out ;  and  when  thefe  are  gone,  they  e'en  fell  their  Em- 
broidery, their  Lace,  and  their  Cloaths.  This  done,  they  are 
forc'd  to  go  upon  a  new  Voyage  for  Subfiflance. 

The  Dire6tors  of  the  Seminary  of  St.  Sulpitius,  take  care 
to  fend  MifTionaries  hither  from  time  to  time,  who  live  under 
the  diredlion  of  a  Superiour,  that  is  very  much  refpeded  in 
the  Country.     They  have  Apartments  allotted  for  'em  in  a 


to  North-Amtncz,  55 

ftately,  great,  and  pleafant  Houfe,  built  of  Free-ftone.^  This 
Houfe  is  built  after  the  Model  of  that  of  St.  Sulpice  at  Paris  ; 
and  the  Altar  ftands  by  it  felf,  juft  like  that  at  Paris.  Their 
Seignories  or  Cantons  that  lye  on  the  South-fide  of  the  Ifland, 
produce  a  confiderable  Revenue  ;  for  the  Plantations  are  good, 
and  the  Inhabitants  are  rich  in  Corn,  Cattle,  Fowl,  and  a 
thoufand  other  Commodities,  for  which  they  find  a  Mercat  in 
the  City:  But  the  North  part  of  the  Ifland  lies  wafte.  Thefe 
Diredors  would  never  fuffer  the  Jefuits  or  Recolledts  to  dif- 
play  their  Banners  here ;  though  'tis  conjedlur'd,  that  at  the 
long  run  they'll  be  forc'd  to  confent  to  it.  At  the  diftance  of 
a  League  from  the  Town,  I  faw  at  the  foot  of  a  Mountain,  a 
Plantation  of  Iroqueje  Chriftians,  who  are  infl:ru6led  by  two 
*  Priefts  of  the  Order  of  Siilpitius,^  and  I'm  inform'd  of  a  larger 


1  The  Seminary  of  St.  Sulpice,  whose  priests  were  known  as  Sulpitians,  was 
founded  at  Vaugirard  in  1640,  by  Jean  Jacques  Olier,  a  young  Parisian  priest,  one  of 
the  Associates  of  Montreal,  The  next  year  the  Seminary  was  established  at  Paris, 
and  by  1657  the  first  Sulpitian  arrived  in  Canada.  At  Montreal  they  were  eagerly 
welcomed,  became  the  cures  of  the  parish,  and  later  seigneurs  of  the  island  (see  ante, 
p.  53,  note  i).  The  first  superior  was  Queylus,  upon  whose  retirement  (1671) 
Franfois  Casson  de  Dollier  succeeded  to  the  position.  The  latter  came  to  Canada  in 
1666  after  service  in  the  armies  of  France.  His  first  office  was  chaplain  in  an  expedi- 
tion against  the  Mohawks  ;  later  (1669) ,  he  accompanied  La  Salle  on  his  first  voyage 
of  Western  exploration.  Returning  to  Montreal  the  following  spring,  he  served  as 
superior  of  the  Sulpitians  until  his  death  (1671-1701).  The  earliest  historian  of 
Montreal,  his  manuscript  was  first  published  in  1871,  —  Ed. 

2  The  Sulpitians  founded  (1677)  the  Iroquois  mission  called  from  its  location. 
La  Montagne,  where  were  an  Indian  village,  a  school  for  boys,  and  another  for  girls, 
all  aided  by  a  pension  from  the  king.  During  Frontenac's  War  (1691)  this  village 
was  raided  and  thirty-five  prisoners  taken.  Some  years  later  (1704) ,  the  mission  was 
removed  to  Sault  au  Recollet,  and  sixteen  years  later  became  the  nucleus  of  the  Indian 
village  of  Oka  on  the  Lake  of  Two  Mountains,  which  still  exists.  See  Canadian 
Indian  Department  Report,  1901,  p.  49.  —  Ed. 


56  Some  New  Voyages 

and  more  populous  Plantation  on  t'other  fide  of  the  River,  at 
the  diftance  of  two  Leagues  from  hence,  which  is  took  care  of 
by  Father  Bruyas  the  Jefuit.^  I  hope  to  fet  out  from  hence,  as 
foon  as  Mr.  de  la  Barre  receives  advice  from  France ;  for  he 
defigns  to  leave  Quebec  upon  the  arrival  of  the  firft  Ship.  I 
refolve  to  go  to  Fort  Frontenac^  upon  the  Lake  that  [22]  goes 
by  the  fame  name.  If  I  may  credit  thofe  who  have  been  form- 
erly in  A6lion  againft  the  Iroquefe,  I  fhall  be  able  upon  my 
return  from  this  Campaign,  to  inform  you  of  fome  things  that 
will  feem  as  ftrange  to  you,  as  they  will  be  difagreeable  to  my 

felf.     I  am, 

SIR, 

Tours,  &c. 


1  The  Jesuit  mission  was  known  as  St.  Francois  du  Sault,  from  its  location  on 
Sault  St.  Louis.  It  was  established  at  La  Prairie  de  la  Madeleine  in  1669,  and  in 
1676  removed  to  this  place,  which  is  now  known  as  Caughnawaga.  Father  Jacques 
Bruyas  came  to  the  Canadian  mission  in  1666,  and  labored  during  the  rest  of  his  life 
among  the  Iroquois.  In  1679  he  took  charge  of  the  mission  at  Sault  St.  Louis,  where 
he  lived  until  his  death  in  1712.  He  was  superior  of  Canada  missions  1693-98,  and 
in  1700-01  was  instrumental  in  adjusting  peace  with  the  Iroquois.  A  linguist  of 
repute,  he  prepared  the  first  grammar  of  the  Mohawk  language.  —  Ed. 


to  North- h.vntnc2.,  57 


LETTER   V. 

Dated  at  Monreal  June  18.  1684. 
In  which  is  contain'd  a /hort  account  of  the  Iroquefe,  with  a  view 
of  the  War  and  Peace  they  made  with  the  French,  and  of  the 
means  by  which  it  zvas  brought  about. 

SIR, 

I  WROTE  to  you  but  four  days  ago,  and  did  not  think  to 
have  heard  from  you  fo  foon;  but  this  Morning  I  met  with 
a  very  agreeable  Surprifal,  in  receiving  a  Packet  addrefs'd  to 
me  by  your  Brother.  You  may  be  fure  I  was  infinitely  well 
pleas'd,  in  being  given  to  underftand  what  has  pafs'd  in 
Europe  fince  I  left  it.  The  knowledge  of  the  Affairs  oi  Europe 
is  comfortable  to  one  that's  doom'd  to  another  World,  fuch 
as  this  is,  and  I  cannot  but  acknowledge  my  felf  infinitely  in- 
debted to  you,  for  the  exa6lnefs  of  your  Intelligence.  In  as 
much  as  you  require  of  me  an  account  of  the  Iroquefe,  and 
would  have  me  to  prefent  you  with  a  juft  view  of  their  Temper 
and  Government ;  I  would  willingly  fatisfie  and  oblige  you  in 
that,  or  any  other  point :  But  in  regard  [23]  that  I  am  oblig'd 
to  fet  out  for  Fort  Frontenac  the  day  after  to  morrow,  I  have 
not  time  to  inform  my  felf  of  things,  or  to  confult  thofe  who 
have  been  in  the  Country  before :  So  that  all  I  can  do  at  pref- 
ent, is  only  to  acquaint  you  with  what  I  have  learn'd  this 
Winter,  from  Perfons  that  have  fojourn'd  twenty  years  among 


58  Some  New  Voyages 

'em.  As  foon  as  I  have  an  opportunity  of  inlarging  my  knowl- 
edge upon  that  Head,  by  a  more  immediate  converfation  with 
themfelves,  you  may  affure  your  felf  that  I'll  impart  it  to  you. 
In  the  mean  time,  be  pleas'd  to  accept  of  what  follows. 

Thefe  Barbarians  are  drawn  up  in  five  Cantons,  not  unlike 
thofe  of  the  Swijfes.  Tho'  thefe  Cantons  are  all  of  one  Nation, 
and  united  in  one  joynt  intereft,  yet  they  go  by  different 
names,  viz.  the  Tfonontotians,  the  Goyogoans,  the  Onnotagues^  the 
Onoyouts,  and  the  Agnies.  Their  Language  is  almoft  the  fame  ; 
and  the  five  Villages  or  Plantations  in  which  they  live,  lie  at 
the  diflance  of  thirty  Leagues  one  from  another,  being  all 
feated  near  the  South  fide  of  the  Lake  of  Ontario^  or  of  Fronte- 
nac.  Every  year  the  five  Cantons  fend  Deputies  to  alTift  at  the 
Union  Feaft,  and  to  fmoak  in  the  great  Calumet,  or  Pipe  of  the 
five  Nations.  Each  Village  or  Canton  contains  about  four- 
teen thoufand  Souls,  i.  e.  1500  that  bear  Arms,  2000  Super- 
annuated Men,  4000  Women,  2000  Maids,  and  4000  Children: 
Tho'  indeed  fome  will  tell  you,  that  each  Village  has  not  above 
loooo  or  1 1000  Souls.^  There  has  been  an  Alliance  of  long 
ftanding  between  thefe  Nations  and  the  Engli/Ji,  and  by  trad- 
ing in  Furrs  to  New-For^,  they  are  fupply'd  by  the  EngUJh 


1  "Iroquois"  was  a  title  bestowed  by  the  French  ;  the  tribesmen  called  them- 
selves "  People  of  the  Long  House  ";  to  the  English,  they  were  known  as  the  "  Five 
Nations."  Lahontan  gives  the  five  confederates  of  the  league  in  the  French  form  of 
their  names  ;  the  English  called  them  —  proceeding  in  the  same  order,  from  west  to 
east  —  Seneca,  Cayuga,  Onondaga,  Oneida,  and  Mohawk.  Among  the  Onondaga 
was  the  principal  council  house,  where  each  year  the  "  union  feast  "  was  held,  and 
the  forthcoming  policy  deliberated.  Lahontan  has  greatly  exaggerated  the  numbers 
of  these  Indians  ;  it  is  doubtful  whether  they  ever  mustered  more  than  2,500  warriors, 
implying  a  population  of  10,000  to  12,000.  See  Jesuit  Relations,  index  ;  Parkman, 
Jesuits,  p.  Ixvi. — Ed. 


to  North-Kvamcdi.  59 

with  Arms,  Ammunition,  and  all  other  Neceffaries,  at  a  cheaper 
rate  than  the  French  can  afford  'em  at.  They  have  no  other 
confideration  for  England  or  France^  than  what  depends  upon 
the  occafion  they  have  for  the  Commodities  of  thefe  two 
Nations ;  though  after  all  they  [24]  give  an  over-purchafe ; 
for  they  pay  for  them  four  times  more  than  they  are  worth. 
They  laugh  at  the  Menaces  of  our  Kings  and  Governors,  for 
they  have  no  notion  of  dependence,  nay,  the  very  word  is  to 
them  infupportable.  They  look  upon  themfelves  as  Sov- 
eraigns,  accountable  to  none  but  God  alone,  whom  they  call 
The  Great  Spirit.  They  waged  War  with  us  almoft  always, 
from  the  firft  fettlement  of  our  Colonies  in  Canada^  to  the 
firft  years  of  the  Count  of  Frontenac's  Government.  Mcjfieurs 
de  Courfelles,  and  de  Traci,  both  of  'em  Governors-General, 
made  Head  againft  the  Agniis  upon  the  Champlain  Lake,  in 
Winter  as  well  as  in  Summer ;  but  they  could  not  boaft  of  any 
great  Succefs.^  They  only  burnt  their  Villages,  p"^  rarry'd 
off  fome  hundred  of  their  Children,  of  whom  the  above- 
mention'd  Iroquefe  Chriftians  are  fprung.  'Tis  true,  they  cut 
off  ninety  or  an  hundred  Warriours ;  but  in  compenfation  for 

^  The  Iroquois  had  harassed  New  France  almost  from  its  inception.  Alexandre 
de  Prouville,  marquis  de  Tracy,  was  chosen  (1664)  lieufenant-general  of  French  colo- 
nies in  America.  An  old  army  officer  who  had  served  with  efficiency  in  the  West 
Indies,  his  arrival  (1665)  was  hailed  with  joy  by  the  distressed  colonists.  Shortly 
after  came  Daniel  de  Remy,  sieur  de  Courcelle,  the  newly-appointed  governor,  and 
detachments  of  the  Carignan  regiment.  Courcelle's  first  expedition  against  the  Iro- 
quois, in  the  winter  of  1665-66,  was  without  success.  Whereupon  Tracy  took  up  the 
matter,  and  in  the  autumn  of  1666  led  an  expedition  via  Lake  Champlain,  which 
burned  the  Mohawk  towns  and  cowed  these  savages  into  an  advantageous  peace. 
The  following  year  (1667)  Tracy  returned  to  France,  to  die  there  three  years  later. 
Courcelle  remained  as  governor  until  1672,  when  failing  health  caused  his  retirement, 
he  being  replaced  by  Count  de  Frontenac.  — Ed. 


6o  Some  New  Voyages 

that,  feveral  Canadans,  and  feveral  Soldiers  of  the  Regiment 
of  Carignan,  being  unprovided  againft  the  unfuflferable  cold 
of  the  Climate,  loft  their  Limbs,  and  even  their  Life  it  felf. 
Count  Frontenac  who  fucceeded  Mr.  Courfelle,^  perceiving  that 
the  Barbarians  had  the  advantage  of  the  Europeans,  as  to  the 
waging  of  War  in  that  Country;  upon  this  apprehenfion,  I 
fay,  he  declin'd  fuch  fruitlefs  Expeditions,  which  were  very 
chargeable  to  the  King,  and  us'd  all  his  efforts  to  difpofe  the 
Savages  to  a  fmcere  and  lafting  Peace.  This  judicious  Gov- 
ernor had  three  things  in  view ;  The  firft  was  to  incourage 
the  greateft  part  of  the  French  Inhabitants,  who  would  have 
abdicated  the  Colony,  and  return'd  to  France,  if  the  War  had 
continued.  His  fecond  Topick  was,  that  the  conclufion  of  a 
Peace  would  difpofe  an  infinity  of  People  to  marry,  and  to 
grub  up  the  Trees,  upon  which  the  Colony  would  be  better 
Peopled  and  inlarg'd.  The  third  Argument  that  diffuaded 
him  from  carrying  [25]  on  the  War,  was  a  defign  of  purfuing 
the  difcovery  of  the  Lakes,  and  of  the  Savages  that  live  upon 
their  banks,  in  order  to  fettle  a  Commerce  with  'em,  and  at  the 
fame  time  to  ingage  them  in  our  interefts,  by  good  Alliances, 
in  cafe  of  a  Rupture  with  the  Iroquefe.  Upon  the  confideration 
of  thefe  Reafons,  he  fent  fome  Canadans  by  way  of  a  formal 
Embaffy  to  the  Iroquefe  Villages,  in  order  to  acquaint  them, 

1  Louis  de  Baude,  count  de  Frontenac  (born  in  1620) ,  had  from  his  fifteenth  year 
seen  service  in  French  armies,  and  was  also  an  accomplished  courtier.  He  was  made 
lieutenant-general  of  New  France  in  1672,  and  while  the  most  able  of  the  governors, 
his  imperious  disposition  and  autocratic  temper  involved  him  in  many  disputes.  The 
opposition  became  so  great  that  he  was  recalled  in  1682.  Seven  years  later,  the 
peril  of  the  colony  was  such  that  Frontenac  was  again  summoned  to  defend  it.  This 
he  did  vigorously,  his  expedition  of  1696  crushing  the  Iroquois,  and  saving  Canada 
to  the  French.     He  died  at  Quebec  November  28,  1698.  —  Ed. 


to  iVor/^-America.  6i 

that  the  King  being  inform'd  that  a  groundlefs  War  was  car- 
ried on  againft  them,  had  fent  him  from  France  to  make  peace 
with  'em.  At  the  fame  time  the  Ambaffadors  had  orders  to 
ftipulate  all  the  advantages  they  could  obtain  with  reference  to 
the  Commerce.  The  Iroqiiefe  heard  this  Propofal  with  a  great 
deal  of  Satisfadion ;  for  Charles  II.  King  of  England^  had 
order'd  his  Governor  in  New-Tork  to  reprefent  to  'em,  that  if 
they  continu'd  to  wage  War  with  the  French^  they  were  ruin'd, 
and  that  they  would  find  themfelves  crufh'd  by  the  numerous 
Forces  that  were  ready  to  fail  from  France.  In  effed,  they 
promis'd  to  the  Ambaffadors  that  four  hundred  of  their  num- 
ber fhould  meet  Count  Frontenac,  attended  by  an  equal  number 
of  his  Men,  at  the  place  where  Fort  Frontenac  now  ftands. 
Accordingly,  fome  Months  after,  both  the  one  and  the  other 
met  at  the  place  appointed,  and  fo  a  Peace  was  concluded. 
Mr.  de  la  Salle  w^s  very  ferviceable  to  this  Governor,  in  giving 
him  good  and  feafonable  Advices,  which  I  cannot  now  enter 
upon,  being  oblig'd  to  make  fome  preparations  for  my  Voy- 
age.^ When  the  Campaign  is  over,  you  may  exped  to  hear 
from  me.     In  the  mean  time,  I  am, 

SIR, 

Tours,  &c. 


^  Lahontan  here  refers  to  Frontenac's  expedition  of  1673,  which  built  Fort  Fron- 
tenac, and  made  peace  with  the  Iroquois.  La  Salle  was  one  of  the  messengers  sent  to 
Onondaga  to  summon  the  chiefs  to  council.  See  Parkman,  La  Salle  (Boston,  1892), 
chap.  vi. 

Thomas  Dongan,  governor  of  New  York  (1682-88) ,  was  an  Irish  gentleman  who 
had  served  in  both  English  and  French  armies  in  Europe,  and  had  acted  as  lieutenant- 
governor  of  Tangiers,  He  attempted  to  thwart  the  plans  of  the  French,  to  control 
the  Iroquois  and  monopolize  the  trade  with  the  interior,  which  conduct  brought  upon 
him  reprimands  from  the  English  king,  then  subservient  to  the  crown  of  France. —  Ed. 


62  Some  New  Voyages 


LETTER    VI. 

Dated  at  Monreal  June  20.  1684. 

Being  an  ample  Defcription  of  the  Canows  made  of  Birch-barky  in 
which  the  Canadans  perform  all  their  Voyages;  with  an  account 
of  the  manner  in  which  they  are  made  and  manag'd. 

SIR, 

I  THOUGHT  to  have  fet  out  as  this  day ;  but  in  regard  that 
our  Complement  of  great  Canows  is  not  yet  brought  up, 
our  Voyage  is  put  off  for  two  days.  Having  fo  much  leifure 
time  upon  my  Hands,  I  have  a  mind  to  imploy  it  in  pre- 
fenting  you  with  a  fliort  view  of  thefe  flender  Contrivances  in 
which  the  Canadans  perform  all  their  Voyages :  And  this  will 
furnifh  you  with  an  Idaa  of  the  Voiture  of  this  Country.  I  faw 
but  now  above  an  hundred  Canows,  fome  great  and  fome 
httle;  but  confidering  that  the  former  are  only  proper  for 
Martial  Expeditions,  and  long  Voyages,  I  fhall  confine  my 
Defcription  to  that  fort.  Even  the  great  ones  are  of  different 
fizes;  for  they  run  from  ten  to  twenty  eight  Foot  long. 
Indeed  the  lead  of  all  hold  but  two  Perfons  fet  upon  their 
Breech,  as  in  a  Coffin ;  and  are  apt  to  over-fet,  if  the  Paffen- 
gers  move  to  one  fide  or  t'other  :  But  thofe  of  a  larger  fize  will 
eafily  afford  ftowage  for  fourteen  Perfons ;  tho'  they  are  com- 
monly mann'd  only  with  three  Men,  when  they  are  imploy'd 


to  North-\mtv\c^,  63 

in  tranfporting  Provifions  and  Merchandize ;  and  even  then 
they'll  carry  twenty  hundred  weight.  The  largeft  fort  are  fafe 
and  [27]  fteddy,  when  they  are  made  of  the  Bark  of  the  Birch- 
tree,  which  comes  off  with  hot  Water  in  the  Winter  time. 
The  greateft  Trees  afford  the  beft  Barks  for  Canows ;  but 
oftentimes  the  Bark  of  one  Tree  is  not  fufficient.  The  bot- 
tom of  the  Boat  is  all  of  one  piece,  to  which  the  fides  are  fo 
artfully  few'd  by  the  Savages,  that  the  whole  Boat  appears  as 
one  continu'd  Bark.  They  are  trimm'd  and  ftrengthn'd  with 
wicker  Wreaths,  and  ribs  of  Cedar- Wood,  which  are  almoft  as 
light  as  Cork ;  the  Wreaths  are  as  thick  as  a  Crown-piece ; 
but  the  Bark  has  the  thicknefs  of  two  Crowns,  and  the  Ribs 
are  as  thick  as  three.  On  the  two  fides  of  the  Boat,  there 
runs  from  one  end  to  the  other  two  principal  Head-bars,  in 
which  the  ends  of  the  Ribs  are  inchas'd,  and  in  which  the 
Spars  are  made  faft,  that  run  a-crofs  the  Boat  and  keep  it  com- 
pa6l.  Thefe  Boats  have  twenty  Inches  in  depth,  that  is,  from 
the  upper  edge  to  the  Platform  of  the  Ribs ;  their  length 
extends  to  twenty  eight  Foot,  and  the  width  at  the  middle 
Rib  is  computed  to  be  four  Foot  and  a  half.  They  are  very 
convenient  upon  the  account  of  their  extream  lightnefs,  and 
the  drawing  of  very  little  Water ;  but  at  the  fame  time  their 
brittle  and  tender  Fabrick,  is  an  Argument  of  an  equivalent 
inconveniency ;  for  if  they  do  but  touch  or  grate  upon  Stone 
or  Sand,  the  cracks  of  the  Bark  fly  open,  upon  which  the 
Water  gets  in,  and  fpoils  the  Provifions  and  Merchandize : 
Every  day  there  is  fome  new  chink  or  feam  to  be  gumm'd 
over.    At  Night   they  are   always  unloaded,  and   carried  on 


64  Some  New  Voyages 

fhoar  where  they  are  made  faft  with  Pegs,  left  the  Wind  fhould 
blow  'em  away:  For  they  are  fo  light,  that  two  Men  carry 
'em  upon  their  fhoulders  with  eafe.  This  conveniency  of 
lightnefs  and  eafie  carriage,  renders  'em  very  ferviceable  in 
the  Rivers  of  Canada,  which  are  full  of  Catara6ls,  Water-falls, 
and  Currents :  For  in  thefe  Rivers  we  are  obhg'd  either  to 
tranfport  [28]  'em  over-land  where  fuch  obftrudions  happen, 
or  elfe  to  tow  'em  along  where  the  Current  is  not  over-rapid, 
and  the  ftioar  is  accejflible.  Thefe  Boats  are  of  no  ufe  for  the 
Navigation  of  Lakes ;  for  the  Waves  would  fwallow  'em  up, 
if  they  could  not  reach  the  fhoar  when  a  wind  arifes.^  'Tis 
true,  the  Inhabitants  venture  in  'em  for  four  or  five  Leagues, 
from  one  Ifland  to  another ;  but  then  'tis  always  in  calm 
Weather,  and  nothing  is  made  ufe  of  but  Oars ;  for  befides 
the  rifque  of  being  over-fet,  the  Goods  are  in  danger  of  being 
dammag'd  by  the  Water,  efpecially  the  Furs  which  are  the 
moft  valuable  part  of  the  Cargoe.  When  the  feafon  ferves, 
they  carry  little  Sails ;  but  if  the  Wind  be  but  a  little  brisk, 
tho'  they  run  right  afore  it,  'tis  impoffible  to  make  any  ufe  of 
it  without  running  the  rifque  of  Ship-wrack.  If  their  courfe 
lies  diredlly  South,  they  cannot  put  up  fail  without  the  wind 
ftands  at  one  of  the  eight  points,  between  North-Weft  and 
North-Eaft ;  and  if  a  wind  happens  to  fpring  any  where  elfe, 
(unlefs  it  comes  from  the  Land  which  they  coaft  along)  they 


^  For  a  brief  description  of  the  process  of  making  a  birch  bark  canoe,  see 
McKenney,  Tour  of  the  Lakes  (Baltimore,  1827),  PP-  319.  320.  Lahontan  errs  in 
saying  that  these  craft  were  unfitted  for  the  navigation  of  the  lakes  ;  he  was  later  to 
learn  of  their  usefulness  on  those  waters.  —  Ed. 


to  North- AA-ntv\c2i.  65 

are  obllg'd  to  put  In  to  the  fhoar  with  all  pofTible  expedition, 
and  unload  the  Boat  out  of  hand,  till  fuch  time  as  a  calm 
returns. 

As  for  the  working  of  thefe  Boats,  the  Canow-Men  ply 
fometlmes  on  their  Knees,  namely,  when  they  run  down  the 
fmall  Water-falls  ;  fometlmes  ftanding,  when  they  ftem  a  Cur- 
rent by  fetting  the  Boat  along  with  Poles;  and  fometlmes 
fitting,  viz.  in  fmooth  and  ftagnating  water.  The  Oars  they 
make  ufe  of  are  made  of  Maple-wood,  and  their  form  is 
reprefented  In  the  annex'd  Cutt.  The  Blade  of  the  Oar  is 
twenty  Inches  long,  fix  Inches  broad,  and  four  Lines  thick: 
The  Handle  is  about  three  Foot  long,  and  as  big  as  a  Pigeons 
Egg.  When  they  have  occafion  to  run  up  agalnft  rapid  Cur- 
rents, they  make  ufe  of  Poles  made  of  Pine-wood;  and  the 
fetting  of  the  Boat  along  with  thefe,  [29]  is  what  they  call  Piqiier 
de  fond.  The  Canows  have  neither  Stern  nor  Prow,  for  they 
run  to  a  point  at  both  ends :  Neither  have  they  Keels,  Nails 
or  Pegs,  in  the  whole  Strudture.  The  Steerfman,  or  he  who 
Conns  the  Boat,  rows  without  interruption  as  well  as  the  reft. 
The  common  purchafe  of  fuch  a  Boat  is  eighty  Crowns ;  but 
it  do's  not  laft  above  five  or  fix  years. 

This  day  I  have  received  advice,  that  Mr.  de  la  Barre  has 
rals'd  the  Militia  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Quebec^  and  that 
the  Governor  of  this  Ifland  has  recelv'd  orders  to  have  that 
of  the  adjacent  Cantons  in  readinefs  to  march.     I  am, 

SIR, 

Tours ^  &c. 


66  Some  New  Voyages 


LETTER    VII. 

Dated  at  Monreal  Novemb.  2.  1684. 

Defcribing  the  Coiirfe  of  the  River  of  St.  Laurence, /row  Monreal 
to  the  firfi  great  Lake  0/ Canada;  with  the  Water-f alls  ^  Catara^ls, 
and  Navigation  of  that  River :  As  alfo  For/ Frontenac,  and  the 
Advantages  that  accrue  from  it.  Together  with  a  Circumftan- 
tial  account  of  the  Expedition  of  Mr.  de  la  Barre,  the  Governor- 
General^  againft  the  Iroquefe;  the  Speeches  he  made,  the  Replies 
he  received,  and  the  final  Accommodation  of  the  difference. 

SIR, 

THANK  God  I  have  finifh'd  this  Campaign,  and  am  now 
return'd  in  fafety  to  this  place.  To  prefent  you  with 
the  Hiftory  of  our  Campaign,  be  [30]  pleas'd  to  know  that 
in  two  or  three  days  after  the  date  of  my  laft,  I  imbarqu'd  on 
board  of  a  Canow  that  was  work'd  by  three  expert  Canow- 
Men.  Every  Canow  contain'd  two  Soldiers  ;  and  we  all  row'd 
up  againft  the  Current  of  the  River  till  we  arriv'd  at  Saut  de 
St.  Louis,  about  three  Leagues  above  this  Town,  which  is  a  little 
Water-fall,  but  fo  rapid,  that  our  Watermen  were  forc'd  to 
ftand  in  the  water  up  to  their  Middle,  in  order  to  drag  the 
Canows  againft  the  Stream  for  half  a  quarter  of  a  League.^ 


1  Sault  St.  Louis  was  the  name  originally  given  to  Lachine  Rapids,  just  above 
Montreal,  by  Champlain  (1611),  apparently  in  memory  of  a  lad  named  Louis  who 


to  North-Avntnc2i,  6y 

We  reimbarqu'd  above  this  Pafs,  and  row'd  about  twelve 
Leagues  up  the  River,  and  thro'  the  Lake  of  St.  Louis^  till  we 
arriv'd  at  a  place  call'd  the  Cafcades,  where  we  were  forc'd  to 
turn  out  and  carry  our  Boats  and  Baggage  over-land,  about 
half  a  quarter  of  a  League.  'Tis  true,  we  might  have  tow'd 
our  Boats  againft  the  Stream  in  this  place  with  fome  labour ; 
but  there  was  a  Catara6l  a  little  above  it,  which  they  call 
le  CataraBe  dn  Troii.  I  had  taken  up  a  notion  that  the  only 
difficulty  of  failing  up  the  River,  confifted  in  the  trouble  of 
Land-carriage ;  but  when  I  came  to  be  a  Spedlator  of  the 
matter,  I  found  that  the  ftemming  of  the  Currents  whether  in 
towing  of  the  Canows,  or  in  fetting  them  along  with  Poles, 
was  equally  laborious.  About  five  or  fix  Leagues  higher  we 
came  to  the  Water-falls  call'd  Sauts  des  Cedres,  and  du  Buiffon, 
where  we  were  forc'd  to  tranfport  our  Boats  five  hundred 
paces  over  Land.  Some  Leagues  above  that,  we  enter'd  the 
Lake  of  St.  Francis,  which  is  faid  to  be  twenty  Leagues  in 
Circumference;  and  having  crofs'd  it,  met  with  as  flirong  Cur- 
rents as  before,  particularly  at  a  fall  call'd  Long  Saui,  where 
we  had  recourfe  to  Land-carriage  for  half  a  League.     Then 

was  drowned  at  this  place.  The  head  of  navigation  upon  the  St.  Lawrence,  Cartler 
ascended  to  this  point  on  his  second  voyage  (1535),  and  explored  the  region  in  1541. 
The  name  "  Lachine  "  commemorates  the  derision  excited  among  the  enemies  of 
La  Salle;  upon  his  embarication  thither  for  the  West  (1669),  they  said  he  was  headed 
for  China  (La  Chine) ,  an  allusion  to  the  then  prevalent  notion  that  in  the  West  might 
be  found  a  transcontinental  waterway  which  should  prove  a  short-cut  to  China.  The 
term  "  La  Chine  "  was  equivalent  to  our  "  China-town."  The  Lachine  Rapids  are 
the  most  dangerous  on  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  are  now  avoided  by  the  Lachine  canal, 
eight  and  a  half  miles  long,  on  the  northern  side.  In  descending,  however,  specially- 
constructed  passenger  steamers  "  shoot  the  rapids,"  a  favorite  amusement  among  the 
people  of  Montreal.  —  Ed. 


68  Some  New  Voyages 

we  were  forc'd  to  drag  up  the  Boats  againft  the  rapid  Stream; 
and  after  a  great  deal  of  fatigue  came  at  laft  to  a  Pafs  call'd 
la  Galete^  from  whence  we  had  but  twenty  Leagues  failing  to 
Fort  Frontenac}  This  [31]  Pafs  was  the  laft  difficulty  we  had 
to  furmount ;  for  above  it  the  water  was  as  ftill  as  that  of  a 
Pool,  and  then  our  Watermen  ply'd  with  their  Oars  in  ftead 
of  Poles. 

The  Maringouins,  which  we  call  Midges^  are  unfufferably 
troublefom  in  all  the  Countries  of  Canada.  We  were  haunted 
with  fuch  clouds  of  'em,  that  we  thought  to  be  eat  up  ;  and 
fmoaking  being  the  only  Artifice  that  could  keep  'em  off,  the 
Remedy  was  worfe  than  the  Difeafe :  In  the  Night-time  the 
People  fhelter  themfelves  from  'em  in  Bowers  or  Arbours, 
made  after  the  following  manner.  They  drive  into  the  Ground 
Stakes  or  little  branches  of  Trees,  at  a  certain  diftance  one 
from  another,  fo  as  to  form  a  femicircular  Figure ;  in  which 
they  put  a  Quilt  and  Bedcloaths,  covering  it  above  with  a  large 
Sheet  that  falls  down  to  the  Ground  on  all  fides,  and  fo 
hinders  the  Infeds  to  enter. 

We  landed  at  Fort  Frontenac  after  twenty  days  failing  ;  and 
immediately  upon  our  arrival,  Mr.  Duta  our  Commander  in 
chief,  view'd  the  Fortifications  of  the  place,  and  three  large 
Barques  that  lay  at  Anchor  in  the  Port.^    We  repair'd  the 


^  Lahontan  here  describes  in  some  detail  the  passage  from  Montreal  to  Lake 
Ontario.  For  a  similar  description  in  reverse  order,  with  enumeration  of  the  rapids, 
see  Journal  of  Father  Bonnecamps  (1749),  in  Jesuit  Relations,  Ixix,  pp.  195,  197. 
The  Long  Sault  of  the  St.  Lawrence  is  now  paralleled  by  the  Cornwall  canal.  —  Ed. 

2  Captain  Du  Tas  (Tartre)  was  in  command  of  the  advance  guard  sent  to  convey 
provisions  to  Fort  Frontenac.     See  New  York  Colonial  Documents,  ix,  p.  234.    He 


to  North-h.vi\tnc2i.  69 

Fortifications  in  a  very  little  time,  and  fitted  up  the  three 
Barques.  This  Fort  was  a  Square,  confifting  of  large  Cur- 
tains flanked  with  four  little  Baftions ;  thefe  Flanks  had  but 
two  Battlements,  and  the  Walls  were  fo  low,  that  one  might 
eafily  climb  upon  'em  v/ithout  a  Ladder.  After  Mr.  de  la  Salle 
concluded  the  Peace  with  the  Iroqueje^  the  King  beftow'd  upon 
him  and  his  Heirs  the  property  of  this  place ;  but  he  was  fo 
negligent,  that  inftead  of  enriching  himfelf  by  the  Commerce 
it  might  have  aflForded,  he  was  confiderably  out  of  pocket 
upon  it.^  To  my  mind  this  Fort  is  fituated  very  advantage- 
oufly  for  a  Trade  with  the  five  Iroqiiefe  Nations :  For  their 
Villages  lye  in  the  Neighbourhood  of  the  Lake^  upon  which 
they  may  tranfport  their  Furs  in  Canows  with  more  [32]  eafe, 
than  they  can  carry  'em  over-land  to  New- For/;.  In  time  of 
War  I  take  it  to  be  indefenfible ;  for  the  Cataradls  and  Cur- 
rents of  the  River  are  fuch,  that  fifty  Iroqiiefe  may  there  ftop 


stopped  but  a  brief  time  in  the  colony,  but  again  brought  reinforcements  in  1690, 
when  Frontenac  sent  him  to  guard  the  St.  Lawrence.  He  served  in  the  English 
Channel  in  1692  ;  went  to  Hudson  Bay  (1695),  ^^^  ^^^  following  year  was  in  the 
campaign  in  Acadia. —  Ed. 

1  Courcelle  had  recommended  the  site  of  Fort  Frontenac  (Catarakouy)  on  his 
expedition  of  1671.  His  successor,  acting  upon  the  suggestion,  advanced  up  the  St. 
Lawrence  in  1673,  ^"^^  built  the  stockade  on  the  present  site  of  Kingston,  Ontario. 
Two  years  later.  La  Salle,  strongly  endorsed  by  Frontenac,  obtained  from  the  court  at 
Versailles  a  grant  of  the  fort  and  district  as  a  seignioiy.  Had  La  Salle  been  a  mere 
merchant,  he  would,  as  Lahontan  suggests,  have  made  his  fortune  therefrom.  Using  it 
merely  as  the  base  of  Western  exploration,  he  became  involved  in  financial  difficulties, 
and  upon  the  departure  of  his  patron  Frontenac  it  was  seized  by  his  enemies,  headed 
by  La  Barre  (1683).  Upon  the  order  of  the  king,  it  was  restored  the  following  year  to 
La  Salle's  lieutenant.  At  the  outbreak  of  Frontenac's  War  (1689),  Denonvillegave 
orders  for  the  destruction  of  this  fort ;  but  Frontenac  restored  it  in  1695,  and  the  French 
maintained  it  until  its  capture  by  the  British  in  1758. —  Ed. 


70  Some  New  Voyages 

five  hundred  French^  without  any  other  Arms  but  Stones.  Do 
but  confider,  Sir,  that  for  twenty  Leagues  together  the  River 
is  fo  rapid,  that  we  dare  not  fet  the  Canow  four  paces  off  the 
fhoar;  Befides,  Canada  being  nothing  but  a  Forreft,  as  I  inti- 
mated above,  'tis  impoffible  to  travel  there  without  falling 
every  foot  into  Ambufcades,  efpecially  upon  the  banks  of  this 
River,  which  are  lin'd  with  thick  Woods,  that  render  'em  inac- 
cefTible.  None  but  the  Savages  can  skip  from  Rock  to  Rock, 
and  fcour  thro'  the  Thickets,  as  if  'twere  an  open  Field.  If 
we  were  capable  of  fuch  Adventures,  we  might  march  five  or 
fix  hundred  Men  by  Land  to  guard  the  Canows  that  carry 
the  Provifions;  but  at  the  fame  time  'tis  to  be  confider'd,  that 
before  they  arriv'd  at  the  Fort,  they  would  confume  more 
Provifions  than  the  Canows  can  carry ;  Not  to  mention  that 
the  Iroqucfe  would  ftill  out-number  'em.  As  to  the  particulars 
relating  to  the  Fort,  I  fhall  take  notice  of  'em  v/hen  I  come  to 
give  a  general  defcription  of  Ntw-France. 

While  we  continued  at  Fort  Frontenac,  the  Iroquefe  who  live 
at  Ganeoujfe  and  Qiiente,  at  the  diftance  of  feven  or  eight 
Leagues  from  thence,^  threw  in  upon  us  Harts,  Roe-bucks, 
Turkeys  and  Fifh ;  in  exchange  for  Needles,  Knives,  Powder 


^  In  1668  several  Cayugas,  asking  for  a  missionary,  came  to  Montreal  from  a  new 
settlement  recently  made  on  Quinte  Bay,  on  the  north  shore  of  Lake  Ontario.  The 
Sulpitians  sent  out  tvvo  of  their  members,  who  maintained  the  mission  until  1673, 
when  Frontenac  granted  the  Recollects  the  chaplaincy  of  his  new  fort.  Hennepin 
was  stationed  here,  and  administered  to  the  mission  for  several  years.  See  Hennepin, 
Nenv  Disco-very  (Thwaites's  ed.,  Chicago,  1903),  pp.  47,  97.  The  mission  was 
abandoned  during  the  Iroquois  disturbances  just  preceding  the  outbreak  of  Frontenac's 
War  (or  about  1687). —  Ed. 


to  iVo/tZ'-America.  71 

and  Ball.  Towards  the  end  of  Auguft  Mr.  de  la  Bane  ioyn'd 
us ;  but  he  was  dangeroufly  ill  of  a  Feaver,  which  rag'd  in  like 
manner  among  moft  of  his  Militia ;  fo  that  only  our  three 
Companies  were  free  from  Sicknefs.  This  Feaver  was  of  the 
intermitting  kind  ;  and  the  convulfive  Motions,  Tremblings, 
and  frequency  of  the  Pulfe  that  attended  the  cold  Fit,  were  fo 
violent,  that  moft  of  our  fick  Men  dy'd  in  the  fecond  or  third 
Fit.  Their  Blood  was  [33]  of  a  blackifh  brown  colour,  and 
tainted  with  a  fort  of  ycllovv'ifh  Serum,  not  unlike  Pus  or  cor- 
rupt Matter.  Mr.  de  la  Barre's  Phyfician,  who  in  my  opinion 
knew  as  little  of  the  true  caufes  of  Feavers  as  Hippocrates  or 
Galen,  and  a  hundred  thoufand  befides  ;  this  mighty  Phyfician, 
I  fay,  pretending  to  trace  the  caufe  of  the  Feaver  I  now  fpeak 
of,  imputed  it  to  the  unfavourable  qualities  of  the  Air  and  the 
Aliment.  His  plea  was,  that  the  exceflive  heat  of  the  feafon, 
put  the  Vapours  or  Exhalations  into  an  over-rapid  Motion ; 
that  the  Air  was  fo  over-rarify'd,  that  we  did  not  fuck  in  a 
fufficient  quantity  of  it ;  that  the  fmall  quantity  we  did  receive 
was  loaded  with  Infedts  and  impure  Corpufculum's,  which  the 
fatal  neceflity  of  Refpiration  oblig'd  us  to  fwallow ;  and  that 
by  this  means  nature  was  put  into  diforder :  He  added,  that 
the  ufe  of  Brandy  and  fait  Meat  fower'd  the  Blood,  that  this 
fowernefs  occafion'd  a  fort  of  Coagulation  of  the  Chyle  and 
Blood,  that  the  Coagulation  hindered  it  to  circulate  thro'  the 
Heart  with  a  due  degree  of  Celerity ;  and  that  thereupon 
there  infued  an  extraordinary  Fermentation,  which  is  nothing 
elfe  but  a  Feaver.    But  after  all,  to  my  mind  this  Gentleman's 


72  Some  New  Voyages 

Syfteme  was  too  much  upon  the  Iroquefe  ftrain ;  for  at  that 
rate  the  DIftemper  muft  have  feiz'd  all  without  diftin6lion, 
whereas  neither  our  Soldiers  nor  the  feafon'd  Canadans  were 
troubled  with  it ;  for  it  raged  only  among  the  Militia,  who 
being  unacquainted  with  the  way  of  fetting  the  Boats  with 
Poles,  were  forc'd  at  every  turn  to  get  into  the  water  and  drag 
'em  up  againft  the  rapid  Stream :  Now,  the  waters  of  that 
Country  being  naturally  cold,  and  the  heat  being  excefTive,  the 
Blood  might  thereupon  freeze  by  way  of  Antiperiflafis^  and  fo 
occafion  the  Feaver  I  fpeak  of,  purfuant  to  the  common 
Maxim,  Oninis  repentina  mutatio  efl  perkiilofa^  i.  e.  All  fiidden 
changes  are  of  dangerous  Confequence. 

[34]  As  foon  as  Mr.  de  la  Barre  recover'd,  he  imbarqu'd 
in  order  to  continue  his  march;  tho'  he  might  have  eafily 
known,  that  after  halting  fourteen  or  fifteen  days  at  that  Fort, 
when  the  feafon  was  fo  far  advanc'd,  he  could  not  pretend  to 
compafs  the  end  of  his  Expedition.  We  row'd  Night  and  Day 
the  Weather  being  very  calm,  and  in  five  or  fix  days  came 
before  the  River  of  Famine^  where  we  were  forc'd  to  put  in 
upon  the  apprehenfion  of  a  Storm.^  Here  we  met  with  a 
Canow  that  Mr.  Dulhiit  had  fent  from  Mijfilimakinac,  with 
advice,  that  purfuant  to  orders  he  had  ingag'd  the  Htirons, 


1  Riviere  la  Famine  was  previously  identified  with  Onondaga  (Oswego)  River, 
but  later  investigations  have  proven  that  it  was  Salmon  River,  Oswego  County,  N.  Y. 
See  N.  Y,  Colonial  Documents,  ix,  p.  242.  The  region  was  not  named  for  lack  of 
supplies  in  La  Barre's  army,  but  from  some  previous  Indian  famine.  La  Barre 
encamped  on  the  northwest  side  of  the  river,  opposite  the  present  Port  Ontario.  See 
Hawley,  Early  Chapters  of  Cayuga  History  (Auburn,  1879). —  Ed. 


to  North-hmtnc2i,  73 

Outaoua'sy  and  fome  other  People,  to  joyn  his  Army;  in  which 

he    had    above    two    hundred    brave    *  Foreft 

Rangers.      Thefe  News  were  very  acceptable       ^^^  Coureurs 
,  ,        ,     ,      n  1  1       r  .         ,         de  Bois  in  the 

to  Mr.  de  la  Barre ;   but  at  the  fame  time  he     cr  , , 

was  very  much  perplexed ;  for  I'm  perfwaded 
he  repented  oftner  than  once,  of  his  entring  upon  an  Expedi- 
tion that  he  forefaw  would  prove  Succefslefs ;  and  to  aggra- 
vate the  danger  of  his  Enterprife,  the  Iroquefe  had  at  that 
time  an  opportunity  to  fall  upon  us.  In  fine,  after  a  mature 
confideration  of  the  Confequences,  and  of  the  Difficulties  that 
ftood  in  the  way,  he  fent  back  the  Canow  to  Mr.  Dulhut,  with 
orders  to  difmifs  the  Foreft  Rangers  and  Savages  immediately, 
where  ever  he  was,  and  by  all  means  to  avoid  the  approaching 
to  his  Troops.  By  good  luck  Mr.  Dulhut  had  not  yet  reach'd 
Niagara^  when  he  receiv'd  thefe  Orders ;  with  which  the 
Savages  that  accompany'd  him  were  fo  diffatisfied,  that  they 
threw  out  all  manner  of  Invedlives  againft  the  French  Nation.^ 
As  foon  as  Mr.  de  la  Barre  had  difpatch'd  this  Canow,  he 


^  Daniel  Greysolon  DuLuth  (duLhut),  "  king  of  coureurs  des  bois,"  had  been 
an  officer  in  the  French  army.  Coming  to  Canada  before  1674,  lie  set  out  four  years 
later  on  an  expedition  to  the  Sioux  country,  and  remained  in  the  Northwest  for  over 
twelve  years,  exploring,  trading,  and  securing  the  Indians  in  the  French  interest.  He 
was  so  powerful  that  his  services  were  sought  by  successive  governors.  He  brought 
an  Indian  force  to  the  aid  of  Denonville  in  1687  ;  and  in  1694  was  fighting  the  Iro- 
quois under  Frontenac.  Two  years  later  he  was  commandant  at  Fort  Frontenac, 
and  died  in  1710.  See  McLennan  "  Gentlemen  of  the  King's  Guard,"  in  Harper's 
Magazine,  Sept.,  1893  ;  and  "  Death  of  DuLuth  "  in  Roy.  Soc.  Proc,  2d  series,  ix, 
pp.  39-47.  The  Huron  and  Ottawa  who  composed  his  party  upon  the  occasion  here 
cited  by  Lahontan,  were  from  those  tribes  that  had  fled  from  the  Iroquois  attacks  and 
settled  under  French  protection  at  Fort  Mackinac. —  Ed. 


74  Some  New  Voyages 

fent  Mr.  le  Moine  to  the  Village  of  the  Onnontagues,  which  lay 
about  eighteen  Leagues  up  the  River.  This  Mr.  le  Moine 
was  a  Gentleman  of  Normandy^  and  highly  efleem'd  by  the 
Iroquefe,  who  [35]  call'd  him  Akouejfan,  i.  e.  the  Partridge}  His 
Orders  were,  to  indeavour  by  all  means  to  bring  along  with 
him  fome  of  the  old  ftanders  of  that  Nation ;  and  accordingly 
he  return'd  in  a  few  days,  accompany'd  with  one  of  their  moft 
confiderable  Grandees,  who  had  a  Train  of  thirty  young  War- 
riours,  and  was  diftinguifh'd  by  the  Title  of  the  Grangula} 
As  foon  as  he  debarqued,  Mr.  de  la  Barre  fent  him  a  Prefent 
of  Bread  and  Wine,  and  of  thirty  Salmon-Trouts,  which  they 
fifh'd  in  that  place  in  fuch  plenty,  that  they  brought  up  a 
hundred  at  one  caft  of  a  Net :  At  the  fame  time  he  gave  the 
Grandee  to  underftand,  that  he  congratulated  his  Arrival, 
and  would  be  glad  to  have  an  Interview  with  him  after  he  had 
refted  himfelf  for  fome  days.  You  muft  know  that  he  had 
us'd  the  precaution  of  fending  the  fick  back  to  the  Colony, 


^  Charles  Le  Moyne,  sieur  de  Longueuil,  was  a  native  of  Dieppe,  born  in  1624. 
He  came  to  Canada  in  1641,  and  after  four  years  among  the  Huron  with  the  Jesuits, 
settled  at  Montreal.  There  he  acted  for  many  years  as  interpreter  of  the  colony,  and 
captain  of  militia.  In  1655  he  was  captured  by  the  Iroquois,  who  were  so  impressed 
by  his  intrepidity  that  they  adopted  him  into  their  tribe,  and  sent  him  home  unharmed. 
The  value  of  his  ser^'ices  to  the  colony  was  so  great  that  he  was  ennobled  by  the  king 
(1668).  His  sons  distinguished  themselves  in  the  history  of  the  colony;  the  eldest, 
first  baron  of  Longueuil,  was  governor  of  Canada ;  Iberville  and  Bienville  were  the 
founders  of  Louisiana. —  Ed. 

2  By  this  Latinized  form  Lahontan  designates  the  Iroquois  chieftain  known  by 
the  French  as  La  Grande  Gueule  (Big  Mouth),  in  allusion  to  his  oratorical  ability. 
His  Indian  name  was  Otreouate,  and  he  belonged  to  the  Onondaga  tribe.  Although 
not  one  of  their  great  chiefs,  he  was  a  wily  diplom.atist,  and  owed  his  influence  to 
skill  in  oratory  and  powers  of  dissimulation.  For  his  signature  in  the  totems  of  his 
clan,  see  N.  Y.  Colon.  Docs.,  ix,  p.  386. —  Ed. 


to  N orth- hxntx\C2i,  75 

that  the  Iroquefe  might  not  perceive  the  weaknefs  of  his 
Forces;  and  to  favour  the  Stratagem,  Mr.  le  Moine  repre- 
fented  to  the  Grangida,  that  the  Body  of  the  Army  was  left 
behind  at  Fort  Frontenac,  and  that  the  Troops  he  faw  in  our 
Camp,  were  the  General's  Guards.  But  unhappily  one  of  the 
Iroquefe  that  had  a  fmattering  of  the  French  Tongue,  having 
ftroul'd  in  the  Night-time  towards  our  Tents,  over-heard  what 
we  faid,  and  fo  reveal'd  the  Secret.  Two  days  after  their 
arrival,  the  Grangula  gave  notice  to  Mr.  de  la  Barre  that  he 
was  ready  for  an  Interview;  and  accordingly  an  hour  being 
appointed,  the  whole  Company  appear'd  as  the  figure  repre- 
fents  it. 

The  Grangula  fat  on  the  Eaft  fide,  being  plac'd  at  the 
head  of  his  Men,  with  his  Pipe  in  his  Mouth,  and  the  great 
Calumet  of  Peace  before  him.  He  was  very  attentive  to  the 
following  Harangue,  pronounc'd  by  our  Interpreters ;  which 
you  cannot  well  underftand,  without  a  previous  explication  of 
the  Calumet^  and  the  CoUers  that  it  mentions. 

[36]  The  Calumet  of  Peace  is  made  of  certain  Stones,  or 
of  Marble,  whether  red,  black,  or  white.  The  Pipe  or  Stalk 
is  four  or  five  foot  long ;  the  body  of  the  Calumet  is  eight 
Inches  long,  and  the  Mouth  or  Head  in  which  the  Tobacco 
is  lodg'd,  is  three  Inches  in  length;  its  figure  approaches  to 
that  of  a  Hammer.  The  red  Calumets  are  moft  efteem'd. 
The  Savages  make  ufe  of  'em  for  Negotiations  and  State 
Affairs,  and  efpecially  in  Voyages ;  for  when  they  have  a 
Calumet  in  their  hand,  they  go  where  they  will  in  fafety.  The 
Calumet  is  trimm'd  with  yellow,  white,  and  p^reen  Feathers, 


76  Some  New  Voyages 

and  has  the  fame  effefl  among  the  Savages,  that  the  Flag  of 
friencKhip  has  amongft  us  ;  for  to  violate  the  Rights  of  this 
venerable  Pipe,  is  among  them  a  flaming  Crime,  that  will  draw 
down  mifchief  upon  their  Nations.^  As  for  the  Colters,  they 
are  certain  fwathes  of  two  or  three  Foot  in  length,  and  fix 
Inches  in  breadth ;  being  deck'd  with  little  Beads  made  of  a 
certain  fort  of  fhells  that  they  find  upon  the  Sea  fhoar,  between 
New-^ory^  and  Virginia.  Thefe  Beads  are  round,  and  as  thick 
as  a  little  Pea ;  but  they  are  twice  as  long  as  a  grain  of  Corn : 
Their  colour  is  either  blew  or  white  ;  and  they  are  bor'd  thro' 
jufl  like  Pearl,  being  run  after  the  fame  manner  upon  ftrings 
that  lye  fideways  one  to  another.  Without  the  intervention 
of  thefe  Coliers,  there's  no  bufinefs  to  be  negotiated  with  the 
Savages  ;  for  being  altogether  unacquainted  with  writing,  they 
make  ufe  of  them  for  Contrads  and  Obligations.  Sometimes 
they  keep  for  an  Age  the  Coliers  that  they  have  receiv'd  from 
their  Neighbours;  and  in  regard  that  every  Colier  has  its 
peculiar  Mark,  they  learn  from  the  old  Perfons,  the  Circum- 
ftances  of  the  time  and  place  in  which  they  were  deliver'd  ;  but 
after  that  age  is  over,  they  are  made  ufe  of  for  new  Treaties.^ 

iQn  the  uses  of  the  calumet,  see  Jesuit  Relations,  index.  The  red  stone  is 
known  as  "catlinite,"  from  the  artist  George  Catlin,  who  was  the  first  to  explore 
and  describe  the  quarries  at  Pipestone,  Minnesota.  —  Ed. 

2  These  "collars"  (so  called  by  the  French;  the  English  entitled  them  "  belts") 
were  made  of  wampum,  of  which  Lahontan  has  here  described  the  primitive  type  in 
the  form  of  shells.  Later  they  were  made  of  beads.  See  Jesuit  Relations,  viii,  note 
70  ;  also  Hale,  "  Indian  Wampum  Records  "  in  Popular  Science  Monthly,  February, 
1897.  Belts  of  wampum  were  always  used  in  the  negotiation  of  Indian  treaties  ;  they 
were  sent  with  envoys  as  credentials,  preserved  by  a  chief  as  the  ensign  of  his  authority, 
employed  in  ransom  and  atonement  for  crime,  and  also  as  ornament  and  in  place  of 
money.    The  English  term  was  "wampum";  that  of  the  French,  "  porcelain."— Ed. 


to  North- PiTCitriQ^.,  77 

[37]  ^^^-  '^^  1'^  Barre's  Harangue^  was  to  this  purpofe. 

'  The  King,  my  Mafter,  being  inform'd  that  the  five 
Iroqitefe  Nations  have  for  a  long  time  made  infradions 
upon  the  meafures  of  Peace,  order'd  me  to  come  hither  with 
a  Guard,  and  to  fend  Akoiiejfan  to  the  Canton  of  the  Onno- 
tagues,  in  order  to  an  Interview  with  their  principal  Leaders, 
in  the  Neighbourhood  of  my  Camp.  This  great  Monarch 
means,  that  you  and  I  fhould  fmoak  together  in  the  great 
Calumet  of  Peace,  with  the  Provifo,  that  you  ingage  in  the 
name  of  the  Tfonnontouans,  Goyoguans,  Onnotagiies,  OnnoyouteSy 
and  Agnies^  to  make  reparation  to  his  Subjeds,  and  to  be 
guilty  of  nothing  for  the  future,  that  may  occafion  a  fatal 
rupture. 

'  The  Tfonnontouans,  Goyogouans,  Onnotagues^  Onnoyoiites  and 
Agnies^  have  ftrip'd,  rob'd,  and  abus'd  all  the  Foreft-Rangers, 
that  travel'd  in  the  way  of  Trade  to  the  Country  of  the 
lUineJe^  of  the  Oumamis^  and  of  feveral  other  Nations,  who 
are  my  Matter's  Children.^  Now  this  ufage  being  in  high 
violation  of  the  Treaties  of  Peace  concluded  with  my  Prede- 
ceffor,  I  am  commanded  to  demand  Reparation,  and  at  the 


^  According  to  Parkman,  La  Barre  had  brought  this  about  by  giving  leave  to 
the  Iroquois  to  plunder  La  Salle's  canoes.  The  Indians  had  taken  advantage  of 
this  permission  to  seize  several  canoes  and  employes  of  the  governor  himself.  See 
Parkman,  Frontenac,  pp.  86,  87. 

The  Illinois  Indians,  of  Algonquian  stock,  were  encountered  by  the  French  in 
the  state  to  which  they  have  given  their  name.  La  Salle  had  founded  his  colony 
among  them,  only  to  have  it  raided  by  the  Iroquois.  See  Hennepin,  Ne-zv  Discovery 
(Thwaites's  ed.),  pp.  337-342.  The  Miami  (Oumamis)  were  first  encountered  by 
white  men  in  Wisconsin.  On  their  migrations  see  fris.  Hist.  Colts.,  xvi,  pp.  41,  99, 
127,  285,  361,  398. —  Ed. 


78  Some  New  Voyages 

'  fame  time  to  declare,  that  in  cafe  of  their  refufal  to  comply 
'with  my  demands,  or  of  relapfing  into  the  like  Robberies, 
'  War  is  pofitively  proclaim'd. 

This  Colier  makes  my  words  good. 

'  The  Warriours  of  thefe  five  Nations  have  introduc'd  the 
'  EngUpi  to  the  Lakes,  belonging  to  the  King  my  Mafter,  and 
'  into  the  Country  of  thofe  Nations  to  whom  my  Mafter  is  a 
'  Father :  This  they  have  done  with  a  defign  to  ruine  the 
'  Commerce  of  his  Subjeds,  and  to  oblige  thefe  Nations  to 
'  depart  from  their  due  Allegiance ;  notwithftanding  the  Re- 
'  monftrances  of  the  late  Governor  [38]  of  N^w-Tofk,  who  faw 
'  thro  the  danger  that  both  they  and  the  Engli/h  expos'd  them- 
'  felves  to.  At  prefent  I  am  willing  to  forget  thofe  A6lions ; 
'  but  if  ever  you  be  guilty  of  the  like  for  the  future,  I  have 
'  exprefs  orders  to  declare  War. 

This  Colier  warrants  my  Words. 

'  The  fame  Warriours  have  made  feveral  barbarous  Incur- 
'  fions  upon  the  Country  of  the  lUineJe,  and  the  Oumamis. 
'They  have  maffacred  Men,  Women,  and  Children;  they 
'  have  took,  bound,  and  carried  off  an  infinite  number  of  the 
'  Natives  of  thofe  Countries,  who  thought  themfelves  fecure 
'  in  their  Villages  in  a  time  of  Peace.  Thefe  People  are  my 
'  Matter's  Children,  and  therefore  muft  hereafter  ceafe  to  be 
'  your  Slaves.  I  charge  you  to  reftore  'em  to  their  Liberty, 
'  and  to  fend  'em  home  without  delay ;  for  if  the  five  Nations 


to  iVo/tZ?- America.  79 

'  refufe  to  comply  with  this  demand,  I  have  exprefs  orders  to 
'  declare  War. 

This  Colier  makes  my  words  good. 

'  This  is  all  I  had  to  fay  to  the  Grangiila,  whom  I  defire  to 
'  report  to  the  five  Nations,  this  Declaration,  that  my  Mafter 
'  commanded  me  to  make.  He  wifhes  they  had  not  oblig'd 
'  him  to  fend  a  potent  Army  to  the  Fort  of  *  Cat-  ^7-^^  French 
'  aracouy,  in  order  to  carry  on  a  War  that  will  call  it  Fort 
'  prove  fatal  to  them  :  And  he  will  be  very  much  Frontenac. 
'  troubled,  if  it  fo  falls  out,  that  this  Fort  which  is  a  work  of 
'  Peace,  muft  be  imploy'd  for  a  Prifon  to  your  Militia.  Thefe 
'  mifchiefs  ought  to  be  prevented  by  mutual  endeavours  :  The 
*  French  who  are  the  Brethren  and  Friends  of  the  five  Nations, 
'  will  never  difturb  their  Repofe  ;  provided  they  make  the  fatis- 
'  faction  I  now  demand,  and  prove  religious  obfervers  of  their 
'Treaties.  I  wifh  my  words  [39]  may  produce  the  defir'd 
'  eflfed ;  for  if  they  do  not,  I  am  oblig'd  to  joyn  the  Governor 
'  of  New-ror/^,  who  has  orders  from  the  King  his  Mafter,  to 
'  afTift  me  to  burn  the  five  Villages,  and  cut  you  off. 

This  Colier  confirms  my  word. 

'  While  Mr.  de  la  Barrels  Interpreter  pronounc'd  this 
Harangue,  the  Grangula  did  nothing  but  look'd  upon  the  end 
of  his  Pipe :  After  the  Speech  was  finifh'd  he  rofe,  and  having 
took  five  or  fix  turns  in  the  Ring  that  the  French  and  the 
Savages  made,  he  return'd  to  his  place,  and  {landing  upright 


8o  Some  New  Voyages 

fpoke  after  the  following  manner  to  the  General,  who  fat  in 

his  Chair  of  State. 

5fe— ,.    — .  ,     ,  ^  *  Onnontio,  I  honour  you,  and   all   the 

^  This  Title  they  .  '  -^       ' 

give  to  the  Gov-     '  Warriors  that  accompany  me  do  the  fame : 

ernor-General    of     '  Your  Interpreter  has  made  an  end  of  his 

Canada.  »  Difcourfe,  and  now  I  come  to  begin  mine. 

'  My  Voice  glides  to  your  Ear,  pray  liften  to  my  words. 

'  Onnontio^  in  fetting  out  from  Quebec^  you  muft  needs  have 

'  fancy'd  that  the  fcorching  Beams  of  the  Sun  had  burnt  down 

'  the   Forefts  which  render  our  Country  unaccefTible  to  the 

'  French ;  or  elfe  that  the  Inundations  of  the  Lake  had  fur- 

'  rounded  our  Cottages,  and  confin'd  us  as  Prifoners.     This 

'  certainly  was  your  thought;  and  it  could  be  nothing  elfe  but 

'  the  curiofity  of  feeing  a  burnt  or  drown'd   Country,  that 

'  mov'd  you  to  undertake  a  Journey  hither.     But  now  you 

'  have  an  opportunity  of  being  undeceiv'd,  for  I  and  my  war- 

'  like  Retinue  come  to  affure  you,  that  the  T jonontouam ^  Goyogo- 

'  uans^  Onnontagues,  Onnoyoutes  cindJgnies,  are  not  yet  deftroy'd. 

'  I  return  you  thanks  in  their  name,  for  bringing  into  their 

*  Country  the  Calumet  of  Peace,  that  your  Predeceffor  receiv'd 

'  from  their  hands.   At  the  fame  time  I  congratulate  your  [40] 

'Happinefs,   in   having   left   under  Ground 
"^ Burying  the  Axe     .  *  ^j^^   ^^^.      ^^^^   ^^^^   ^^^  ^^^^    ^^    ^^^^^ 

fignifies  Peace.  .  /•  t-^         .         t         n 

'  dy  d  with  the  blood  of  the  French.      I  muft 

'  tell  you,  Onnontio,  I  am  not  afleep,  my  Eyes  are  open ;  and 

'  the  Sun  that  vouchfafes  the  light,  gives  me  a  clear  view  of  a 

'  great  Captain  at  the  head  of  a  Troop  of  Soldiers,  who  fpeaks 

« as  if  he  were  afleep.    He  pretends  that  he  do's  not  approach 


/.v  ^ 


Stti'a^^s  rj/viii^tuiagreacSa770ttj  cinj Jtaiidm^  iiprtc//it    ' 


u±^<-i/ti>/v    ^f^irc/t  6nr^  tZ' it/l   ifjcatj. 


to  iVor^y^- America.  8i 

'  to  this  Lake  with  any  other  view,  than  to  fmoak  with  the 
^  Onnotagues  in  the  great  Calumet;  but  the  Grangida  knows 
'  better  things,  he  fees  plainly  that  the  Onnontio  mean'd  to 
'  knock  'em  on  the  Head,  if  the  French  Arms  had  not  been  fo 
'  much  weaken'd. 

'  I  perceive  that  the  Onnontio  raves  in  a  Camp  of  fick 
'  People,  whofe  lives  the  great  Spirit  has  fav'd  by  vifiting 
'  them  with  Infirmities.  Do  you  hear,  Onnontio^  our  Women 
*  had  took  up  their  Clubbs ;  and  the  Children  and  the  old 
'  Men,  had  vifited  your  Camp  with  their  Bows  and  Arrows, 
'  if  our  Warlike  Men  had  not  ftop'd  and  difarm'd  'em,  when 
^Jkoueffan  your  Ambaffadour  appear'd  before  my  Village. 
'  But  I  have  done,  I'll  talk  no  more  of  that. 

'  You  muft  know,  Onnontio,  we  have  robb'd  no  French-Men, 
'but  thofe  who  fupply'd  the  Iliinefe  and  the  Oiimamis  (our 
'Enemies)  with  Fufees,  with  Powder,  and  with  Ball:  Thefe 
'  indeed  we  took  care  of,  becaufe  fuch  Arms  might  have  coft 
'  us  our  life.  Our  Condud  in  that  point  is  of  a  piece  with 
'  that  of  the  Jefuits,  who  ftave  all  the  barrels  of  Brandy  that 
'  are  brought  to  our  Cantons,  left  the  People  getting  drunk 
'  (hould  knock  them  in  the  Head.  Our  Warriours  have  no 
'  Beavers  to  give  in  exchange  for  all  the  Arms  they  take  from 
'  the  French  ;  and  as  for  the  old  fuperannuated  People,  they 
'  do  not  think  of  bearing  Arms. 

[41]     This  Colier  comprehends  my  word. 

'  We  have  conducted  the  EngUPi  to  our  *  They  pretend 
'  *  Lakes,  in  order  to  traffick  with  the  Outaouas,  '"  ^'''  property 
*  and  the  Hurons ;   juft   as   the  Algonkins   con- 


82  Some  New  Voyages 

'  du6led  the  French  to  our  five  Cantons,  in  order  to  carry  on  a 

'  Commerce  that  the  Engli/h  lay  claim  to  as  their  Right.     We 

'  are  born  Freemen,  and  have  no  dependance  either  upon  the 

.[.^    ,      .    ,,       '' Onnontio  or  t\\t '\  Corlar}    We  have  a  power  to 
fCorlar  is  the  '^ 

Title  of  the     '  go  where  we  pleafe,  to  condu6l  who  we  will 

Governor  of    'to  the  places  we  refort  to,  and  to  buy  and  fell 

New-\orVi.         t  where  we  think  fit.      If  your  Allies  are  your 

'  Slaves  or  Children,  you  may  e'en  treat  'em  as  fuch,  and  rob 

'  'em  of  the  liberty  of  entertaining  any  other  Nation  but  your 

'  own. 

This  Colier  contains  my  word. 

'  We  fell  upon  the  Illineje  and  the  Oumamis,  becaufe  they 

'  cut  down  the  trees  of  Peace  that  ferv'd  for  limits  or  bound- 

'  aries  to  our  Frontiers.     They  came  to  hunt  Beavers  upon 

'  our  Lands ;  and  contrary  to  the  cuftom  of  all  the  Savages, 

'  have  carried  off  whole  Stocks,  ||both  Male  and 

o  ,  ■  '  Female.     They  have  ingag'd  the  Chaouanons 

Savages,    tts  a  _  -^  . 

capital    Crime     '  ^^  their  intereft,  and  entertain'd  'em  in  their 

to    dejlroy    all     '  Country.^    They  fupply'd 'em  with  Fire-Arms, 

the  Beavers  of     i  after  the  concerting  of  ill  defigns  againft  us. 

'  We  have  done  lefs  than  the  Engli/h  and  the 


1  The  significance  of  the  word  Onontio,  by  which  the  Iroquois  designated  the 
governor  of  Canada,  was  said  to  be  "  great  "  or  "  beautiful  mountain,"  and  to  have 
been  a  translation  of  the  name  of  the  second  governor,  Montmagny.  Corlaer,  the 
Indian  name  for  the  governor  of  New  York,  was  derived  from  Van  Curler,  an  early 
Dutch  trader  who  had  much  influence  among  the  Mohawk. —  Ed. 

2 The  Shawnee  (French  Chaouanon)  were  an  Algonquian  tribe,  concerning 
whose  migrations  and  relations  there  has  been  considerable  controversy.  La  Salle 
found  them  in  the  Ohio  country,  where  in  the  eighteenth  century  they  were  a  terror 
to  the  Western  settlers  of  the  United  States.  See  Jesuit  Relations,  xlvii,  p.  316  ;  Ixi, 
p.  249  ;  If  is.  Hist.  Colls.,  xvi,  pp.  48,  364;  xvii,  index.  —  Ed. 


to  North-Kmtvicdi..  83 

'  French,  who  without  any  right,  have  ufurp'd  the  Grounds 
'  they  are  now  poffefs'd  of;  and  of  which  they  have  diflodg'd 

*  feveral  Nations,  in  order  to  make  way  for  their  building  of 
'  Cities,  Villages,  and  Forts. 

[42]     This  Colier  contains  my  word. 

'  I  give  you  to  know,  Onnontio^  that  my  Voice  is  the  Voice 
'  of  the  five  Iroquefe  Cantons.  This  is  their  Anfwer,  pray 
'  incline  your  Ear,  and  liften  to  v/hat  they  reprefent. 

'  The  Tfonontouans,  Goyogouans,  Onnontagues,  Onnoyoutes,  and 

*■  Agnies  declare,  that   they  interr'd   *  the 

.  ^'  Interring  the  Axe, 

Axe  at  Cataracouy,  m  the  prefence  of  your     ^^,„-^^^  ^^^  ^^^;„^  ^y 

*  Precedeffor,  in  the  very  center  of  the  Fort;  a  Peace;  and  the  dig- 
'  and  planted  the  Tree  of  Peace  in  the  fame  gingofit  up  imports  a 
'  place,  that  it  might  be  carefully  preferv'd ;  ^^^^«^^^'<'«  "/  ^^^• 
'  that  'twas  then  ftipulated,  that  the  Fort  fhould  be  us'd  as  a 
'  place  of  retreat  for  Merchants,  and  not  a  refuge  for  Soldiers  ; 
'  and  that  inftead  of  Arms  and  Ammunition,  it  fhould  be  made 
'  a  Receptacle  of  only  Beaver-Skins,  and  Merchandize  Goods, 
'  Be  it  known  to  you,  Onnontio,  that  for  the  future  you  ought 
'  to  take  care,  that  fo  great  a  number  of  Martial-Men  as  I  now 

*  fee,  being  fhut  up  in  fo  fmall  a  Fort,  do  not  flifle  and  choak 
'  the  Tree  of  Peace.  Since  it  took  Root  fo  eafily,  it  muft 
'  needs  be  of  pernicious  confequence  to  ftop  its  growth,  and 
'  hinder  it  to  fhade  both  your  Country  and  ours  with  its 
'  Leaves.  I  do  affure  you,  in  the  name  of  the  five  Nations, 
'  that  our  Warriors  fhall  dance  the  Calumet  Dance  under  its 


84  Some  New  Voyages 

'branches;  that  they  fhall  reft  in  Tran- 
t  This  Phrafe  Jis[ni-      .        .,.  ^     •      \  -n.  x  1      mi 

r    ,      ■      in  quuity  upon  their  tMatts,  and  will  never 

jies  keeping  the  reace.  . 

'  dig  up  the  Axe  to  cut  down  the  Tree  of 
'  Peace  ;  till  fuch  time  as  the  Onnontio  and  the  Corlar^  do  either 
'joyntly  or  feparately  oflFer  to  invade  the  Country,  that  the 
'  great  Spirit  has  difpos'd  of  in  the  favour  of  our  Anceftors. 

[43]  This  Colier  contains  my  word ;  and  the  other  comprehends 
the  power  granted  to  me  by  the  five  Nations. 

Then  the  Grangula  addrefs'd  himfelf  to  Mr.  le  Moine,  and 
fpoke  to  this  purpofe. 

^Jkoueffan,  take  Heart,  you  are  a  Man  of  Senfe  ;  fpeak  and 
'  explain  my  meaning  ;  be  fure  you  forget  nothing,  but  declare 
'  all  that  thy  Brethren  and  thy  Friends  reprefent  to  thy  chief 
'  Onnontioy  by  the  voice  of  the  Grangula,  who  pays  you  all 
'  Honour  and  Refped,  and  invites  you  to  accept  of  this  Pre- 
'  fent  of  Beavers,  and  to  affift  at  his  Feaft  immediately. 

'  This  other  Prefent  of  Beavers  is  fent  by  the  five  Nations 
'  to  the  Onnontio. 

As  foon  as  the  Grangula  had  done,  Mr.  le  Maine  and  the 
Jefuits  that  were  prefent,  explain'd  his  anfwer  to  Mr.  de  la 
Barre,^  who  thereupon  retir'd  to  his  Tent  and  ftorm'd  and 
blufter'd,  till  fome  body  came  and  reprefented  to  him,  that, 
Iroca  Progenies  nefcit  habere  modos,  i.  e.  The  Iroquefe  are  always 
upon  extreams.     The  Gratigula  danc'd  after  the  Iroquefe  manner, 


^  Father  Jacques  Bruyas  was  interpreter  upon  this  occasion.     See  ante,  p.  56, 
note  I. —  Ed. 


to  iVor^^-America.  85 

by  way  of  prelude  to  his  Entertainment ;  after  which  he 
regal'd  feveral  of  the  French.  Two  days  after  he  and  his 
Martial-Retinue  return'd  to  their  own  Country,  and  our  Army 
fet  out  for  Monreal.  As  foon  as  the  General  was  on  board, 
together  with  the  few  healthy  Men  that  remain'd,  the  Canows 
were  difpers'd,  for  the  Militia  ftraggled  here  and  there,  and 
every  one  made  the  beft  of  his  way  home.  Our  three  Com- 
panies indeed  kept  together,  becaufe  all  of  us,  both  Officers 
and  Soldiers,  were  carried  in  flat-bottom'd  Boats,  made  of 
Deal  on  purpofe  for  our  ufe.  However,  I  could  have  wifh'd 
to  have  run  down  the  falls  and  Catarads  [44]  in  the  fame 
Canow  that  brought  me  up,  for  every  body  thought  we 
fhould  have  been  caft  away  at  thefe  Paffes,  which  are  full  of 
Eddy's  and  Rocks ;  and  'twas  never  heard  before,  that  fuch 
Precipices  were  pafs'd  with  Deal  Boats  either  upwards  or 
downwards.  But  we  were  forc'd  to  run  all  hazards,  and  had 
certainly  been  fwallow'd  up  in  thofe  Mountains  of  Water,  if 
we  had  not  oblig'd  feveral  Canows  to  fhoot  the  Cataradls  at 
the  head  of  our  Boats,  in  order  to  fhew  us  the  way ;  at  the 
fame  time  we  had  prepar'd  our  Soldiers  for  rowing,  and 
fhieving  upon  occafion.  Do  but  confider.  Sir,  that  the  Cur- 
rents run  as  faft  as  a  Cannon  Ball;  and  that  one  falfe  ftroak 
of  the  Oar,  would  have  run  us  unavoidably  upon  the  Rocks  ; 
for  we  are  oblig'd  to  fteer  a  Zig-zag  courfe  purfuant  to  the 
thread  of  the  Stream,  which  has  fifty  windings.  The  Boats 
which  are  loaded  are  fometimes  loft  in  thofe  places.  But  after 
all,  tho'  the  rifque  we  run  be  very  great,  yet  by  way  of  Com- 


86  Some  New  Voyages 

penfation,  one  has  the  fatisfadion  of  running  a  great  way  in  a 
little  time ;  for  we  run  from  Galete  to  this  Town  in  two  days 
time,  notwithftanding  that  we  crofs'd  the  two  ftagnating  Lakes 
I  took  notice  of  before. 

As  foon  as  we  landed,  we  receiv'd  advice  that  the  Chevalier 
de  CaUieres  was  come  to  fupply  the  room  of  Mr.  Pe?'rot,  the 
Governor  of  this  place.^  Mr.  Perrot  has  had  feveral  fcuffies 
with  Mr.  de  Frontenac,  and  Mr.  de  la  Barre  ;  of  which  you  may 
exped:  a  farther  account,  when  I  am  better  inform'd.  All  the 
World  blames  our  General  for  his  bad  Succefs :  'Tis  talk'd 
publickly,  that  his  only  defign  was  to  cover  the  fending  of 
feveral  Canows  to  traffick  with  the  Savages  in  thofe  Lakes  for 
Beaver-Skins.  The  People  here  are  very  bufie  in  wafting  over 
to  Court  a  thoufand  Calumnies  againft  him  ;  both  the  Clergy 
and  the  Gentlemen  of  the  long  Robe,  write  to  his  difadvantage. 
Tho'  after  all,  the  whole  charge  is  [45]  f alfe ;  for  the  poor 
Man  could  do  no  more  than  he  did.^  Juil  now,  I  was  inform'd 
that  Mr.  Hainaiit,  Mr.  Montortier,  and  Mr.  Durivau,  three  Cap- 
tains of  Ships,  are  arriv'd  at  Quebec,  v/ith  a  defign  to  pafs  the 
Winter  there,  and  to  affift  him  as  Counfellors ;  and  that  the 


^  Louis  Hector,  sieur  de  Callieres-Bonnevue  was  born  in  1646  or  1647,  and  early 
adopted  the  profession  of  arms.  Coming  to  Canada  in  1684  as  governor  of  Montreal, 
he  soon  proved  himself  an  important  factor  in  the  defense  of  the  colony.  He  ably 
seconded  the  measures  of  Frontenac,  and  upon  his  death  (1698)  was  appointed  his 
successor.  He  brought  Frontenac's  war  with  the  Iroquois  to  a  successful  issue,  and 
made  a  peace  (1701)  with  this  redoubtable  foe.     His  death  occurred  in  1703.— Ed. 

2  For  La  Barre's  own  account  of  the  expedition,  see  N.  Y.  Colon.  Docs.,  ix,  pp. 
239-243.  The  account  of  his  detractors,  headed  by  the  intendant  Meules,  follows, 
pp.  244-248. ^Ed. 


to  No7'th-Kvc).^nc2i,  87 

laft  of  thefe  three  has  brought  with  him  an  Independent  Com- 
pany, to  be  commanded  by  himfelf.^ 

I  fhall  have  no  opportunity  of  writing  again  before  the 
next  Spring ;  for  the  laft  Ships  that  are  to  return  for  France 
this  year,  are  now  ready  to  fail. 

/  am^  SIR,  Yours,  &c. 


1  These  officers,  whose  names  are  given,  Desnots,  Montortie,  and  Du  Rivau  Huet, 
came  out  in  charge  of  reinforcements  in  the  autumn  of  1684,  but  were  permitted  to 
return  the  following  year.  See  N.  Y.  Colon,  Docs.,  ix,  p.  250;  Canadian  Archives , 
supplement,  1899,  pp.  269,  270. — Ed. 


88  Some  New  Voyages 


LETTER    VIII. 

Dated  at  Monreal,  June  28.  1685. 

Reprefenting  the  Fortifications  of  Monreal,  and  the  indifcreet  Zeal 
of  the  Priefls,  who  a?'e  Lords  of  that  Town :  With  a  Defcrip- 
tion  of  Chambli,  and  of  the  Commerce  of  the  Savages  upon  the 
great  Lakes. 

SIR, 

I  HAVE  juft  receiv'd  yours,  by  a  fmall  Veffel  of  Bourdeaux 
loaded  with  Wine;  which  is  the  firft  that  came  to  Quebec 
this  Year.  I  am  mightily  pleas'd  to  hear  that  the  King  has 
granted  to  Mr.  de  la  Salle  four  Ships,  to  go  upon  the  Dif- 
covery  of  the  Mouth  of  the  Miffifipi;  and  cannot  but  admire 
your  Curiofity,  in  defiring  to  know  the  Occurrences  of  this 
Place,  and  how  I  fpent  my  time  in  the  Winter. 

Mr.  de  CalUeres  was  no  fooner  poffefs'd  of  his  Government, 
than  he  order'd  all  the  Inhabitants  of  this  Town,  and  of  the 
adjacent  Country,  to  cut  down  and  bring  in  great  Stakes, 
of  fifteen  Foot  in  length,  [46]  to  fortifie  the  Town.  During 
the  Winter,  thefe  Orders  were  purfued  with  fo  much  Applica- 
tion, that  all  things  are  now  ready  for  making  the  Inclofure ; 
in  which  five  or  fix  hundred  Men  are  to  be  imploy'd.  I  fpent 
part  of  the  Winter  in  Hunting  with  the  Algonkins,  in  order  to 
a  more  perfed  knowledge  of  their  Language ;  and  the  reft  I 


to  A^o;t^-America.  89 

fpent  in  this  Place,  with  a  great  deal  of  uneafinefs :  for,  here 
we  cannot  enjoy  our  felves,  either  at  Play,  or  in  vifiting  the 
Ladies,  but  'tis  prefently  carried  to  the  Curate's  ears,  who 
takes  publick  notice  of  it  in  the  Pulpit.  His  Zeal  goes  fo  far, 
as  even  to  name  the  Perfons  :  and  fince  he  refufes  the  Sacra- 
ment of  the  Holy  Supper  to  Ladies  of  Quality,  upon  the  moft 
(lender  Pretences,  you  may  eafily  guefs  at  the  other  fl:eps  of 
his  Indefcretion,  You  cannot  imagine  to  what  a  pitch  thefe 
Ecclefiaftical  Lords  have  fcrew'd  their  Authority :  They 
excommunicate  all  the  Masks,  and  wherever  they  fpy  'em, 
they  run  after  'em  to  uncover  their  Faces,  and  abufe  'em  in  a 
reproachful  manner :  In  fine,  they  have  a  more  watchful  eye 
over  the  Condud  of  the  Girls  and  married  Women,  than 
their  Fathers  and  Husbands  have.  They  cry  out  againft 
thofe  that  do  not  receive  the  Sacrament  once  a  Month ;  and 
at  Eafter  they  oblige  all  forts  of  Perfons  to  give  in  Bills  to 
their  Confeffors.  They  prohibit  and  burn  all  the  Books  that 
treat  of  any  other  Subje6l  but  Devotion.  When  I  think  of 
this  Tyranny,  I  cannot  but  be  inrag'd  at  the  impertinent  Zeal 
of  the  Curate  of  this  City.  This  inhumane  Fellow  came  one 
day  to  my  Lodging,  and  finding  the  Romance  of  the  Adven- 
tures of  Petroniiis  upon  my  Table,  he  fell  upon  it  with  an 
unimaginable  fury,  and  tore  out  almoft  all  the  Leaves.  This 
Book  I  valued  more  than  my  Life,  becaufe  'twas  not  caftrated  ; 
and  indeed  I  was  fo  provok'd  when  I  faw  it  all  in  wrack,  that 
if  my  Landlord  had  not  held  me,  I  had  gone  immediately  to 
that  turbulent  Paftor's  [47]  Houfe,  and  would  have  pluck'd 
out  the  Hairs  of  his  Beard  with  as  little  mercy  as  he  did  the 


90  Some  New  Voyages 

Leaves  of  my  Book.  Thefe  Animals  cannot  content  them- 
felves  with  the  ftudying  of  Mens  A6lions,  but  they  muft 
likewife  dive  into  their  Thoughts.  By  this  Sketch,  Sir,  you 
may  judge  what  a  pleafant  Life  we  lead  here. 

The  30th  of  the  laft  March  the  Ice  melted ;  and  the  River 
being  then  open,  I  was  fent  with  a  fmall  Detachment  to  Cbam- 
bli:  for  commonly  the  Sun  refumes  its  Vigour  here  much 
about  that  time.  Chambli  ftands  on  the  brink  of  a  Bafin, 
about  five  or  fix  Leagues  off  this  Place :  That  Bafin  is  two 
Leagues  in  Circumference,  and  receives  the  Lake  of  Cham- 
plain  by  a  Water-fall  that  is  a  League  and  a  half  in  length ; 
out  of  which  there  arifes  a  River  that  difembogues  at  Sorel 
into  the  River  of  St.  Laurence^  as  I  intimated  above  in  my 
fourth  Letter.  In  former  times  this  Place  had  a  great  Trade 
in  Beaver-skins,  which  is  now  decay'd :  for  the  Soccokis,  the 
Mahingans,  and  the  Openangos,  us'd  formerly  to  refort  thither 
in  {hoals,  to  exchange  their  Furs  for  other  Goods ;  but  at 
prefent  they  are  retir'd  to  the  Englifli  Colonies,  to  avoid  the 
purfuit  of  the  Iroquefe}  The  Champlain  Lake,  which  lies 
above  that  Water-fall,  is  eighty  Leagues  in  circumference.  At 
the  end  of  this  Lake  we  met  with  another,  call'd  S.  Sacrement, 
by  which  one  may  go  very  eafily  to  New-York^  there  being  but 


1  These  were  tribes  who  had  formerly  occupied  Acadia  and  Maine,  and  had 
migrated  with  the  Abenaki  to  the  St.  Lawrence.  The  Sokoki  (Soccoki)  were  Abenaki 
whose  habitat  was  the  Saco  River,  and  whose  enmity  with  the  Mohawk  was  of  long 
standing.  One  of  this  tribe,  Squanto,  led  the  attack  on  the  English  settlement  at  Saco, 
Sept.  18,  1675.  The  Openangoes  were  the  Algonquian  of  New  Brunswick,  called 
by  the  English  Quoddy  Indians.  The  Mahican  (Mohegan)  was  a  numerous  Algon- 
quian tribe,  whose  first  habitat  was  the  valley  of  the  Hudson,  later  that  of  the  Con- 
necticut.    The  French  usually  called  them  Loups  (Wolves).  —  Ed. 


to  North'\vcitnc2i,  91 

a  Land-carriage  of  two  Leagues  from  thence  to  the  River 
Du  Fer,  which  falls  into  the  Manathe}  While  I  was  at  Cham- 
bli,  I  faw  two  Canows  loaded  with  Beaver-skins  pafs  privately 
by  that  way ;  and  'tv/as  thought  they  were  fent  thither  by  Mr. 
de  la  Barre.  This  fmuggling  way  of  Trade  is  exprefly  pro- 
hibited :  for  they  are  oblig'd  to  carry  thefe  Skins  before  the 
Office  of  the  Company,  where  they  are  rated  at  an  Hundred 
and  60  per  Cent,  lefs  than  the  Englifh  buy  'em  at  in  their  Colo- 
nies.2  But  the  little  Fort  that  ftands  at  the  bottom  [48]  of 
the  Water-fall,  upon  the  brink  of  the  Bafin  of  Chambli,  being 
only  fingle  Pallifadoes,  it  cannot  hinder  People  to  pafs  that 
way;  efpecially  confidering  that  the  Profpedl,  of  fo  great  a 
profit,  renders  the  Paffengers  the  more  daring.  The  Inhab- 
itants of  the  adjacent  Villages  are  very  much  expos'd  to  the 
Incurfions  of  the  Iroqueje  in  time  of  War.  Notwithftanding 
the  weaknefs  of  the  Fort,  I  continued  in  that  place  a  Month 
and  a  half,  and  then  I  return'd  hither,  where  Mr.  de  la  Barre 
arriv'd  fome  days  after;  being  accompany'd  with  Mr.  Hemiaut, 


^  The  Indian  name  for  Lake  George  was  Andiatarocte,  "  where  the  lake  is  shut 
in."  The  Jesuit  missionary  Jogues  named  it  (1646)  Lac  du  St.  Sacrement.  In  1755 
Sir  William  Johnson  changed  the  name  in  honor  of  the  English  king.  The  River 
Du  Fer  is  the  north  branch  of  the  Hudson  which  falls  into  the  "  Manathe,"  i.  e.  the 
river  of  Manhattan.  —  Ed. 

2  The  Compagnie  des  Indes  Occidentales  was  created  May  24,  1664,  and  given 
the  monopoly  of  the  fur-trade  of  Canada.  Upon  the  protestation  of  the  colony's  mer- 
chants, the  company  relinquished  the  monopoly  in  favor  of  the  right  to  levy  a  duty  of 
one-fourth  of  the  beaver  skins  and  one-tenth  of  the  moose  skins  imported  from  Canada. 
The  company  was  dissolved  in  1674,  ^^^  the  king  retained  the  duties  in  the  same 
form,  and  farmed  them  out  for  350,000  livres.  The  farmer  formed  a  company,  some- 
times spoken  of  as  the  "  Company  of  Domain."  This  is  the  one  to  which  Lahontan 
here  refers.     The  price  paid  for  beaver  was  regulated  by  edict.  —  Ed, 


92  Some  New  Voyages 

Mr.  Montortier,  and  Mr.  du  Rivau.  Much  about  the  fame  day 
there  arrlv'd  25  or  30  Canows,  belonging  to  the  Coureurs  de 
BoiSy  being  homeward  bound  from  the  great  Lakes,  and  laden 
with  Beaver-skins.  The  Cargo  of  each  Canow  amounted  to 
40  Packs,  each  of  which  weighs  50  pound,  and  will  fetch  50 
Crowns  at  the  Farmers  Office.  Thefe  Canows  were  follow'd 
by  50  more  of  the  Outaouas  and  Htirons,  who  come  down  every 
Year  to  the  Colony,  in  order  to  make  a  better  Market  than 
they  can  do  in  their  own  Country  of  Miffilimakinac,  which  lies 
on  the  Banks  of  the  Lake  of  Hurons^  at  the  Mouth  of  the 
Lake  of  the  lUinefe}    Their  way  of  Trading  is  as  follows. 

Upon  their  firft  Arrival,  they  incamp  at  the  diftance  of  five 
or  fix  hundred  Paces  from  the  Town.  The  next  day  is  fpent 
in  ranging  their  Canows,  unloading  their  Goods,  and  pitching 
their  Tents,  which  are  made  of  Birch  Bark.  The  next  day 
after,  they  demand  Audience  of  the  Governour  General; 
which  is  granted  'em  that  fame  day  in  a  publick  place.  Upon 
this  Occafion,  each  Nation  makes  a  Ring  for  it  felf ;  the  Sav- 
ages fit  upon  the  Ground  with  their  Pipes  in  their  Mouths, 
and  the  Governour  Is  feated  in  an  arm'd  Chair ;  after  which, 
there  fl:arts  up  an  Orator  or  Speaker  from  one  of  thefe 
Nations,  who  makes  an  Harangue,  importing,  '  That  his 
*  Brethren  are  come  to  vifit  the  Governour  general,  and  to 
'  renew  [49]  with  him  their  wonted  Friendfhip :  That  their 
'  chief  View  is,  to  promote  the  Intereft  of  the  French^  fome  of 

^  For  the  early  history  of  Mackinac  (Missilimaicinac)  see  Thwaites,  "  Story  of 
Mackinac,"  in  Hoiu  George  Rogers  Clark  Won  the  Northivest  (Chicago,  1903). 
Illinois  Lake  (Lac  d'  liinois)  was  an  early  name  for  Lake  Michigan.  — Ed. 


to  North- A.vi\tv\c2i,  93 

'  whom  being  unacquainted  with  the  way  of  Traffick,  and 
'  being  too  weak  for  the  tranfporting  of  Goods  from  the 
'  Lakes,  would  be  unable  to  deal  in  Beaver-skins,  if  his  Breth- 
'  ren  did  not  come  in  perfon  to  deal  with  'em  in  their  own 
'  Colonies :  That  they  know  very  well  how  acceptable  their 
'  Arrival  is  to  the  Inhabitants  of  Monreal,  in  regard  of  the 
'  Advantage  they  reap  by  it :  That  in  regard  the  Beaver-skins 
'  are  much  valued  in  France,  and  the  French  Goods  given  in 
'  exchange  are  of  an  inconfiderable  Value,  they  mean  to  give 
'  the  French  fufficient  proof  of  their  readinefs  to  furnifh  'em 
'  with  what  they  defire  fo  earneftly :  That  by  way  of  prepara- 
'  tion  for  another  Years  Cargo,  they  are  come  to  take  in 
'  Exchange,  Fufees,  Powder,  and  Ball,  in  order  to  hunt  great 
'  numbers  of  Beavers,  or  to  gall  the  Iroquefe,  in  cafe  they  offer 
•to  difturb  the  French  Settlements:  And,  in  fine.  That  in  con- 
'  formation  of  their  Words,  they  throw  a  Purcelain  CoHer 
'  with  fome  Beaver-skins  to  the  Kitchi-Okima  (fo  they  call  the 
'  Governour-General)  whofe  Protedion  they  lay  claim  to  in 
'  cafe  of  any  Robbery  or  Abufe  committed  upon  'em  in  the 
'  Town.i 

The  Spokefman  having  made  an  end  of  his  Speech,  returns 
to  his  Place,  and  takes  up  his  Pipe ;  and  then  the  Interpreter 
explains  the  Subftance  of  the  Harangue  to  the  Governour, 
who  commonly  gives  a  very  civil  Anfwer,  efpecially  if  the 
Prefent   be  valuable :  in   confideration  of  which,  he  likewife 


^See  Lahontan's  explanation  of  this  term  in  his  Table,  post.  John  Long,  an 
English  trader  of  a  century  later,  gives  nearly  the  same  form  for  the  Algonquian  word. 
See  Long,  Voyages  and  Travels  (Thwaites's  ed.,  Cleveland,  1904),  p.  242.  —  Ed. 


94  Some  New  Voyages  i 

makes  them  a  Prefent  of  fome  trifling  things.  This  done,  the 
Savages  rife  up,  and  return  to  their  Hutts  to  make  fuitable 
Preparations  for  the  enfuing  Truck. 

The  next  day  the  Savages  make  their  Slaves  carry  the 
Skins  to  the  Houfes  of  the  Merchants,  who  bargain  with 
'em  for  fuch  Cloaths  as  they  want.  All  the  Inhabitants  of 
Monreal  are  allow'd  to  traffick  with  [50]  'em  in  any  Com- 
modity but  Wine  and  Brandy  ;  thefe  two  being  excepted  upon 
the  account  that  when  the  Savages  have  got  what  they  wanted, 
and  have  any  Skins  left,  they  drink  to  excefs,  and  then  kill 
their  Slaves  ;  for  when  they  are  in  drink,  they  quarrel  and 
fight;  and  if  they  were  not  held  by  thofe  who  are  fober, 
wou'd  certainly  make  Havock  one  of  another.^  However, 
you  muft  obferve,  that  none  of  'em  will  touch  either  Gold  or 
Silver.  'Tis  a  comical  fight,  to  fee  'em  running  from  Shop  to 
Shop,  ftark  naked,  with  their  Bow  and  Arrow.  The  nicer  fort 
of  Women  are  wont  to  hold  their  Fans  before  their  eyes, 
to  prevent  their  being  frighted  with  the  view  of  their  ugly 
Parts.  But  thefe  merry  Companions,  who  know  the  brisk 
She- Merchants  as  well  as  we,  are  not  wanting  in  making  an 
Offer,  which  is  fometimes  accepted  of,  when  the  Prefent  is  of 


.  1  The  sale  of  liquor  to  the  Indians  had  long  agitated  the  colony.  Champlain 
forbade  the  traffic  (1633),  except  under  strict  control;  but  by  1660  it  had  attained 
such  excesses  that  Bishop  Laval  pronounced  excommunication  against  all  colonists 
who  sold  brandy  to  savages,  and  the  following  year  secured  a  royal  edict  punishing 
the  crime  with  death.  The  excitement  in  the  colony  was  so  great  that  the  edict  was 
revoked,  and  in  Frontenac's  first  governorship  a  compromise  established,  whereby  the 
carrying  of  liquor  into  the  woods  was  prohibited,  but  a  moderate  sale  allowed  in  the 
colony.  The  question  never  ceased  to  be  agitated  by  the  missionaries,  and  the  evasions 
of  the  ordinance  by  coureurs  des  bois  were  a  standing  grievance.  —  Ed. 


to  North- Ax)L\^v\c2i,  95 

good  Mettle.  If  we  may  credit  the  common  Report,  there 
are  more  than  one  or  two  of  the  Ladies  of  this  Country, 
whofe  Conftancy  and  Vertue  has  held  out  againft  the  Attacks 
of  feveral  Officers,  and  at  the  fame  time  vouchfaf'd  a  free 
accefs  to  thefe  nafty  Lechers.  'Tis  prefum'd  their  Com- 
pliance was  the  Effed  of  Curiofity,  rather  than  of  any  nice 
Relifh;  for,  in  a  word,  the  Savages  are  neither  brisk,  nor 
conftant.  But  whatever  is  in  the  matter,  the  Women  are  the 
more  excufable  upon  this  Head,  that  fuch  Opportunities  are 
very  unfrequent. 

As  foon  as  the  Savages  have  made  an  end  of  their  Truck, 
they  take  leave  of  the  Governour,  and  fo  return  home  by  the 
River  of  Outaouas}  To  conclude,  they  did  a  great  deal  of 
good  both  to  the  Poor  and  Rich ;  for  you  will  readily  appre- 
hend, that  every  body  turns  Merchant  upon  fuch  occafions. 

I  am,  SIR,  Yours,  &c. 

1  The  Ottawa  River  was  at  first  called  River  of  the  Algonkins,  and  Riviere  des 
Prairies.  Its  present  name  arose  not  from  its  being  the  habitat  of  the  Ottawa  tribe, 
but  because  it  was  the  route  by  which  the  Ottawa  came  to  Canada  from  the  "  upper 
country  "   {pays  en  haul) .  —  Ed. 


96  Some  New  Voyages 


LETTER    IX. 

Dated  at  Boucherville,  Octob.  2.  1685. 

Being  an  Account  of  the  Commerce^  and  Trade  of  Monreal:  Of  the 
Arrival  of  the  Marquis  of  Denonville  with  fome  Troops  ;  and 
of  the  recalling  of  Mr.  de  la  Barre.  IFith  a  curious  Defcription 
of  certain  Licenfes  for  Trading  in  Beaver-skins  in  the  remote 
Countries. 

SIR, 

IRECEIV'D  your  fecond  Letter  three  Weeks  ago,  but  could 
not  fend  a  fpeedier  Anfvver,  by  reafon  that  none  of  our 
Ships  have  yet  fet  Sail  for  France.  Since  you  want  to  know 
the  nature  of  the  Trade  of  Monreal,  be  pleas'd  to  take  the 
following  Account. 

Almoft  all  the  Merchants  of  that  City  ad  only  on  the 
behalf  of  the  Quebec  Merchants,  whofe  Fadors  they  are. 
The  Barques  which  carry  thither  dry  Commodities,  as  well  as 
Wine  and  Brandy,  are  but  few  in  number;  but  then  they  make 
feveral  Voyages  in  one  Year  from  the  one  City  to  the  other. 
The  Inhabitants  of  the  Ifland  of  Monreal,  and  the  adjacent 
Cantons,  repair  twice  a  Year  to  the  City  of  Monreal,  where 
they  buy  Commodities  fifty  per  Cent,  dearer  than  at  Quebec. 
The  Savages  of  the  neighbouring  Countries,  whether  fettled 


to  7V(?r^/6-America.  97 

or  erratick,  carry  thither  the  Skins  of  Beavers,  Elks,  Caribous, 
Foxes,  and  wild  Cats ;  all  which,  they  truck  for  Fufees,  Pow- 
der, Lead,  and  other  Necefifaries.  There  every  one  is  allow'd 
to  trade ;  and  indeed  'tis  the  beft  place  for  the  getting  of  an 
Eftate  in  a  fliort  time.  All  the  Merchants  have  fuch  a  perfedl 
good  underftanding  one  with  another,  that  they  all  fell  at  the 
fame  price.  [52]  But  when  the  Inhabitants  of  the  Country 
find  their  Prices  exorbitant,  they  raife  their  Commodities  in 
proportion.  The  Gentlemen  that  have  a  Charge  of  Children, 
efpecially  Daughters,  are  oblig'd  to  be  good  Husbands,  in 
order  to  bear  the  Expence  of  the  magnificent  Cloaths  with 
which  they  are  fet  off;  for  Pride,  Vanity,  and  Luxury,  reign 
as  much  in  New  France  as  in  Old  France.  In  my  opinion, 
'twould  do  well,  if  the  King  would  order  Commodities  to  be 
rated  at  a  reafonable  Price,  and  prohibit  the  felling  of  Gold 
or  Silver  Brocadoes,  Fringes,  and  Ribbands,  as  well  as  Points 
and  rich  Laces. 

The  Marquis  of  Denonville  is  come  to  fucceed  Mr.  de  la 
Barre  in  the  quality  of  Governour-General ;  for  the  King  has 
recall'd  Mr.  de  la  Barre^  upon  the  Accufations  laid  againft 
him  by  his  Enemies.  To  be  fure,  you  who  are  in  France 
know  better  than  I,  that  Mr.  de  Denonville  was  Maitre  de 
Camp  to  the  Queen's  Regiment  of  Dragoons,  which  Place  he 
fold  to  Mr.  Murcey  when  the  King  beftow'd  this  Government 
upon  him;  and,  that  he  brought  with  him  fome  Companies  of 
Marines,  befides  his   Lady  and  his   Children:  for   it   feems 

the  danger  and  inconveniencies  that  attend  fuch  a  long  and 
7 


98  Some  New  Voyages 

troublefome  Voyage,  made  no  Impreilion  upon  her.^  This 
Governour  ftay'd  at  firft  fome  Weeks  at  Quebec^  after  which 
he  came  to  Monreal,  with  500  or  600  Men  of  Regular  Troops, 
and  fent  back  the  Captains  Hainaut^  Montortier,  and  du  Rivo, 
with  feveral  other  Officers.  His  Army  is  now  in  Winter 
Quarters  all  round  Monreal.  My  Quarters  are  at  a  Place 
call'd  Boucherville,  which  lies  at  the  diftance  of  three  Leagues 
from  Monreal.^  I  have  been  here  fifteen  Days,  and  in  all 
appearance  fhall  live  more  happily  than  in  the  Town,  abating 
for  the  Solitude  ;  for  at  leaft  I  fhall  have  no  other  oppofition 
to  encounter  in  the  cafe  of  Balls,  Gaming,  or  Feafting,  but  the 
zealous  Freaks  of  a  filly  Prieft.  I  am  inform'd,  that  the  Gov- 
ernour [53]  has  given  Orders  to  compleat  the  Fortifications  of 
Monreal,^  and  is  now  ready  to  embarque  for  Quebec,  where  our 
Governours  commonly  pafs  the  Winter.  The  Savages  I  fpoke 
of  in  my  laft,  met  the  Iroqiiefe  upon  the  great  River  of  the 
Oiitaoiias,  who  inform'd  'em  that  the  Englijh  were  making 
Preparations  to  tranfport  to  their  Villages  in  Mijfilimakbiac, 
better  and  cheaper  Commodities  than  thofe  they  had  from  the 


1  Jacques  Rene  de  Brisay,  marquis  de  Denonville,  had  served  in  the  French  armies 
for  thirty  years.  He  was  a  zealous  and  pious  officer,  but  unequal  to  the  difficulties  of 
the  situation  in  Canada;  recalled  in  1689,  he  was  given  honorable  preferment  at 
court.  Madame  de  Denonville  was  the  last  French  woman  of  rank  to  honor  Canada 
with  her  presence  at  the  government  house.  —  Ed. 

^Boucherville  was  founded  in  1667  by  Pierre  Boucher,  formerly  governor  of  Trois 
Rivieres,  and  the  first  Canadian  ennobled  by  the  king.  The  Boucher  family  was  one 
of  the  most  important  in  the  colony.  See  Suite,  "  Pierre  Boucher  et  son  Livre  "  in 
Can.  Roy.  Soc.  Proc,  series  ii,  vol.  ii,  sec.  i,  pp.  99-168.  —  Ed. 

^  Montreal  until  this  time  had  scarcely  any  military  protection.  In  1685  six  hun- 
dred men  were  employed,  under  a  royal  engineer,  in  erecting  a  palisade  over  twelve 
feet  in  height,  with  five  gates  and  five  posterns.  —  Ed. 


to  N orth- A.mmc2i,  99 

French.  This  piece  of  News  did  equally  alarm  the  Gentlemen, 
the  Pedlers  call'd  Coureurs  de  Bois,  and  the  Merchants  ;  who,  at 
that  rate,  would  be  confiderable  Lofers :  for  you  muft  know, 
that  Canada  fubfifts  only  upon  the  Trade  of  Skins  or  Furrs, 
three  fourths  of  which  come  from  the  People  that  live  round 
the  great  Lakes :  So  that  if  the  EngUfli  fhould  put  fuch  a 
Defign  in  execution,  the  whole  Country  would  fuffer  by  it ; 
efpecially  confidering,  that  'twould  fink  certain  Licenfes :  an 
Account  of  which  will  be  proper  in  this  place. 

Thefe  Licenfes  are  granted  in  Writing  by  the  Governours 
General,  to  poor  Gentlemen  and  old  Officers  who  have  a  Charge 
of  Children.  They  are  difpos'd  of  by  the  King's  Orders;  and 
the  Defign  of  'em  is,  to  enable  fuch  Perfons  to  fend  Com- 
modities to  thefe  Lakes.  The  Number  of  the  Perfons  thus 
impower'd,  ought  not  to  exceed  twenty  five  in  one  Year:  but 
God  knows  how  many  more  have  private  Licenfes.  All  other 
Perfons,  of  what  Quality  or  Condition  foever,  are  prohibited 
to  go  or  fend  to  thefe  Lakes,  without  fuch  Licenfes,  under  the 
pain  of  Death. ^  Each  Licenfe  extends  to  the  lading  of  two 
great  Canows ;  and  whoever  procures  a  whole  or  a  half  Licenfe 
for  himfelf,  may  either  make  ufe  of  it  himfelf,  or  fell  it  to  the 


1  The  licenses  (conges)  for  trade  in  the  Western  country  were  established  in  the 
latter  years  of  Frontenac's  first  administration,  partly,  as  Lahontan  says,  as  a  measure 
of  charity  or  relief,  partly  as  a  means  of  restricting  the  coureurs  des  bois.  The  abuses 
were  so  great  that  in  1697  the  king  revoked  all  licenses  and  abolished  the  system.  At 
the  close  of  Queen  Anne's  War  (1702-13) ,  the  licenses  were  again  issued,  and  utilized 
as  a  means  for  provisioning  expeditions  against  the  Foxes  and  the  other  recalcitrant 
Indians  of  the  upper  country.  See  H^is.  Hist.  Colls.,  xvi,  xvii.  This  policy  was 
maintained  throughout  the  French  regime.  Henry  describes  it  as  still  existing  in 
1765  ;  see  his  Travels  and  Adventures  (Bain's  ed.,  Boston,  1901),  pp.  183,  184. — Ed, 


loo  Some  New  Voyages 

higheft  Bidder.  Commonly  they  are  bought  at  fix  hundred 
Crowns  a-piece.  Thofe  who  purchafe  'em  are  at  no  trouble 
in  finding  Pedlars  or  Foreft-Rangers  to  undertake  the  long 
Voyages,  which  fetch  the  mofl  confiderable  [54]  Gains,  and 
commonly  extend  to  a  Year,  and  fometimes  more.  The  Mer- 
chants put  into  the  two  Canows  ftipulated  in  the  Licenfe,  fix 
Men  with  a  thoufand  Crowns-worth  of  Goods,  which  are  rated 
to  the  Pedlars  at  fifteen  per  Cent,  more  than  what  they  are  fold 
for  in  ready  Money  in  the  Colony.  When  the  Voyage  is  per- 
form'd,  this  Sum  of  a  thoufand  Crowns  commonly  brings  in 
feven  hundred  per  Cent,  clear  profit,  and  fometimes  more, 
fometimes  lefs ;  for  thefe  Sparks  call'd  Coureurs  de  Bois  bite 
the  Savages  mofl  dexteroufly,  and  the  lading  of  two  Canows, 
computed  at  a  thoufand  Crowns,  is  a  Purchafe  for  as  many 
Beaver-skins  as  will  load  four  Canows:  Now,  four  Canows 
will  carry  a  hundred  and  fixty  Packs  of  Skins,  that  is,  forty 
a-piece ;  and  reckoning  each  Pack  to  be  worth  fifty  Crowns, 
the  value  of  the  whole  amounts  to  eight  thoufand  Crowns. 
As  to  the  Repartition  of  this  extravagant  Profit,  'tis  made  after 
the  following  manner :  In  the  firfl  place,  the  Merchant  takes 
out  of  the  whole  bulk  fix  hundred  Crowns  for  the  Purchafe 
of  his  Licenfe  ;  then  a  thoufand  Crowns  for  the  prime  Coft  of 
the  exported  Commodities.  After  this,  there  remains  6400 
Crowns  of  Surplufage,  out  of  which  the  Merchant  takes  forty 
per  Cent,  for  Bottomree,  which  amounts  to  2560  Crowns;  and 
the  Remainder  is  divided  equally  among  the  fix  Coureurs  de 
Bois,  who  get  little  more  than  600  Crowns  a-piece :  and  indeed 
I  mufl  fay  'tis  fairly  earn'd  ;  for  their  Fatigue  is  inconceivable. 


to  TVor/^- America.  loi 

In  the  mean  time,  you  muft  remark,  that  over  and  above  the 
foregoing  profit,  the  Merchant  gets  25  per  Cent,  upon  his 
Beaver-skins  by  carrying  them  to  the  Office  of  the  Farmers 
General,  where  the  Price  of  four  forts  of  Beaver-skins  is 
fix'd.  If  the  Merchant  fells  thefe  Skins  to  any  private  Man 
in  the  Country  for  ready  Money,  he  is  paid  in  the  current 
Money  of  the  Country,  which  is  of  lefs  value  than  the  Bills 
of  Exchange  that  the  Diredlor  of  [55]  that  Office  draws  upon 
Rocbel  or  Paris ;  for  there  they  are  paid  in  French  Livres,  which 
are  twenty  Sols,  whereas  a  Canada  Livre  is  but  fifteen  Sols. 
This  Advantage  of  25  per  Cent,  is  call'd  le  Benefice;  but  take 
notice,  that  'tis  only  to  be  had  upon  Beaver-skins :  for,  if  you 
pay  to  a  Quebec  Merchant  400  Canada  Livres  in  Silver,  and 
take  from  him  a  Bill  of  Exchange  upon  his  Correfpondent  in 
France,  his  Correfpondent  will  pay  no  more  than  300  French 
Livres,  which  is  a  juft  Equivalent. 

This  is  the  laft  Intelligence  I  fhall  give  you  for  this  Year, 
v/hich  has  already  brought  in  a  very  Qo\d  Autumn,  The  Quebec 
Ships  muft  fet  Sail  in  the  middle  of  November,  purfuant  to  the 
wonted  Cuftom.     I  am, 

SIR, 

Tours,  &c. 


102  Some  New  Voyages 


LETTER    X. 

Dated  at  Boucherville  July  8.  1686. 

Relating  the  Arrival  of  Mr.  de  Champlgni,  in  the  room  of  Mr. 
de  Meules,  who  is  recaWd  to  France ;  the  arrival  of  the 
Troops  that  came  along  with  him,  the  curiofity  of  the  Rackets, 
and  the  way  of  hunting  Elks;  with  a  Defcription  of  that 
Animal. 

SIR, 

THOUGH  I  have  not  heard  from  you  this  year,  yet  I  will 
not  flight  this  opportunity  of  writing  to  you.  Some 
Ships  from  France  are  arriv'd  at  Quebec,  and  have  brought 
over  Mr.  de  Champigni  Noroua,  [^6]  with  fome  Companies  of 
Marines.  He  comes  to  fupply  the  place  of  Mr.  de  Meules, 
whom  the  King  recalls  upon  the  unjuft  complaints  that  are 
made  of  him.  He  is  charg'd  with  preferring  his  private  Inter- 
eft  to  the  publick  Good ;  but  the  charge  is  falfe,  and  he  will 
eafily  clear  himfelf.  I  am  apt  to  believe  he  may  have  carry'd 
on  fome  underhand  Commerce^  but  in  fo  doing  he  injur'd 
no  body;  nay,  on  the  contrary  he  has  procur'd  Bread  for  a 
thoufand  poor  Creatures,  that  without  his  AfTiftance  would 
have  ftarv'd  for  Hunger.  This  new  Intendant  is  defcended 
of  one  of  the  moft  Illuftrious  Families  of  the  Robe  in  France. 
He  is  faid  to  be  a  Man  of  Honour,  and  Fame  entitles  his 


to  North-Kmcvic^.,  103 

Lady  to  a  diftlngulfhing  Merit :  I  underftand,  he  and  Mr. 
Denonville  are  bound  fpeedlly  for  Monreal^  where  they  mean 
to  take  a  review  of  the  Inhabitants  of  this  Ifland,  and  of  the 
Neighbouring  Cantons.^  Probably,  they  take  fuch  precau- 
tions in  order  to  fome  new  effort  agalnft  the  Iroquefe.  Laft 
Winter  we  had  no  new  Occurrences  in  the  Colony.  I  fpent 
the  whole  Winter  at  the  hunting  of  Orlgnals  or  Elks  along 
with  the  Savages,  whofe  Language  I  am  learning,  as  I  have 
intimated  to  you  feveral  tlmes.^ 

The  hunting  of  Elks  is  perform'd  upon  the  Snow,  with 
fuch  Rackets  as  you  fee  defign'd  in  the  annex'd  Cutt.  Thefe 
Rackets  are  two  Foot  and  a  half  long,  and  fourteen  Inches 
broad  ;  their  ledges  are  made  of  a  very  hard  Wood,  about  an 
Inch  thick,  that  faftens  the  Net  juft  like  a  Tennis  Racket,  from 
which  they  differ  only  in  this ;  that  thofe  for  the  Tennis  are 
made  of  Gut-ftrings,  whereas  the  others  are  made  of  little 
thongs  of  the  skins  of  Harts  or  Elks.  In  the  Cut,  you  may 
perceive  two  little  fpars  of  Wood,  which  run  a-crofs  to  render 
the  Net  firmer  and  ftiffer.  The  hole  that  appears  by  the  two 
Latchets,  is  the  place  in  which  they  put  the  Toes  and  fore- 


^  Jean  Bochart  de  Champigny  was  one  of  the  most  able  and  faithful  of  Canadian 
intendants.  He  was  sent  (1686)  to  replace  Jacques  de  Mueles,  who  had  come  out 
with  La  Barre  (1682),  but  had  proven  his  bitter  enemy,  and  was  also  complained  of 
by  the  new  governor  Denonville.  Champigny  lived  in  concord  with  the  latter,  with 
whose  politics  he  coincided.  The  harmony  with  Frontenac  was  less  sincere  ;  but  in 
the  last  years  of  the  latter,  they  became  good  friends.  Champigny  was  recalled  to 
France  (1702)  to  take  position  as  intendant  at  Havre.  —  Ed. 

2  The  "  original  "  or  elk  of  Canada  is  not  to  be  confounded  with  the  American 
elk  or  wapiti  {Cervus  Canadensis) ,  called  La  Biche  by  the  French  ;  this  is  the  moose 
of  northern  North  America  {Ceri'us  alches) .  See  Caton,  Antelope  and  Deer  of  North 
America  (New  York,  1877).  —  Ed. 


104  Some  New  Voyages 

part  of  the  Foot ;  fo  that  'tis  tied  faft  by  [57]  the  two  Latch- 
ets,  which  run  twice  round  about  the  Heel,  and  every  ftep 
they  make  upon  the  Snow,  the  fore-part  of  the  Foot  finks  into 
that  hole,  as  often  as  they  raife  their  Heel.  By  the  help  of 
this  Contrivance  they  walk  fafter  upon  the  Snow,  than  one 
can  do  with  Shoes  upon  a  beaten  path :  And  indeed  'tis  fo 
neceffary  for  them,  that  'twould  be  otherwife  impofTible  not 
only  to  hunt  and  range  the  Woods,  but  even  to  go  to  Church, 
notwithftanding  they  are  fo  near ;  for  commonly  the  Snow  is 
three  or  four  Foot  deep  in  that  Country  during  the  Winter. 
Being  oblig'd  to  march  thirty  or  forty  Leagues  in  the  Woods 
in  purfuit  of  the  above-mention'd  Animals,  I  found  that  the 
fatigue  of  the  Journey  equal'd  the  pleafure  of  it. 

The  Orignal  is  a  fort  of  Elk,  not  much  different  from  that 
we  find  in  Mufcovy.  'Tis  as  big  as  an  Aiivergne  Moyle,  and 
much  of  the  fame  fhape,  abating  for  its  Muzzle,  its  Tail,  and  its 
great  flat  Horns,  which  weigh  fometimes  300,  and  fometimes 
400  weight,  if  we  may  credit  thofe  who  pretend  to  have 
weigh'd  'em.  This  Animal  ufually  reforts  to  planted  Coun- 
tries. Its  Hair  is  long  and  brown;  and  the  Skin  is  ftrong  and 
hard,  but  not  thick.  The  Flefli  of  the  Orignal^  efpecially  that 
of  the  Female  fort,  eats  delicioufly;  and  'tis  faid,  that  the  far 
hind  Foot  of  the  Female  kind,  is  a  Cure  for  the  Falling- 
Sicknefs ;  it  neither  runs  nor  skips,  but  its  trot  will  almoft 
keep  up  with  the  running  of  a  Hart.  The  Savages  affure  us, 
that  in  Summer  'twill  trot  three  Days  and  three  Nights  with- 
out intermiffion.  This  fort  of  Animals  commonly  gather  into 
a  body  towards  the  latter  end  of  Autumn ;  and  the  Herds  are 


to  iVor^y^- America.  105 

largeft  in  the  beginning  of  the  Spring,  at  which  time  the  fhe 
ones  are  in  rutting ;  but  after  their  heat  is  over,  they  all  dif- 
perfe  themfelves.  We  hunted  'em  in  the  following  manner; 
Firft  of  all,  we  went  40  Leagues  to  the  Northward  of  the  River 
of  St.  Laurence^  [58]  where  we  found  a  little  Lake  of  three  or 
four  Leagues  in  Circumference,  and  upon  the  banks  of  that 
Lake,  we  made  Hutts  for  our  felves  of  the  barks  of  Trees, 
having  firft  clear'd  the  Ground  of  the  Snow  that  cover'd  it. 
In  our  Journey  thither,  we  kill'd  as  many  Hares  and  Wood- 
hens,  as  we  could  eat.  When  we  had  fitted  up  our  Hutts,  the 
Savages  went  out  upon  the  difcovery  of  the  Elks,  fome  to  the 
Northward,  and  fome  to  the  South,  to  the  diftance  of  two  or 
three  Leagues  from  the  Hutts.  As  foon  as  they  difcover'd 
any  frefh  foot-fteps,  they  detach'd  one  of  their  number  to  give 
us  notice,  to  the  end,  that  the  whole  Company  might  have  the 
pleafure  of  feeing  the  chace.  We  trac'd  thefe  foot-fteps  fome- 
times  for  one,  and  fometimes  for  two  Leagues,  and  then  fell 
in  with  five,  ten,  fifteen  or  twenty  Elks  in  a  body ;  which  pref- 
ently  betook  themfelves  to  flight,  whether  a  part  or  in  a  Body, 
and  funk  into  the  Snow  up  to  their  Breaft.  Where  the  Snow 
was  hard  and  condenfated,  or  where  the  froft  following  wet 
Weather  had  glaz'd  it  above,  we  came  up  with  'em  after  the 
chace  of  a  quarter  of  a  League  :  But  when  the  Snow  was  foft 
or  juft  fallen,  we  were  forc'd  to  purfue  'em  three  or  four 
Leagues  before  we  could  catch  'em,  unlefs  the  Dogs  happen'd 
to  ftop  'em  where  the  Snow  was  very  deep.  When  we  came 
up  with  them,  the  Savages  fired  upon  'em  with  Fufees.  If  the 
Elks  be  much  inrag'd  they'll  fometimes  turn  upon  the  Sav- 


io6  Some  New  Voyages 

ages,  who  cover  themfelves  with  Boughs  in  order  to  keep  off 
their  Feet,  with  which  they  would  crufh  'em  to  pieces.  As 
foon  as  they  are  kill'd,  the  Savages  make  new  Hutts  upon  the 
fpot,  with  great  Fires  in  the  middle ;  while  the  Slaves  are 
imploy'd  in  fleaing  'em,  and  ftretching  out  the  Skins  in  the 
open  Air.  One  of  the  Soldiers  that  accompany'd  me,  told  me 
one  Day,  that  to  withftand  the  violence  of  the  Cold,  one  ought 
to  have  his  Blood  compos'd  of  Brandy,  [59]  his  Body  of 
Brafs,  and  his  Eyes  of  Glafs:  And  I  muft  fay,  he  had  fome 
ground  for  what  he  fpoke,  for  we  were  forc'd  to  keep  a  Fire 
all  round  us,  all  the  Night  long.  As  long  as  the  Fiefh  of  thefe 
Animals  lafts,  the  Savages  feldom  think  of  ftirring ;  but  when 
'tis  all  confum'd,  they  then  look  out  for  a  new  Difcovery. 
Thus  they  continue  to  hunt,  till  the  Snow  and  the  Ice  are 
melted.  As  foon  as  the  great  thaw  commences,  'tis  impoffible 
for  'em  to  travel  far ;  fo  that  they  content  themfelves  with  the 
killing  of  Hares  and  Partridges,  which  are  very  numerous  in 
the  Woods.  When  the  Rivers  are  clear  of  the  Ice,  they  make 
Canows  of  the  Elk-skins,  which  they  fow  together  very  eafily, 
covering  the  Seams  with  a  fat  fort  of  Earth  inftead  of  pitch. 
This  work  is  over  in  four  or  five  days  time,  after  which  they 
return  home  in  the  Canows  with  all  their  Baggage. 

This,  Sir,  was  our  Diverfion  for  three  Months  in  the  Woods. 
We  took  fifty  fix  Elks,  and  might  have  kill'd  twice  as  many, 
if  we  had  hunted  for  the  benefit  of  the  Skins,  In  the  Summer 
feafon,  the  Savages  have  two  ways  of  killing  'em,  both  of  which 
are  equally  troublefom.  One  confifl:s  in  hanging  a  Rope-gin 
between  two  Trees,  upon  a  Pafs  furrounded  with  Thorns  ;  the 


to  7Vor^/6- America.  107 

other  is  compafs'd  by  crauling  like  Snakes  among  the  Trees 
and  Thickets,  and  approaching  to  'em  upon  the  Leeward  fide, 
fo  that  they  may  be  fhot  with  a  Fufee.  Harts  and  Caribous 
are  kill'd  both  in  Summer  and  Winter,  after  the  fame  manner 
with  the  Elks;  excepting  that  the  Caribou's, which  are  a  kind 
of  wild  Affes,  make  an  eafie  efcape  when  the  Snow  is  hard,  by 
vertue  of  their  broad  Feet;  whereas  the  Elk  finks  as  faft  as 
he  rifes.^  In  fine,  I  am  fo  well  pleas'd  with  the  hunting  of  this 
Country,  that  I  have  refolv'd  to  imploy  all  my  leifure  time 
upon  the  Exercife.  The  Savages  have  promifed,  that  in  three 
Months  time  [60]  I  fhall  fee  other  forts  of  chafes,  which  will 
prove  lefs  fatiguing,  and  more  agreeable.     I  am, 

SIR, 

Tours,  &c. 


1  Caribou  is  the  American  woodland  reindeer,  Rang'ifer  caribou  or  tarandus. 
By  the  term  ' '  hart, ' '  Lahontan  intends  the  common  deer,  Cervus  'virginianus .  —  Ed. 


io8  Some  New  Voyages 


LETTER   XL 

Dated  at  Boucherville  May  28.  1687. 
Being  a  curious  Defcription  of  the  Hunting  of  divers  Animals. 

SIR, 

YOU  complain  that  the  laft  year  you  receiv'd  but  one  of 
my  Letters,  dated  July  8.  and  with  the  fame  breath  affure 
me,  that  you  writ  two  to  me,  neither  of  which  is  come  to  hand. 
I  receiv'd  a  Letter  from  you  this  Day,  which  is  fo  much  the 
more  acceptable,  that  I  thought  you  had  been  dead,  and 
that  I  find  you  continue  to  give  proof  of  your  remembrance 
of  me.  I  find  by  your  Letter,  that  you  have  an  agreeable 
relifh  for  the  curious  Elk-Hunting  in  this  Country,  and  that 
a  further  account  of  our  other  hunting  Adventures,  would 
meet  with  a  welcome  Reception.  This  Curiofity,  indeed,  is 
worthy  of  fo  great  a  Hunts-Man  as  your  felf ;  but  at  prefent 
I  muft  beg  your  excufe  as  to  the  Beaver-hunting,  for  I  know 
nothing  of  it  yet  but  by  hear-fay. 

In  the  beginning  of  September,  I  fet  out  in  a  Canow  upon 
feveral  Rivers,  Marfhes,  and  Pools,  that  difembogue  in  the 
Champlain  Lake,  being  accompany'd  with  thirty  or  forty  of 
the  Savages  that  are  very  expert  in  Shooting  and  Hunting, 
and  perfedlly  [61]  well  acquainted  with  the  proper  places  for 
finding  Water-foul,  Deer,  and  other  fallow  Beafts.     The  firft 


to  North- KmQnc2i,  109 

Poft  we  took  up  was  upon  the  fide  of  a  Marfh  or  Fen  of  four 
or  five  Leagues  in  Circumference ;  and  after  we  had  fitted  up 
our  Hutts,  the  Savages  made  Hutts  upon  the  Water  in  feveral 
places.  Thefe  Water-Hutts  are  made  of  the  branches  and 
leaves  of  Trees,  and  contain  three  or  four  Men :  For  a  Decoy 
they  have  the  skins  of  Geefe,  Buftards,  and  Ducks,  dry'd  and 
ftufi^'d  with  Hay,  the  two  feet  being  made  faft  with  two  Nails 
to  a  fmall  piece  of  a  light  plank,  which  floats  round  the  Hutt. 
This  place  being  frequented  by  wonderful  numbers  of  Geefe, 
Ducks,  Buftards,  Teals,  and  an  infinity  of  other  Fowl  unknown 
to  the.  Europeans  ;  when  thefe  Fowls  fee  the  ftufi^'d  Skins  fwim- 
ming  with  the  Heads  eredled,  as  if  they  were  alive,  they  repair 
to  the  fame  place,  and  fo  give  the  Savages  an  opportunity  of 
fhooting  'em,  either  flying,  or  upon  the  Water ;  after  which 
the  Savages  get  into  their  Canows  and  gather  'em  up.  They 
have  likewife  a  way  of  catching  'em  with  Nets,  ftretch'd  upon 
the  furface  of  the  Water  at  the  Entries  of  the  Rivers.  In  a 
word,  we  eat  nothing  but  Water-fowl  for  fifteen  Days;  after 
which  we  refolv'd  to  declare  War  againft  the  Turtle-Doves, 
which  are  fo  numerous  in  Canada^  that  the  Bifhop  has  been 
forc'd  to  excommunicate  'em  oftner  than  once,  upon  the 
account  of  the  Damage  they  do  to  the  Produd  of  the  Earth. 
With  that  view,  we  imbarqued  and  made  towards  a  Meadow, 
in  the  Neighbourhood  of  which,  the  Trees  were  cover'd  with 
that  fort  of  Fowl,  more  than  with  Leaves :  For  juft  then  'twas 
the  feafon  in  which  they  retire  from  the  North  Countries,  and 
repair  to  the  Southern  Climates  ;  and  one  would  have  thought, 
that  all  the  Turtle-Doves  upon  Earth  had  chofe  to  pafs  thro' 


iio  Some  New  Voyages 

this  place.  For  the  eighteen  or  twenty  days  that  we  ftay'd 
there,  I  firmly  believe  that  a  thoufand  [62]  Men  might  have 
fed  upon  'em  heartily,  without  putting  themfelves  to  any 
trouble.  You  muft  know,  that  through  the  middle  of  this 
Meadow  there  runs  a  Brook,  upon  which  I  and  two  young 
Savages  fhot  feveral  Snipes,  Rayles,  and  a  certain  fort  of  Fowl 
call'd  Bateurs  de  faux,  which  is  as  big  as  a  Quail,  and  eats  very 
delicioufly.^ 

In  the  fame  place  we  kill'd  fome  Musk-Rats,  or  a  fort  of 
Anim.als  which  refemble  a  Rat  in  their  fhape,  and  are  as  big 
as  a  Rabbet.  The  Skins  of  thefe  Rats  are  very  much  valued, 
as  differing  but  little  from  thofe  of  Beavers.  Their  Tefticles 
fmell  fo  ftrong  of  Musk,  that  no  Civet  or  Antilope  that  Jfia 
affords,  can  boaft  of  fuch  a  ftrong  and  fweet  fmell.  We  spy'd 
'em  in  the  Mornings  and  Evenings,  at  which  time  they  ufually 
appear  upon  the  Water  with  their  Nofe  to  the  Windward,  and 
betray  themfelves  to  the  Huntfmen,  by  the  curling  of  the 
Water.  The  Fouteraux,  which  are  an  amphibious  fort  of  little 
Pole-Cats,  are  catch'd  after  the  fame  manner.  I  was  likewife 
entertain'd  upon  this  occafion,  with  the  kilHng  of  certain  little 
Beafts,  call'd  Siffleurs,  or  Whiftlers,  with  allufion  to  their  wonted 
way  of  whittling  or  whizzing  at  the  Mouth  of  their  Holes  in 
fair  Weather.  They  are  as  big  as  Hares,  but  fomewhat  fhorter, 
their  Flefh  is  good  for  nothing,  but  their  Skins  are  recom- 


^  Many  early  travellers  speak  of  the  number  of  wild  pigeons  {Ectopistes  migra- 
toria).  See  Jesuit  Relations,  index.  Batteurs  de  faux  are  the  North  American  rail 
{Porzana  Carolina)  —  in  French,  rale  de  la  Caroline.  This  identification  is  made 
by  M.  Dionne,  curator  of  Laval  University,  Quebec.  —  Ed. 


to  North'AmQX\C2i,  in 

mended  by  their  rarity.  The  Savages  gave  me  an  opportunity 
of  hearing  one  of  thefe  Creafures  whittle  for  an  hour  together, 
after  which  they  fhot  it.^  To  gratifie  the  curiofity  I  had  to  fee 
fuch  diverfity  of  Animals,  they  made  a  diligent  fearch  for  the 
Holes  or  Dens  of  the  CarcaiouXy  and  having  found  fome  at  the 
diftance  of  two  or  three  Leagues  from  the  Fen  upon  which  we 
were  pofted,  they  conduced  me  to  the  place.  At  the  break 
of  day  we  planted  our  felves  round  the  Holes,  with  our  Bellies 
upon  the  Ground ;  and  left  fome  Slaves  to  hold  the  Dogs  a 
Musket-fhot  behind  {f)^]  ^^-  ^^  ^oo*^  ^^  thefe  Animals  per- 
ceiv'd  Day-light,  they  came  out  of  their  Holes,  which  were 
immediately  ftop'd  up  by  the  Savages,  and  upon  that  the 
Dogs  fetch'd  'em  up  with  eafe.  We  faw  but  two  of  'em, 
which  made  a  vigorous  defence  againft  the  Dogs,  but  were 
ftrangled  after  a  difpute  of  half  an  hour.  Thefe  Animals  are 
not  unlike  a  Badger,  only  they  are  bigger,  and  more  mifchiev- 
ous.^  Tho'  our  Dogs  shew'd  a  great  deal  of  Courage  in  attack- 
ing the  Carcaioux,  they  betray'd  their  Cowardice  the  next  day 
in  a  rencounter  with  a  Porcupine,  which  we  fpy'd  upon  a  little 
Tree.  To  obtain  the  pleafure  of  feeing  the  Porcupine  fall,  we 
cut  down  the  Tree ;  but  neither  the  Dogs  nor  we  durft  go 
near  it:  The  Dogs  only  bark'd  and  jump'd  round  it;  for  it 
darted  its  long  and  hard  hair  like  fo  many  Bodkins,  three  or 


^  Muskrats  {Fiber  zibethicus)  are  widely  distributed  over  the  North  American 
continent.  The  "  whistler  "  is  the  hoary  marmot  {Arctomys  pruniosus) .  M.  Dionne 
thinks  that  "  foutereaux  "  must  be  mink  {Lutreola  'vison),  which  is  amphibious, 
preys  on  fish,  and  is  a  foe  to  the  muskrat.  —  Ed. 

2  Carcajou  is  the  usual  Canadian  term  for  the  wolverine  [Gulo  luscus),  also 
called  at  times  the  "  beaver  eater." — Ed. 


112  Some  New  Voyages 

four  paces  off.  At  laft  we  pelted  it  to  death,  and  put  it  upon 
the  fire  to  burn  off  its  Darts ;  after  which  we  fcalded  it  like  a 
Pig,  took  out  the  Intrails,  and  roafted  it :  But  tho'  'twas  very 
fat,  I  could  not  relifh  it  fo  well  as  to  comply  with  the  affertion 
of  the  Natives,  who  alledge,  that  it  eats  as  well  as  a  Capon  or 
a  Partridge. 

After  the  Turtle-Doves  had  all  pafs'd  over  the  place,  in 
queft  of  their  Southern  retreats,  the  Savages  offer'd  to  fend 
fome  of  their  number  with  Canows  to  condudl  me  home,  before 
the  Rivers  and  Lakes  were  frozen  over ;  for  themfelves  were 
to  tarry  out  for  the  Elk-hunting ;  and  they  imagin'd  that  the 
Cold  and  Hardfhip  attending  that  Exercife,  had  made  me  lick 
of  it  the  year  before.  However,  we  had  then  a  Month  good 
before  the  commencement  of  the  Froft,  and  in  that  interval 
of  time,  they  proffer'd  to  entertain  me  with  more  diverting 
Game  than  any  I  had  feen  before.  They  propos'd  to  go  fif- 
teen or  fixteen  Leagues  further  up  the  Country,  affuring  me, 
that  they  knew  of  a  certain  place  that  had  the  moft  advan- 
tageous fituation  [64]  in  the  World,  both  for  Pleafure  and 
Profit,  and  that  afforded  great  plenty  of  Otters,  of  the  Skins 
of  which  they  mean'd  to  make  a  great  Cargoe.  Accordingly 
we  pull'd  down  our  Hutts,  and  having  imbarqu'd  in  our 
Canows,  fail'd  up  the  River,  till  we  came  to  a  little  Lake  of 
two  Leagues  in  Circumference,  at  the  end  of  which  we  faw 
another  greater  Lake,  divided  from  this  by  an  Ifthmus  of  150 
Paces  in  length.  We  pitch'd  our  Hutts  at  the  diftance  of  a 
League  from  that  Iflhmus;  and  fome  of  the  Savages  fifli'd  for 
Trouts,  while  the  reft  were  imploy'd  in  laying  Traps  for  the 


to  iVor^/?>- America.  113 

Otters  upon  the  brinks  of  the  Lake.  Thefe  Traps  are  made 
of  five  Stakes  plac'd  in  the  form  of  an  oblong  Quadrangle, 
fo  as  to  make  a  little  Chamber,  the  Door  of  which  is  kept  up, 
and  fupported  by  a  Stake.  To  the  middle  of  this  Stake  they 
tye  a  ftring  which  paffes  thro'  a  little  fork,  and  has  a  Trout 
well  faften'd  to  the  end  of  it.  Now,  when  the  Otter  comes 
on  fhoar,  and  fees  this  bait,  he  puts  above  half  his  Body  into 
that  fatal  Cage,  in  order  to  fwallow  the  Fifh ;  but  he  no 
fooner  touches,  than  the  firing  to  which  'tis  made  faft  pulls 
away  the  Stake  that  fupports  the  Door,  upon  which  an  heavy 
and  loaded  Door  falls  upon  his  Reins  and  quafhes  him. 
During  our  Pilgrimage  in  that  part  of  the  Country,  the  Sav- 
ages took  above  two  hundred  and  fifty  Canada  Otters ;  the 
Skins  of  which  are  infinitely  prittier  than  thofe  of  Mitfcovy  or 
Swede}!.  The  beft  of  'em  which  are  not  worth  two  Crowns  in 
this  place,  are  fold  in  France  for  four  or  five,  and  fometimes 
for  ten,  if  they  are  black  and  very  rough.  As  foon  as  the 
Savages  had  fet  their  Traps,  they  gave  orders  to  their  Slaves 
to  go  round  the  Lake  every  Morning,  in  order  to  take  out  the 
amphibious  Animals.  After  that  they  conduded  me  to  the 
above-mention'd  Ifthmus,  where  I  was  furpriz'd  to  fee  a  fort 
of  a  Park  or  Fence  made  of  Trees,  fell'd  one  upon  another, 
[65]  and  interlac'd  with  Thorns  and  Branches;  with  a  quad- 
rangular inclofure  of  Stakes  at  the  end  of  it,  the  entry  of 
which  was  very  narrow.  They  gave  me  to  know,  that  they 
ufed  to  hunt  Harts  in  that  place,  and  promis'd  to  divert  me 
with  the  fhew,  as  foon  as  the  Inclofures  were  a  little  mended. 
In  eflFe6l,  they  carry'd  me  two   or  three  Leagues  oflF,  upon 


114  Sotne  New  Voyages 

fuch  Roads  as  had  nothing  on  either  fide  but  Fens  and 
Marfhes ;  and  after  they  had  difpers'd  themfelves,  fome  on 
one  hand  and  fome  on  the  other,  with  a  Dog  for  every  Man ; 
I  faw  a  great  many  Harts  running  to  and  again,  in  queft  of 
places  of  Safety.  The  Savage  that  I  kept  company  with, 
affur'd  m.e,  that  he  and  I  had  no  occafion  to  walk  very  faft, 
becaufe  he  had  took  the  ftraighteft  and  the  neareft  Road. 
Before  us  we  faw  above  ten  Harts,  which  were  forc'd  to  turn 
back,  rather  than  throw  themfelves  into  the  Marfh,  of  which 
they  could  never  get  clear.  At  laft,  after  walking  a  great 
pace,  and  running  now  and  then,  we  arriv'd  at  the  Park,  and 
found  the  Savages  lying  flat  upon  the  Ground  all  round  it,  in 
order  to  fhut  up  the  entry  of  the  ftake  Inclofure  as  foon  as 
the  Harts  enter'd.  We  found  thirty  five  Harts  in  the  place, 
and,  if  the  Park  had  been  better  fenc'd,  we  might  have  had 
above  fixty;  for  the  nimblefl:  and  lighteft:  of  'em,  skip'd  over 
before  they  came  to  enter  the  Inclofure.  We  kill'd  a  great 
many  of  'em,  but  fpar'd  the  Dams,  becaufe  they  were  great 
with  young.  I  ask'd  of  the  Savages  the  Tongues  and  the 
Marrow  of  the  Harts,  which  they  gave  me  very  readily.  The 
Flefii  was  very  fat,  but  not  deUcious,  excepting  fome  few  bits 
about  the  Ribs.  But  after  all,  this  was  not  our  only  Game ; 
for  two  days  after  we  went  a  Bear-hunting,  and  the  Savages 
who  fpend  three  parts  of  four  of  their  life  in  Hunting  in  the 
Woods,  are  very  dexterous  at  that  Exercife,  efpecially  in  fing- 
ling  out  the  Trunks  of  the  Trees  upon  [66]  which  the  Bears 
Neftle.  I  could  not  but  admire  their  knowledge  in  that  Point, 
when,  as  we  were  walking  up  and  down  in  a  Foreft,  at  the 


to  7Vor^/6- America.  115 

diftance  of  an  hundred  Paces  one  from  another,  I  heard  one 
Savage  call  to  another,  Here's  a  Bear.  I  askt  'em  how  he 
knew  that  there  was  a  Bear  upon  the  Tree  which  he  knock'd 
with  his  Axe ;  and  they  all  reply'd,  that  'twas  as  eafily  diftin- 
guifh'd  as  the  print  of  an  Elks  foot  in  the  Snow.  For  five  or 
fix  times  they  never  mifs'd  ;  for  after  they  had  knock'd  two 
or  three  times  upon  the  Trunk  of  the  Tree,  the  Bear  came 
out  of  its  hole,  and  was  prefently  fhot.  The  Canada  Bears 
are  extream  black,  but  not  mifchievous,  for  they  never  attack 
one,  unlefs  they  be  wounded  or  fir'd  upon.  They  are  fo  fat, 
efpecially  in  the  Autumn,  that  they  can  fcarce  walk :  Thofe 
which  we  kill'd  were  extream  fat,  but  their  fat  Is  good  for 
nothing  but  to  be  burnt,  whereas  their  Flefh,  and,  above  all, 
their  Feet  are  very  nice  Viduals.  The  Savages  affirm,  that  no 
Flefh  is  fo  delicious  as  that  of  Bears;  and  indeed,  I  think  they 
are  in  the  right  of  it.  While  we  rang'd  up  and  down  in  queft 
of  Bears,  we  had  the  pleafure  of  fpying  fome  Martins  and 
wild  Cats  upon  the  branches  of  the  Trees,  which  the  Savages 
fhot  in  the  Head  to  preferve  their  Skin.  But  the  mofl;  Com- 
ical thing  I  faw,  was  the  Stupidity  of  the  Wood-hens,  which 
fit  upon  the  Trees  in  whole  Flocks,  and  are  kill'd  one  after 
another,  without  ever  offering  to  ftir.  Commonly  the  Savages 
fhoot  at  'em  with  Arrows,  for  they  fay  they  are  not  worth  a 
fhoot  of  Powder,  which  is  able  to  kill  an  Elk  or  an  Hart.  I 
have  ply'd  this  fort  of  Fowling  in  the  Neighbourhood  of  our 
Cantons  or  Habitations  in  the  Winter  time,  with  the  help  of 
a  Dog  who  found  out  the  Trees  by  fcent,  and  then  bark'd  ; 
upon  which  I  approach'd  to  the  Tree,  and  found  the  Fowls 


ii6  Some  New  Voyages 

upon  the  Branches.  When  the  thaw  came,  I  went  two  or  three 
Leagues  further  [67]  up  the  Lake,  in  Company  with  fome 
Canadefe,  on  purpofe  to  fee  that  Fowl  flap  with  its  Wings. 
Believe  me.  Sir,  this  fight  is  one  of  the  greateft  Curiofities  in 
the  World ;  for  their  flapping  makes  a  noife  much  like  that 
of  a  Drum  all  about,  for  the  fpace  of  a  Minute  or  thereabouts ; 
then  the  noife  ceafes  for  half  a  quarter  of  an  Hour,  after 
which  it  begins  again.  By  this  noife  we  were  diredled  to  the 
place  where  the  unfortunate  Moor-hens  fat,  and  found  'em 
upon  rotten  moffy  Trees.  By  flapping  one  Wing  againft  the 
other,  they  mean  to  call  their  Mates ;  and  the  humming  noife 
that  infues  thereupon,  may  be  heard  half  a  quarter  of  a  League 
oflF.  This  they  do  only  in  the  Months  of  Aprils  May,  Septem- 
ber, and  October ;  and,  which  is  very  remarkable,  a  Moorhen 
never  flaps  in  this  manner,  but  upon  one  Tree.  It  begins  at 
the  break  of  day,  and  gives  over  at  nine  a  Clock  in  the  Morn- 
ing, till  about  an  hour  before  Sunfet  that  it  flutters  again,  and 
continues  fo  to  do  till  Night :  I  proteft  to  you,  that  I  have 
frequently  contented  my  felf  with  feeing  and  admiring  the 
flapping  of  their  Wings  without  ofi^ering  to  fhoot  at  'em. 

Befides  the  pleafure  of  fo  many  difi^erent  forts  of  Diverfion, 
I  was  likewife  entertain'd  in  the  Woods  with  the  company  of 
the  honeft  old  Gentlemen  that  liv'd  in  former  Ages.  Honeft: 
Homer,  the  amiable  Anacreon,  and  my  dear  Lucian,  were  my 
infeparable  Companions.  Arijlotle  too  defir'd  paflionately  to 
go  along  with  us,  but  my  Canow  was  too  little  to  hold  his 
bulky  Equipage  of  Peripatetick  Silogifms  :  So  that  he  was 
e'en  fain  to  trudge  back  to  the  Jefuits,  who  vouchfaf'd  him  a 


to  North- Avntnc2i.  117 

very  honourable  Reception.  I  had  a  great  deal  of  reafon 
to  rid  my  felf  of  that  great  Philofopher's  Company ;  for  his 
ridiculous  Jargon,  and  his  fenfelefs  Terms,  would  have  frighted 
the  Savages  out  of  their  wits.  Farewell,  Sir,  I  am  now  arriv'd 
at  once  at  the  end  of  [68]  my  Game  and  my  Letter.  I  have 
heard  no  News  from  Quebec^  where  they  continue  to  make 
mighty  Preparations  for  fome  confiderable  Enterprife.  Time 
will  difcover  a  great  many  things,  an  Account  of  which  I  mean 
to  tranfmit  to  you  by  the  Ships  that  are  to  leave  this  Harbour 
in  the  end  oi  Autumn.    I  conclude  with  my  ufual  Compliment, 

Tours ^  &c. 


ii8  Some  New  Voyages 


LETTER    XII. 

Dated  at  St.  Helens^  over  againft  Monreal^^ 
June  8.  1687. 

The  Chevalier  de  Vaudreuil  arrives  in  Canada  with  fome  Troops. 
Both  the  Regular  Troops  and  the  Militia,  are  pofted  at  St. 
Helens,  in  a  readinefs  to  march  againft  the  Iroquefe 

SIR, 

I  HAVE  fuch  a  budget-full  of  News,  that  I  know  not  where 
to  begin.  I  receiv'd  Letters  but  now  from  Mr.  Senelay's 
Office ;  by  which  I  have  Advice,  that  Orders  are  fent  to  Mr. 
Denonville  to  allow  me  to  go  for  France,  upon  my  private 
Concerns.^  No  longer  fince  than  Yefterday,  he  told  me  I 
fhould  have  Leave  to  go  after  the  Campaign  is  over.  My 
Relations  write,  that  the  procuring  of  this  Leave  coft  'em  a 
great  deal  of  pains ;  and  that  the  fooner  I  come  to  Paris^ 
'twill  be  the  better  for  me. 

The  Governour  arriv'd  at  Monreal  three  or  four  days  ago, 


^  St.  Helen  Island,  in  the  St.  Lawrence  opposite  Montreal,  was  named  by  Cham- 
plain  in  honor  of  his  wife.  It  was  the  seigniory  of  Jacques  Le  Moyne,  sieur  de  Ste. 
Helene,  second  son  of  Longueuil,  who  distinguished  himself  in  the  opening  of  Fron- 
tenac's  War,  and  fell  at  the  siege  of  Quebec  (1690).  The  island,  where  the  troops 
rendezvoused  for  Denonville's  expedition,  is  now  a  public  park.  —  Ed. 

2  Jean  Baptiste  Colbert,  marquis  de  Selgnelay,  eldest  son  of  the  great  Colbert, 
succeeded  his  father  (1683)  as  minister  of  the  marine,  which  office  he  administered 
until  his  death  in  1690.  The  colonies  were  controlled  by  this  department  of  the 
French  administration.  —  Ed. 


to  North- A.vi\mc2i,  119 

with  all  the  Militia  of  the  Country,  who  lie  now  incamp'd 
along  with  our  Troops  in  that  Ifland.  Mr.  D'Amblemont  has 
been  at  Quebec  this  Month,  with  five  or  fix  fecond  Rate  Ships, 
having  [69]  fail'd  from  Rochel  thither  in  28  days.  He  brought 
over  with  him  ten  or  twelve  Companies  of  Marines,  who  are 
to  guard  the  Colony  while  we  invade  the  Iroquefe  Country.^ 
'Tis  faid,  that  laft  Year  Mr.  Denonville  fent  feveral  Canadefe, 
that  were  known  and  efteem'd  by  the  Savages,  our  Allies,  who 
live  upon  the  Banks  of  the  Lakes  and  the  adjacent  Countries, 
with  Orders  to  engage  'em  to  favour  our  Defign  of  extirpat- 
ing the  Iroquefe.  In  the  Winter  he  made  Magazines  of  Ammu- 
nition and  Provifions,  and  now  he  has  fent  feveral  Canows, 
laden  with  Provifions,  to  Fort  Frontenac,  and  given  Orders  for 
the  building  of  an  infinite  number  of  fuch  Boats  as  I  defcrib'd 
in  my  fourth  Letter,  for  the  Tranfporting  of  our  twenty  Com- 
panies of  Marines.  The  Militia  who  are  incamp'd  in  this 
Ifland  along  with  our  Troops,  make  fifteen  hundred  Men, 
and  are  join'd  by  five  hundred  of  the  converted  Savages  that 
live  in  the  Neighbourhood  of  Quebec  and  the  Ifland  of  Monreal. 
The  Chevalier  Faudreuil,  who  is  come  from  France  to  Com- 
mand our  Troops,  is  refolv'd  to  appear  in  the  Field,  notwith- 
flanding  the   Fatigue   of  his   Paffage   to   Canada^:    and   the 


1  D'Amblemont  commanded  the  royal  ships  sent  out  with  reinforcements.  There 
were  now  about  sixteen  hundred  regular  troops  in  the  colony.  —  Ed. 

2  Philippe  de  Rigaud,  Chevalier  de  Vaudreuil,  came  to  Canada  in  1687  as  com- 
mander of  the  king's  regiment.  Three  years  later  he  married  a  Canadian,  and  per- 
manently threw  in  his  fortunes  with  the  colony.  His  services  were  of  sufficient  value 
to  secure  him  a  marquisate  (1702),  when  he  was  appointed  governor  to  succeed  Cal- 
lieres.  an  office  held  until  his  death  in  1726.  His  son  was  the  last  French  governor 
of  Canada.  — Ed. 


120  Some  New  Voyages 

Governour  of  Monreal  is  of  the  fame  mind.  Mr.  de  Champigni, 
the  Intendant  of  this  Country,  went  from  hence  to  Fort  Fron- 
tenac  two  days  ago.  The  day  after  to  morrow,  Mr.  de  Denon- 
ville  means  to  march  at  the  Head  of  his  little  Army,  being 
accompany'd  with  an  ancient  Iroquefe,  that  is  very  much 
refpedled  by  the  five  Cantons.  The  Hiftory  and  various 
Adventures  of  this  old  Gentleman,  are  too  tedious  to  bear  a 
Relation  in  this  place.  Every  body  is  apprehenfive  that  this 
Expedition  will  prove  as  fucceflefs  as  that  of  Mr.  de  la  Barre: 
And  if  their  Apprehenfions  are  not  difappointed,  the  King 
lays  out  his  Money  to  no  purpofe.  For  my  own  part,  when 
I  refledl  upon  the  Attempt  we  made  three  Years  ago,  I  can't 
but  think  it  impoffible  for  us  to  fucceed.  Time  will  difcover 
the  Confequences  of  [70]  this  Expedition  ;  and  perhaps  we 
may  come  to  repent,  tho'  too  late,  of  our  complying  with  the 
Advice  of  fome  Difturbers  of  the  Publick  Peace,  who  projedt 
to  enlarge  their  private  Fortunes  in  a  general  Commotion.  I 
lay  this  down  for  an  uncontefled  Truth,  that  we  are  not  able 
to  deftroy  the  Iroquefe  by  our  felves :  befides,  what  occafion 
have  we  to  trouble  'em,  fince  they  give  us  no  Provocation? 
However,  let  the  Event  be  what  it  will,  I  fhall  not  fail  upon 
my  Return  to  tranfmit  you  a  Journal  of  our  A6lions,  unlefs  it 
be,  that  I  embarque  for  Rochel,  and  deliver  it  my  felf :  In  the 
mean  time,  believe  me  to  be, 

SIR, 

Tours,  &c. 


to  TVo/tZ?- America.  121 


LETTER    XIII. 

Dated  at  Niagara,  Aug.  2.  1687. 

Reprefent'tng  the  unfavourable  Iffue  of  the  Campaign  made  in  the 
Iroquefe  Country ;  the  Difcovery  of  an  Ambufcade ;  and  the 
iffuing  of  Orders  for  the  Author  to  march  with  a  Detachment 
to  the  great  Lakes. 

SIR, 

IT  has  been  a  Maxim  in  all  Ages,  That  the  Events  of  things 
are  not  always  anfwerable  to  Mens  Expedlations :  When 
Men  form  to  themfelves  a  promifing  profpedl  of  comparing 
their  Ends,  they  frequently  meet  with  the  mortification  of 
feeing  themfelves  difappointed.  This  I  fpeak  by  way  of 
application  to  my  felf ;  for  inftead  of  going  for  France,  pur- 
fuant  to  the  Contents  of  the  Letter  I  writ  to  you  [71]  two 
Months  ago,  I  am  now  oblig'd  to  ftraggle  to  one  End  of  the 
World,  as  you'll  find  by  the  following  Journal  of  our  Expe- 
dition. 

We  broke  up  from  5/.  Helens  much  about  the  time  I  fpoke 
of  in  my  laft.  Mr.  de  Champigni  went  before  us  with  a  ftrong 
Guard,  and  arriv'd  in  a  Canow  at  Fort  Frontenac,  eight  or  ten 
days  before  we  came  up.  As  foon  as  he  arriv'd,  he  fent  two 
or  three  hundred  Canadefe  to  furprife  the  Villages  of  Kente  and 
Ganeouffe,  which  lie  at  the  diftance  of  feven  or  eight  Leagues 


122  Some  New  Voyages 

from  the  Fort,  and  are  inhabited  by  a  fort  of  Iroquefe,  that 
deferv'd  no  other  Ufage  than  what  they  met  with.  Our  Cana- 
defe  had  no  great  difficulty  in  maftering  them ;  for  they  fur- 
pris'd  'em  when  they  leaft  thought  of  any  Alarm,  and  brought 
'em  Prifoners  to  Fort  Frontenac,  where  they  were  tied  to  Pofts 
with  Cords  round  their  Necks,  Hands,  and  Feet.  We  arriv'd 
at  the  Fort  on  the  firft  of  July,  after  the  encountering  of  fev- 
eral  Difficulties  among  the  Water-falls,  Cataradls,  and  Currents, 
that  I  formerly  defcrib'd  to  you  in  my  Account  of  Mr.  de  la 
Barrels  Expedition.  We  were  more  perplex'd  in  this  Voyage 
than  the  former ;  for  our  Boats  were  fo  heavy,  that  we  could 
not  tranfport  'em  over  Land  as  v/e  did  the  Canows,  but  were 
oblig'd  to  drag  'em  up  through  the  impracticable  Paffes  with 
the  force  of  Men  and  Ropes.  Immediately  upon  our  De- 
barquing,  I  went  ftraight  to  the  Fort,  where  I  faw  the  miferable 
Prifoners  in  the  abovemention'd  Pofture.  The  fight  of  this 
piece  of  Tyranny  fiU'd  me  at  once  with  Compaffion  and  Hor- 
ror ;  but  in  the  mean  time  the  poor  Wretches  fung  Night 
and  Day,  that  being  the  cuftomary  Pradice  of  the  People  of 
Canada  when  they  fall  into  the  hands  of  their  Enemies.  They 
complain'd,  'That  they  were  betray'd  without  any  ground; 
'  that  in  compenfation  for  the  care  they  had  took  ever  fince 
'  the  Peace  to  furnifh  the  Garrifon  with  Fifli  and  Venifon,  they 
'were  bound  and  [72]  tied  to  Pofl:s,  and  whip'd  in  fuch  a 
'  manner,  that  they  could  neither  deep,  nor  guard  off  the  Flies; 
'  that  the  only  Requital  they  met  with  for  procuring  to  the 
'  French  a  Commerce  in  the  Skins  of  Beavers  and  other  Ani- 
'  mals,  was,  to  be  doom'd  to  Slavery,  and  to  fee  their  Fathers, 


to  TVor^Z'- America.  123 

'  and  the  ancient  Men  of  their  Country,  murder'd  before  their 
'  eyes.  Are  thefe  the  French^  faid  they,  that  the  Jefiiits  cry'd 
*  up  fo  much  for  Men  of  Probity  and  Honour?  Even  the 
'  cruelleft  fort  of  Death  that  Imagination  it  felf  can  reach, 
'  would  be  nothing  to  us  in  comparifon  with  the  odious  and 
'  horrible  Spedacle  of  the  Blood  of  our  Anceftors,  that  is  fhed 
'  fo  inhumanely  before  our  eyes.  Affuredly,  the  five  Villages 
'  will  revenge  our  Quarrel,  and  entertain  an  everlafting  and 
'  juft  Refentment  of  the  tyrannical  Ufage  we  now  meet  with.' 
I  made  up  to  one  of  thefe  Wretches  that  was  about  five  and 
twenty  Years  old,  and  had  frequently  regal'd  me  in  his  Hutt, 
not  far  from  the  Fort,  during  my  fix  Weeks  Service  in  that 
Place  in  the  Year  of  Mr.  de  la  Barrels  Expedition.  This  poor 
Man  being  Mafl:er  of  the  Algonkin  Language,  I  gave  him  to 
know,  that  I  was  heartily  griev'd  to  fee  him  in  that  difmal 
Pofture ;  that  I  would  take  care  to  have  Victuals  and  Drink 
convey'd  to  him  twice  a  day,  and  would  give  him  Letters  for 
my  Friends  at  Monreal,  in  order  to  his  being  us'd  more  favour- 
ably than  his  Companions.  He  reply'd,  That  he  faw  and  was 
very  well  acquainted  with  the  Horror  that  moft  of  the  French 
were  affeded  with,  upon  the  view  of  the  Cruelty  they  under- 
went ;  and,  that  he  fcorn'd  to  be  fed,  or  us'd  more  civily  than 
his  Fellow  Prifoners.  He  gave  me  an  account  of  the  manner 
in  which  they  were  furpris'd,  and  how  their  Anceftors  were  maf- 
facred  ;  and  truly,  I  do  not  believe  that  any  one  can  be  touch'd 
with  more  cutting  and  bitter  Reflexions  than  this  poor  Man 
was,  when  he  recounted  the  many  Services  he  had  done  the 
French,  during  [73]  the  whole  courfe  of  his  Life  :  At  lafl:,  after 


124  Some  New  Voyages 

many  Sighs  and  Groans,  he  bow'd  down  his  Head,  and  wrap'd 
himfelf  up  in  Silence.  Qiiaque  poteft  narrate  reftabant  ultima  flevit. 
But  this  was  not  the  only  thing  that  affedled  me,  when  I  beheld 
the  mifery  of  thefe  innocent  Creatures  :  I  faw  fome  young 
Savages  of  our  fide  burn  their  Fingers  with  Fire  in  their 
lighted  Pipes ;  which  provok'd  me  to  threfh  'em  foundly :  but 

I  was  feverely  reprimanded  for  my  pains,  and  confin'd  to  my 
Tent  for  five  or  fix  days,  where  I  only  repented  that  I  had  not 
dealt  my  blows  in  a  double  meafure.  Thefe  Savages  refented 
the  matter  fo  highly,  that  they  ran  prefently  to  their  Hutts, 
and  flew  to  their  Fufees,  in  order  to  kill  me.  Nay,  all  that 
could  be  done  was  fcarce  fufficient  to  appeafe  'em ;  for  the 
Difpute  came  to  that  heighth,  that  they  would  have  left  us,  if 

,,  ^  ,    _  it  had  not  been  that  our  Men  affur'd  'em 

I I  Among  the  ravages, 

drunken  Perfons  are  ^  ^^^  H  drunk,  that  all  the  French  were  pro- 
always  excused:  for,  hibited  to  give  me  either  Wine  or  Brandy, 
the  Bottle  attones  for     j^^d  that  I  fhould  certainly  be  imprifon'd  as 

all  Crimes.  r  ^l      r^  •  tt 

ioon  as  the  Campaign  were  over.  How- 
ever, the  poor  Wretches,  the  Prifoners,  were  carried  to  Quebec; 
from  whence  they  are  to  be  fent  to  the  French  Galleys.^  Much 
about  that  time,  the  Sieur  de  la  Forejl,  one  of  the  Mr.  de  la  Salle's 
Officers,  arriv'd  at  the  Fort  in  a  great  Canow,  being  conduded 


^  For  the  treacherous  action  of  Denonville  in  seizing  these  friendly  Iroquois, 
reprisals  were  made  on  the  colony.  See  Parkman,  Frontenac,  pp.  167-183.  Thirty- 
six  were  shipped  to  France  as  the  first  installment  for  the  royal  galleys.  See  Jes.  Rel., 
Ixiii,  p.  281.  The  remnant  that  survived  were  reprieved  and  sent  back  under  Fron- 
tenac's  care  (1689).  See  list  in  Colleciio?i  de  Manuscrits  relatifs  a  la  Nowvelle 
France  (Quebec,  1883),  i,  p.  454.  The  French  edition  of  Lahontan  gives  a  more 
extended  and  vivid  narration  of  his  own  peril  upon  this  occasion.  —  Ed. 


7rv 


/•  ■■^7 


to  North' A.mmc2i,  125 

thither  by  eight  or  ten  Coureurs  de  Bots}  He  gave  Mr.  de 
Denonville  to  underftand,  that  a  Party  of  the  lUinefe  and  the 
Onmamis  waited  for  the  Hiirons  and  the  Outaouas  at  the  Lake 
of  St.  Claire^  in  order  to  joyn  'em,  and  to  march  with  joint 
Forces  to  the  River  of  the  Tfonontouans^  that  being  the  place 
of  their  general  Rendezvous.^  He  added,  that  in  the  Lake  of 
the  Hurons  near  Mijfilimakinac^  Mr.  de  la  Durantais,^  afTifted  by 
the  Savages,  our  Allies,  had  taken  an  Englifli  Company  con- 
dueled  by  fome  Iroquefe,  who  had  fifty  [74]  thoufand  Crowns- 
worth  of  Goods  in  their  Canows,  to  be  difpos'd  of  in  exchange 


1  Franfois  Dauphine,  sieur  de  la  Forest,  was  one  of  La  Salle's  trusted  lieuten- 
ants. Born  in  1648,  he  arrived  in  the  colony  with  his  chief  (1675),  who  left  him 
(1678)  in  charge  of  Fort  Frontenac.  Thence  he  was  summoned  (1680-81)  to  accom- 
pany La  Salle  and  carry  succor  to  Illinois.  In  1683,  his  fort  was  treacherously  seized 
by  La  Barre,  La  Forest  being  offered  the  command  if  he  would  forsake  La  Salle's 
interests.  He  preferred  to  seek  redress  in  France,  where  an  order  was  issued  restoring 
all  to  him,  in  trust  for  his  absent  chief.  In  1685,  he  was  relieved  of  Fort  Frontenac, 
and  joined  Tonty  in  Illinois,  whence  he  issued  to  aid  this  expedition.  In  1690 
La  Forest  and  Tonty  received  a  grant  of  Fort  St.  Louis,  in  Illinois;  this  being 
revoked  in  1702.  La  Forest  then  became  La  Mothe's  lieutenant  at  Detroit,  and  in 
1710  was  appointed  commandant  of  this  post,  which  position  he  held  until  1714, 
dying  at  Boucherville  five  years  later.  —  Ed 

2  As  the  sequel  shows,  the  rendezvous  was  at  Irondequoit  Bay,  Monroe  County, 
N.  Y.  The  "River  of  the  Tsonontouans  "  was  Irondequoit  Creek,  a  highway 
toward  the  towns  of  that  nation.  —  Ed. 

3  Olivier  Morel  dc  la  Durantaye,  born  at  Nantes  in  1641,  came  to  Canada  with 
the  regiment  de  Carignan.  A  brief  contemporary  biography  {Can.  Arch.,  1899, 
Supp.,  p.  26)  is  as  follows:  "In  1662,  ensign;  in  1665,  captain;  in  1663,  com- 
mandant over  the  Ottau-a  country  by  order  of  the  Court;  in  1689,  captain  on  half- 
pay  in  Canada  ;  in  1694,  captain  enpied  in  that  country,  where  he  has  settled.  A 
good  officer.  An  honest  man  ;  ready  for  any  service  ;  entitled  to  a  company."  After 
retiring  from  his  command  at  Mackinac  (1683-89),  he  aided  in  Frontenac's  War, 
and  was  esteemed  the  first  soldier  in  the  colony.  He  died  in  1717,  leaving  descend- 
ants who  still  live  in  Canada.  — Ed. 


126  Some  New  Voyages 

with  the  Nations  that  dwell  upon  thefe  Lakes:  as  alfo,  That 
Mr.  Dulhut  had  taken  another  Eugli/h  Convoy,  being  affifted 
by  the  Coureurs  de  Bois,  and  the  Savages,  who  had  fhar'd  the 
former  Capture  ;  and  that  he  had  kept  the  EngUjJi  and  Iroquefe 
as  Prifoners,  as  well  as  their  Commander,  who  was  call'd  Major 
Gregory.^  In  fine,  he  reprefented  to  Mr.  de  Denonville,  that 
'twas  high  time  for  him  to  fet  out  from  Fort  Frontenac,  if  he 
mean'd  to  appear  at  the  general  Rendezvous,  where  the  Aux- 
iliary Troops  fent  from  the  Lakes  would  arrive  very  fpeedily. 
The  next  day,  being  the  3d  of  July,  the  Sieur  de  la  Foreft  em- 
barqued  again  for  Niagara,  and  fteer'd  to  the  North-fide  of 
the  Lake.  At  the  fame  time  we  embarqued,  and  ftood  to  the 
oppofite  fide  of  the  Lake,  being  favour'd  by  the  Calms  which 
in  that  Month  are  very  common. 

By  good  luck,  our  whole  Body  arriv'd  almoft  at  one  and 
the  fame  time  in  the  River  of  the  Tfonontouans ;  and  upon  that 
occafion,  the  Savages,  our  Allies,  who  draw  Predi<5lions  from 
the  moft  trifling  Accidents,  (hew'd  their  wonted  Superftition 
in  taking  this  for  an  infallible  Prefage  of  the  utter  Deftrudlion 
of  the  Iroquefe :  tho'  after  all  they  prov'd  falfe  Prophets,  as 
you  will  find  by  the  fequel  of  this  Letter.  The  fame  Night 
that  we  Landed,  we  hawl'd  our  Canows  and  Boats  out  of  the 
Water,  and  fet  a  fl:rong  Guard  upon  'em.     This  done,  we 

1  For  an  account  of  the  capture  of  the  English  and  Dutch  traders  commissioned 
by  Dongan,  see  Parkman,  Frontenac,  pp.  145-147;  A^.  Y.  Colon.  Docs.,  ix, 
pp.  318-322,  363.  Colonel  Patrick  MacGregory  emigrated  with  a  colony  from  Scot- 
land to  Maryland,  in  1684;  later,  he  removed  to  New  York  and  engaged  in  the 
Indian  trade.  He  was  released  from  imprisonment  and  sent  back  to  New  York  in 
the  autumn  of^687,  and  next  year  was  employed  against  the  Indians  in  Maine.  He 
was  killed  during  the  Leisier  rebellion  in  New  York,  1691 .  —  Ed. 


to  North' h.vi\tx\Q.2i,  127 

built  a  Fort  of  Stakes  or  Pales,  where  we  left  the  Sieur  Dor- 
villers  with  four  hundred  Men  to  guard  our  Shipping  and 
Baggage.^  The  next  day,  a  young  Canadefe,  call'd  Fontaine 
Marion  was  unjuftly  fhot  to  death.  His  cafe  flood  thus  :  Hav- 
ing travell'd  frequently  all  over  this  Continent,  he  was  perfedly 
well  acquainted  with  the  Country,  and  with  the  Savages  of 
Canada;  and  after  the  doing  of  feveral  good  Services  to  the 
King,  defir'd  Leave  from  the  Governour  general  to  continue 
[75]  his  Travels,  in  order  to  carry  on  fome  little  Trade:  but 
his  Requeft  was  never  granted.  Upon  that  he  refolv'd  to 
remove  to  New  England^  the  two  Crowns  being  then  in  Peace. 
The  Planters  of  New  England  gave  him  a  very  welcome 
Reception ;  for  he  was  an  adlive  Fellow,  and  one  that  under- 
ftood  almoft  all  the  Languages  of  the  Savages.  Upon  this 
Confideration  he  was  employ'd  to  conduct  the  two  Englifh 
Convoys  I  fpoke  of  but  now,  and  had  the  Misfortune  to  be 
taken  along  with  them.  Now,  to  my  mind,  the  Ufage  he  met 
with  from  us  was  extream  hard  ;  for,  we  are  in  Peace  with 
England:  and  befides,  that  Crown  lays  Claim  to  the  Property 
of  the  Lakes  of  Canada. 

The  next  Day  we  began  our  March  towards  the  great 
Village  of  the  Tfonontouans,  without  any  other  Provifions  than 
ten   Biskets  a   Man,   which   every  one   carry'd   for  himfelf.^ 

1  Franfois  Chore!,  sieur  de  St.  Romain  dit  d'  Orvilliers,  was  born  near  Lyons  in 
1639,  came  to  Canada  about  1660,  and  was  prominent  in  military  affairs  in  the  colony 
until  his  death  in  1709.  Denonvilie  placed  him  in  charge  of  Fort  Frontenac  (1685- 
87),  and  he  commanded  in  person  one  division  of  his  expedition.  —  Ed. 

^  The  great  village  of  the  Seneca  was  situated  in  Ontario  County,  just  south  of 
the  present  town  of  Victor.  See  map  in  Cayuga  County  Historical  Society  Collections, 
iii,  znAJes.  Rel.,  li,  p.  293.  —  Ed. 


128  Some  New  Voyages 

We  had  but  feven  Leagues  to  march  in  a  great  Wood  of  tall 
Trees,  upon  a  fmooth  even  Ground.  The  Coureurs  de  Bois, 
with  a  Party  of  the  Savages,  led  the  Van,  and  the  reft  of  the 
Savages  brought  up  the  Rear,  our  Regular  Troops  and  our 
Militia  being  pofted  in  the  middle.  The  firft  Day  the  Army 
march'd  four  Leagues,  and  the  advanc'd  Guards  made  no 
Difcovery.  The  fecond  Day  our  advanc'd  Parties  march'd  up 
to  the  very  Fields  of  the  Village  without  perceiving  any  thing, 
tho'  they  paft  within  a  Piftol-fhot  of  five  hundred  Tfonontou- 
anSy  who  lay  flat  upon  the  Ground,  and  fufifer'd  'em  to  pafs 
and  repafs  without  moleftation.  Upon  their  Intelligence  we 
march'd  up  with  equal  Precipitation  and  Confufion,  being 
bouy'd  up  with  the  Apprehenfion  that  the  Iroqiiefe  had  fled, 
and  that  at  leaft  their  Women,  Children,  and  fuperannuated 
Perfons  would  fall  into  our  hands.  When  we  arriv'd  at  the 
bottom  of  the  Hill  upon  which  the  Ambufcade  was  plac'd,  at 
the  diftance  of  a  quarter  of  a  League  from  the  Village,  they 
began  to  raife  their  wonted  Cry,  which  [76]  was  follow'd  by 
the  firing  of  fome  Muskets.  Had  you  but  feen.  Sir,  what 
Diforder  our  Troops  and  Militia  were  In  amidft  the  thick 
Trees,  you  would  have  joyn'd  with  me,  in  thinking  that  fev- 
eral  thoufands  of  Europeans  are  no  more  than  a  fufiicient 
number  to  make  head  againft  five  hundred  Barbarians.  Our 
Battalions  were  divided  into  ftraggling  Parties,  who  fell  in  to 
the  right  and  left,  without  knowing  where  they  went.  Inftead 
of  firing  upon  the  Iroquefe^  we  fir'd  upon  one  another.  'Twas 
to  no  purpofe  to  call  in  the  Soldiers  of  fuch  and  fuch  a  Battal- 
ion, for  we  could  not  fee  thirty  Paces  ofi^ :  In  fine,  we  were  fo 


to  Nortb-Kvamc^,  129 

diforder'd,  that  the  Enemy  were  going  to  clofe  in  upon  us 
with  their  Clubs  in  their  hands ;  when  the  Savages  of  our 
fide  having  rally'd,  repuls'd  the  Enemy,  and  purfu'd  'em  to 
their  Villages  with  fo  much  fury,  that  they  brought  off  the 
Heads  of  eighty,  and  wounded  a  great  many.  In  this  Adion 
we  loft  ten  Savages,  and  a  hundred  French :  We  had  twenty 
or  two  and  twenty  wounded,  in  which  number  was  the  good 
Father  Angeleran  the  Jefuit,^  who  receiv'd  a  Musket-fhot  in 
thofe  Parts  which  Origen  chofe  to  lop  off,  in  order  to  qualify 
himfelf  for  inftruding  the  Fair  Sex  without  the  difturbance  of 
Paffion,  or  the  danger  of  Scandal.  When  the  Savages  brought 
in  the  Heads  of  their  Enemies  to  Mr.  de  Denonville,  they  ask'd 
him  why  he  halted,  and  did  not  march  up?  He  made  Anfwer, 
That  he  could  not  leave  his  wounded  Men  behind,  and  that 
he  thought  it  proper  to  encamp,  that  the  Surgeons  might 
have  time  to  drefs  their  Wounds.  To  obviate  this  Pretence, 
the  Savages  offer'd  to  make  Litters  for  the  tranfporting  of 
'em  to  the  Village  that  lay  but  a  little  way  off.  But  our 
General  did  not  approve  of  their  Advice ;  upon  which,  not- 
withftanding  his  Remonftrances,  they  drew  up  into  a  Body, 
and  tho'  they  confifted  of  ten  different  Nations,  agreed  in  a 
joynt  Refolution  of  purfuing  their  Enemy,  in  hopes  of  taking, 
at  [77]  leaft  their  Women,  their  Old-men,  and  their  Children. 


^  Father  Jean  Enjalran  (born  in  1639)  came  to  Canada  in  1676,  and  the  follow- 
ing year  was  sent  to  the  Ottawa  mission  at  Mackinac,  where  he  remained  until  1688, 
acting  as  superior  of  Ottawa  missions  for  the  last  seven  years.  He  had  been  instru- 
mental in  persuading  the  savages  to  join  this  expedition.  The  next  year  (1688)  he 
went  to  France,  but  was  again  in  Canada  until  1701,  when  he  returned  to  his  native 
land  for  the  last  time,  and  died  there  in  1718.  —  Ed. 
9 


I30  Some  New  Voyages 

Our  General  being  acquainted  with  their  Refolution,  gave  'em 
to  know,  that  he  earneftly  defir'd  they  would  reft  for  one  day, 
and  not  depart  from  his   Camp,  and  that  the  next  day  he 
would  burn  their  Villages,  and  ftarve  'em  to  Death  by  fpoiling 
their  Crops.     But  they  took  this  Compliment  fo  ill,  that  moft 
of  'em  return'd  to  their  own  Country ;  remonftrating,  *  That 
'  the  French  came  out  to  fetch  a  Walk,  rather  than  to  wage 
'  War,  fmce  they  v/ould  not  take  the  Advantage  of  the  beft 
'Opportunity  in  the  World :  That  their  Ardour,  like  a  flafh 
'  of  Fire,  v/as  ext'inguifh'd  as  foon  as  kindled  :  That  'twas  a 
'fruitlefs  Adventure,  to  draw  together  fo  many  Warriours, 
'  from  all  Parts,  to  burn  fome  Hutts  of  Bark,  that  the  Enemy 
'  could  rebuild  in  four  days :  That  the  TJonontouans  did  not 
'  matter  the  fpoiling  of  their  Corn,  for  that  the  other  Iroqueje 
'  Nations  were  able  to  fupply  'em :  And  in  fine,  That  fmce 
'  they  had  joyn'd  the  French  twice  together  to  no  purpofe, 
'  they  would  never  truft  'em  for  the  future,  in  fpite  of  all  the 
Remonftrances  they  could  make.'     Some  are  of  the  opinion, 
that  Mr.  de  Denonville  ought  to  have  gone  farther  ;  and  others 
affirm,  that  'twas  impoffible  for  him  to  do  more  than  he  did. 
For  my  part,  I  ftiall  not  venture  upon  any  Decifion  of  the  matter ; 
thofe  who  fit  at  the  Helm  are  moft  liable  to  be  perplex'd.    To 
purfue  the  bare  matter  of  Fa6t;  we  march'd  next  day  to  the 
great  Village,  and  carry'd  our  wounded  Men  upon  Litters  :  but 
we  found  nothing  there  but  Afhes  ;  for  the  Iroquefe  had  burnt 
the  Village  themfelves,  by  way  of  Precaution.    Then  we  fpent 
five  or  fix  days  in  cutting  down  the  Indian  Corn  with  our 
Swords.     From  thence  we  march'd  to  the  two  little  Villages 


to  7Vor^Z>- America.  131 

of  the  Thegaronhies  and  the  Danortcaritaoui,  which  lay  about 
two  or  three  Leagues  off.^  Having  done  the  hke  Exploits 
there,  we  return'd  to  the  Lake  fide.  In  all  thefe  Villages  we 
[78]  found  plenty  of  Horfes,  black  Cattel,  Fowl,  and  Hogs. 
All  the  Country  round  aflForded  us  a  very  charming,  pleafant, 
and  even  Profpedl.  The  Forefts  thro  which  we  march'd  were 
replenifh'd  with  Oak,  Wall-nut,  and  wild  Chef  nut-Trees. 

Two  days  after  we  imbarqu'd  for  A^i^^^r^ ,  which  lay  thirty 
Leagues  off,  and  arriv'd  there  in  four  days.  As  foon  as  the 
Troops  had  debarqu'd,  we  imploy'd  'em  in  making  a  Fort  of 
Pales  with  four  Baftions,  which  was  finifh'd  in  three  days.^ 
Here  we  mean  to  leave  120  Soldiers  under  the  command  of 
Mr.  des  Bergeres,  with  Ammunition  and  Provifions  for  eight 
Months.''  The  Fort  flands  on  the  South  fide  of  the  Streight 
of  Henie  Lake,  upon  a  Hill ;  at  the  foot  of  which,  that  Lake 
falls  into  the  Lake  of  Frontenac.     Yefterday  the  Savages  our 


^  These  villages  were  in  the  vicinity  of  Honeoye  Falls,  Monroe  County,  N.  Y. 
See  Hawley,  "Jesuit  Missions  among  the  Senecas,"  in  Cayuga  Co.  Hist.  Soc.  Col- 
lections, iii,  pp.  25,  26.  —  Ed. 

2  It  had  long  been  a  favorite  plan  of  the  leaders  of  New  France  to  place  a  fort  at 
Niagara,  and  thus  intercept  the  fur-trade  which  passed  through  the  Great  Lakes  to 
the  Iroquois  and  English.  La  Salle  built  a  block  house  on  this  site  in  1679,  which 
was  destroyed  by  the  Senecas;  see  Hennepin,  Nenu  Disco'very.  Dongan  (1686) 
complained  that  Denonville  was  planning  to  build  "  a  fort  at  Ohinagero  on  this  side 
the  lake,  within  my  Master's  territories  without  question."  N.  Y.  Colon.  Docs.,  iii, 
p.  455.  Denonville  ordered  the  demolition  of  this  fort,  Sept.  15,  r688.  A  permanent 
French  fort  was  begun  on  this  site  in  1726,  being  captured  by  the  English  (1759), 
and  later  surrendered  to  the  Americans  (1796).  See  Severance,  Old  Trails  on  the 
Niagara  Frontier  (Buffalo,  1899).  —  Ed. 

'  Chevalier  de  Troyes  was  left  first  in  command  at  this  fort,  where  he  died  in  the 
following  year.  See  A'^.  Y.  Colon.  Docs.,  ix,  pp.  335,  368,  396.  Raymond  Blaise 
des  Bergeres,  sieur  de  Rigauville,  was  captain  of  a  company  stationed  at  Niagara; 
later  he  was  major  at  Three  Rivers.   His  son  commanded  at  Niagara  (1732-36),— Ed, 


132  Some  New  Voyages 

Allies  took  leave  of  Mr.  de  Denonville^  and  made  a  Speech  after 
their  ufual  manner ;  in  which,  among  other  things,  they  infinu- 
ated,  That  they  were  pleas'd  to  fee  a  Fort  fo  conveniently 
plac'd,  which  might  favour  their  retreat  upon  any  Expedition 
againfl  the  Iroquefe ;  That  they  depended  upon  his  promife, 
of  continuing  the  War  till  the  five  Nations  fhould  be  either 
deftroy'd  or  difpoffefs'd  of  their  Country;  That  they  earneftly 
defir'd  that  part  of  the  Army  fhould  take  the  Field  out  of  hand, 
and  continue  in  it  both  Winter  and  Summer,  for  that  they 
would  certainly  do  the  fame  on  their  part ;  and  in  fine,  That 
for  as  much  as  their  Alliance  with  France  was  chiefly  grounded 
upon  the  promifes  the  French  made  of  liftening  to  no  Pro- 
pofals  of  Peace,  till  the  five  Nations  fhould  be  quite  extirpated; 
they  therefore  hop'd  they  would  be  as  good  as  their  Word  ; 
efpecially  confidering  that  a  Ceffation  of  Arms  would  fully 
the  honour  of  the  French,  and  infallibly  difengage  their  AUies. 
Mr.  de  Denonville  gave  them  frefh  affurances  of  his  intention 
to  carry  on  the  War,  in  fpite  of  all  the  efforts  of  the  Iroquefe; 
and  in  a  [79]  word,  protefted  that  he  would  profecute  this 
defign  fo  vigoroufly,  that  in  the  end  thefe  Barbarians  fhould 
be  either  quite  cut  off,  or  oblig'd  to  fhift  their  Seats. 

The  General  call'd  for  me  that  very  day,  and  acquainted 
me,  that  in  regard  I  underflood  the  Language  of  the  Savages, 
I  was  to  go  with  a  Detachment  to  cover  their  Country  pur- 
fuant  to  their  Requefl.  At  the  fame  time  he  affur'd  me,  he 
would  inform  the  Court  of  the  Reafons  that  mov'd  him  to 
detain  me  in  Canada,  nothwithflanding  that  he  had  orders  to 
give  me  leave  to  go  home.     You  may  eafily  guefs,  Sir,  that  I 


to  iVo;Y/6- America.  133 

was  thunderftruck  with  thefe  News,  when  I  had  fed  my  felf 
all  along  with  the  hopes  of  returning  to  France^  and  promoting 
my  Intereft,  which  is  now  fo  much  thwarted.  However,  I  was 
forc'd  to  be  contented  ;  for  the  greater  Power  bears  the  fway 
all  the  World  over.  Purfuant  to  my  orders,  I  made  all  fuit- 
able  preparations  for  my  Voyage,  without  lofs  of  time.  I  took 
leave  of  my  Friends,  who  fingled  out  the  beft  Soldiers  for  me; 
and  made  me  Prefents  of  Cloaths,  Tobacco,  Books,  and  an 
infinity  of  other  things,  that  they  could  fpare  without  any 
inconveniency,  becaufe  they  were  then  upon  their  return  to 
the  Colony,  which  affords  every  thing  that  one  can  defire.  By 
good  luck,  I  brought  my  Aftrolabe  with  me  from  Monreal, 
which  will  enable  me  to  take  the  Latitudes  of  this  Lake,  and  to 
make  feveral  other  ufeful  Obfervations;  for  in  all  appearance, 
I  fhall  be  out  two  years  or  fuch  a  matter.  The  Men  of  my 
Detachment  are  brisk  proper  fellows,  and  my  Canows  are 
both  new  and  large.  I  am  to  go  along  with  Mr.  Dulhut^  a 
Lions  Gentleman,  who  is  a  Perfon  of  great  Merit,  and  has  done 
his  King  and  his  Country  very  confiderable  Services.  Mr.  de 
Tonti  makes  another  of  our  Company^;  and  a  Company  of 
Savages  is  to  follow  us.     Mr.  de  Denonville  will  fet  out  [80] 


^  Henry  de  Tonty  was  a  Neapolitan,  whose  father  invented  the  insurance  systeiTi 
called  from  his  name,  "tontine."  Tonty  entered  the  French  service  at  the  age  of 
eighteen,  and  won  distinction  in  the  army,  where  he  lost  one  of  his  hands.  In  1677 
he  met  La  Salle,  and  embarked  on  his  enterprise  of  discovery,  accompanied  him  to 
the  Illinois,  and  there  took  command  of  Fort  St.  Louis.  After  La  Salle's  death  this 
fort  was  granted  to  Tonty  and  La  Forest  as  a  seigniory,  and  there  for  ten  years  or  more 
they  held  command.  Tonty  assisted  Cadillac  in  founding  Detroit  (1701),  after  which 
he  was  ordered  to  aid  Iberville  in  Louisiana,  where  he  died  of  yellow  fever  in  1704. 
See  Legler,  "  Henry  de  Tonty,"  Parkman  Club  Papers  (Milwaukee,  1896).  —  Ed. 


134  Some  New  Voyages 

for  the  Colony  by  the  North  fide  of  the  Lake  of  Frontenac, 
in  two  or  three  days.  He  defigns  to  leave  at  Fort  Frontenac,  a 
number  of  Men  and  Ammunition  equal  to  what  he  leaves  here. 
I  herewith  tranfmit  fome  Letters  for  my  Relations,  which  I  beg 
you  would  convey  to  their  Hands.  If  I  meet  with  any  oppor- 
tunity, I'll  fend  you  a  Journal  of  my  Voyage  the  next  year.    In 

the  mean  time,  I  am, 

SIR, 

Tours,  &c. 


to  North- hmQ.x\Q.2.,  135 


LETTER    XIV. 

Dated  at  MiJJilimakinac  May  26.  1688. 

The  Author  leaves  Niagara,  and  has  an  Incounter  with  the  Iro- 
quefe  at  the  end  of  the  Land-Carriage.  The  after  part  of  his 
Voyage.  A  Defcription  of  the  Country.  He  arrives  at  Fort  St. 
Jofeph  in  the  Mouth  of  the  Lake  of  Hurons.  A  Detachment 
of  the  Hurons  arrive  at  the  fame  place.  After  an  Ingagement^ 
they  fet  out  for  Miflilimakinac.  A  firange  Adventure  of  Mr. 
de  la  Salle's  Brother.     MifTilimakinac  defcrib'd. 

SIR, 

I  AM  at  a  lofs  to  determine  whether  'tis  owing  to  Stupidity, 
or  greatnefs  of  Mind,  that  the  lofs  of  my  Eftate,  which  I 
infallibly  forefee,  do's  not  at  all  affed  me.  Your  Letter  is  but 
too  fhrewd  a  confirmation  of  my  Prophecy :  However,  I  can- 
not but  purfue  your  feafonable  advice  in  writing  to  Court; 
[81]  in  the  meantime  fuflrer  me  to  fatisfie  my  promife,  in  pre- 
fenting  you  with  a  relation  of  my  Voyages. 

I  imbarqued  at  Niagara  Augufl  3.  on  board  a  Canow 
mann'd  with  eight  Soldiers  of  my  Detachment;  and  after  run- 
ning three  Leagues  againft  the  Current  of  the  Streight,  came 
that  fame  day  to  the  place  where  the  Navigation  ftops.  There 
I  met  with  the  -Sieur  Grifolon  de  la  Tourette,  Brother  to  Mr. 
Dulhut,  who  had  ventur'd  to  come  from  Miffdimakinac  with  a 


136  Some  New  Voyages 

fingle  Canow  to  joyn  the  Army.^  The  ^th  we  commenc'd  our 
great  Land-Carriage  to  the  Southward,  being  oblig'd  to  tranf- 
port  our  Canows  from  a  League  and  a  half  below  the  great 
Fall  of  Niagara,  to  half  a  League  above  it.  Before  we  got  at 
any  beaten  or  level  Path,  we  were  forc'd  to  climb  up  three 
Mountains,  upon  which  an  hundred  Iroquefe  might  have 
knock'd  us  all  on  the  head  with  Stones.^  While  we  were 
imploy'd  in  this  tranfport  Service,  we  were  alarm'd  twice  or 
thrice;  which  caution'd  us  to  keep  a  ftri6t  guard,  and  to  tranf- 
port our  Baggage  with  all  poflible  Expedition :  Nay,  after  all 
our  precautions  we  were  forc'd  to  leave  one  half  of  our  Bag- 
gage about  half  way,  upon  the  difcovery  of  a  thoufand  Iroquefe 
that  march'd  towards  us.  Do  you  judge.  Sir,  if  we  had  not 
fome  reafon  to  be  alarm'd  ;  and  whether  we  would  ftand  to 
Sacrifice  all  to  the  natural  principle  of  Self  prefervation ;  tho' 
indeed  we  were  in  danger  of  lofing  our  Lives  as  well  as  our 
Baggage :  for  v/e  had  not  imbarqued  above  the  Fall  half  a 
quarter  of  an  hour,  when  the  Enemy  appear'd  upon  the 
Streight  fide.  I  affure  you,  I  'fcap'd  very  narrowly;  for  about 
a  quarter  of  an  hour  before,  I  and  three  or  four  Savages  had 


1  Claude  Greysolon  de  la  Tourette,  younger  brother  of  Duluth,  assisted  him  in 
all  his  adventures,  and  ably  seconded  his  measures.  In  1678  he  accompanied  him  to 
the  upper  country,  and  when  Duluth  built  the  fort  on  Lake  Nipigon  (1683),  he  named 
it  La  Tourette  and  placed  his  brother  in  charge.  Their  uncle  patron  bequeathed  his 
possessions  to  the  younger  nephew  in  1691,  and  at  the  time  of  Duluth's  death,  La 
Tourette  was  living  in  Lyons,  France.  The  report  which  he  made  to  Denonville  after 
this  encounter  with  Lahontan,  is  found  in  N.  T.  Colon.  Docs.,  ix,  p.  343.  —  Ed. 

2  For  a  description  of  the  "  three  Mountains,"  which  are  the  three  levels  of  the 
clifl  above  Lewiston,  see  Parkman,  La  Salle,  p.  132,  note.  Hennepin  first  described 
the  portage  path  ;  see  Nenv  Discovery,  pp.  103,  104,  324.  —  Ed. 


to  iV<?r^/?>- America.  137 

gone  five  hundred  paces  out  of  our  Road,  to  look  upon  that 

fearful  Catarad ;  and  'twas  as  much  as  I  could  do,  to  get  at 

the  Canows  before  they  put  off.     To  be  taken  by  fuch  cruel 

Fellows,  [82]  was  to  me  no  trifling  thing. 

//  morir  e  niente^  ma  il  vivere  brugiando  (^     '  The  Prifoners  taken 

troppo.     To  die  is  nothing,  but  to  live  in  the       ^      ^    roqueje 
^^  ^  quently  burnt. 

midjl  of  Fire  *  is  too  much. 

As  for  the  Waterfall  of  Niagara  ;  'tis  feven  or  eight  hun- 
dred foot  high,  and  half  a  League  broad.  Towards  the 
middle  of  it  we  defcry  an  Ifland  that  leans  towards  the  Preci- 
pice, as  if  it  were  ready  to  fall.  All  the  Beafts  that  crofs  the 
Water  within  half  a  quarter  of  a  League  above  this  unfortu- 
nate Ifland,  are  fuck'd  in  by  force  of  the  Stream:  And  the 
Beafts  and  Fifh  that  are  thus  kill'd  by  the  prodigious  fall, 
ferve  for  food  to  fifty  Iroqueje^  who  are  fetled  about  two 
Leagues  off,  and  take  'em  out  of  the  water  with  their  Canows. 
Between  the  furface  of  the  water  that  fhelves  off  prodigioufly, 
and  the  foot  of  the  Precipice,  three  Men  may  crofs  in  a  breafl: 
without  any  other  dammage,  than  a  fprinkling  of  fome  few 
drops  of  water.^ 

To  return  to  the  Story  of  the  thoufand  I  roqueje;  I  muft 
tell  you,  that  we  crofs'd  the  Streight  with  all  the  vigour  we  were 


1  The  first  allusion  to  Niagara  Falls  is  found  in  the  account  of  Cartier's  voyage, 
in  1535.  Champlain  heard  many  relations  of  the  falls  from  the  Indians,  but  never 
saw  them  in  person.  Hennepin's  appears  to  he  the  first  detailed  description  by  an 
eye  witness  ;  but  he  characteristically  exaggerates  the  height  and  noise  of  the  cataract. 
See  Nenjj  Discovery,  pp.  54-56,  with  illustration. 

The  Seneca  village  mentioned  by  Lahontan  must  have  been  a  temporary  camp. 
The  Senecas  lived  east  of  Genesee  River  until  after  Denonville's  expedition,  and  had 
no  permanent  village  near  Niagara  until  a  number  of  years  later.  —  Ed. 


138  Some  New  Voyages 

mafters  of,  and  after  rowing  all  Night,  arriv'd  next  Morning 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Lake,  which  appear'd  to  be  indifferent 
rapid.  Then  we  were  fecure  from  all  danger,  for  the  Iroquefe 
Canows  are  fo  dull  and  large,  that  they  cannot  fail  near  fo 
quick  as  thofe  made  of  Birch-bark.  The  former  are  made  of 
Elm-bark,  which  is  very  heavy,  and  their  form  is  very  aukard; 
for  they  are  fo  long  and  broad  that  thirty  Men  row  in  them, 
two  abreaft,  whether  fitting  or  {landing,  and  the  fides  are  fo 
low,  that  they  dare  not  venture  'em  upon  the  Lakes,  tho'  the 
wind  be  very  flack.  We  coafted  along  the  North-Coaft  of 
the  Lake  of  Erie,  being  favour'd  by  the  Calms,  which  are  in  a 
manner  conftant  in  that  feafon,  efpecially  in  the  Southern 
Countries.  Upon  the  brink  of  this  Lake  we  frequently  faw 
[83]  flocks  of  fifty  or  fixty  Turkey's,  which  run  incredibly  faft 
upon  the  Sands:  And  the  Savages  of  our  Company  kill'd  great 
numbers  of  'em,  which  they  gave  to  us  in  exchange  for  the 
Fifh  that  we  catch'd.  The  i^th  we  arriv'd  at  a  long  point  of 
Land  which  fiioots  out  14  or  15  Leagues  into  the  Lake;  and 
the  heat  being  excefiive,  we  chofe  to  tranfport  our  Boats  and 
Baggage  two  hundred  paces  over-land,  rather  than  coafl:  about 
for  thirty  five  Leagues.^  Septemb.  6.  We  enter'd  the  Streight 
of  the  Lake  of  Huron,  where  we  met  with  a  flack  Current  of 
half  a  League  in  breadth,  that  continued  till  we  arriv'd  in  the 
Lake  of  St.  Claire,  which  is  twelve  Leagues  in  Circumference. 
The  2>th  of  the  fame  Month  we  fl;eer'd  on  to  the  other  end, 
from  whence  we  had  but  fix  Leagues  to  run  againft  the  flream, 


1  Long  Point,  Lake  Erie,  which  Hennepin  called  "  Cape  St.  Francis."  —Ed. 


to  iVor^Z'- America.  139 

till  we  arriv'd  in  the  Mouth  of  the  Lake  of  Hufoits,  where  we 
landed  on  the  14?^.  You  cannot  imagine  the  pleafant  prof- 
ped:  of  this  Streight,  and  of  the  little  Lake;  for  their  banks 
are  cover'd  with  all  forts  of  wild  Fruit-Trees.  'Tis  true,  the 
want  of  Agriculture  finks  the  agreeablenefs  of  the  Fruit ;  but 
their  plenty  is  very  furprifing.^  We  fpy'd  no  other  Animals 
upon  the  fhoar,  but  Herds  of  Harts,  and  Roe-bucks :  And 
when  we  came  to  little  Iflands,  we  fcour'd  'em,  in  order  to 
oblige  thefe  Beads  to  crofs  over  to  the  Continent,  upon  which 
they  offering  to  fwim  over,  were  knock'd  on  the  head  by  our 
Canow-men  that  were  planted  all  round  the  Iflands.  After 
our  arrival  at  the  Fort,  of  which  I  was  order'd  to  take  poffef- 
fion,  Mr.  Didhut  and  Mr.  de  Tonti  had  a  mind  to  reft  them- 
felves  for  fome  days,  as  well  as  the  Savages  that  accompany'd 
us.  This  Fort,  which  was  built  by  Mr.  Diilhut,  was  Garri- 
fon'd  upon  his  own  charges  by  the  Couretirs  de  Bois,  who  had 
taken  care  to  fow  in  it  fome  Bufhels  of  ?"//r^^^- Wheat,  which 
afforded  a  plentiful  Crop,  that  prov'd  of  great  ufe  to  me.^ 


^  Hennepin  says  that  he  named  Lake  St.  Clair,  and  gives  its  Iroquois  name  as 
"  Otsi  Keta."  All  early  travellers  remark  on  the  beauty  of  the  landscape  and  the 
abundance  of  wild  fruit  in  the  vicinity  of  Detroit.  See  fVis.  Hist.  Colls.,  xvi, 
pp.  129,  366.  —  Ed. 

2  It  was  part  of  Denonville's  plan  to  bar  the  English  from  the  upper  lakes  by 
erecting  a  fort  at  Detroit  River.  Accordingly  in  i6S6  he  sent  word  to  Duluth  to  pro- 
ceed thither  and  erect  a  stockade.  In  the  autumn  of  tiiat  year,  Duluth  collected  fifty 
coureurs  des  bois,  and  built  the  post,  which  he  named  Fort  St.  Joseph  —  not  on  the 
site  of  Detroit,  but  where  St.  Clair  River  flows  from  Lake  Huron,  apparently  near 
the  present  Fort  Gratiot,  Michigan.  See  A'^.  Y.  Colon.  Docs.,  ix,  pp.  300,  302.  A 
contemporary  description  says  :  "  Our  Fort  covers  a  square  of  one  Arpent  in  extent, 
without  the  Bastions,  and  is  very  advantageously  Situated  on  an  Eminence,  separated 
from  the  River  by  a  gentle  slope  of  about  forty  paces,  which  forms  a  very  pleasant 


I40  Some  New  Voyages 

The  Garrifon  furrendred  their  Poft  very  [84]  chearfully  to 
my  Detachment ;  and  then  purfued  their  Commerce  with  our 
Savages,  for  every  one  had  leave  to  go  where  he  pleas'd. 
This  gave  me  an  opportunity  of  fending  two  Canows  under  a 
guard  of  Soldiers,  to  difpofe  of  a  great  Roll  of  Tobacco  of 
200  weight,  that  Mr.  Dulhut  had  kindly  prefented  me  with; 
for  that  honeft  Gentleman  inform'd  me,  that  my  Soldiers 
might  eafily  purchafe  Corn  in  exchange  for  Tobacco,  fooner 
than  for  any  other  Commodities.  I  am  oblig'd  to  him  as  long 
as  I  live;  but  I  am  much  affraid,  the  Treafurer  of  the  Navy 
will  make  him  no  better  compenfation  for  this  piece  of  Service, 
than  for  a  thoufand  other  disburfements  upon  the  King's 
account.  The  Soldiers  I  fent  with  the  Tobacco,  return'd  in 
the  latter  end  of  November,  and  brought  with  'em  the  Reverend 
Father  Avenau  the  Jefuit,  who  found  no  occafion  to  trouble 
himfelf  with  preaching  up  Abftinence  from  Meat  in  the  time 
of  Lent}  They  brought  advice,  that  a  Party  of  the  Hurons 
being  prepar'd  to  march  out  of  their  Villages,  to  attack  the 
Iroqtiefe  Beaver-hunters,  would  fpeedily  repair  to  the  Fort  to 
reft  themfelves.     In  the  mean  time  I  waited  with  impatience 

Glacis  [parapet] .  Care  has  been  taken  to  place  it  at  the  narrowest  part  of  the  River, 
which  is  here  a  gunshot  in  width."  iris.  Hist.  Colls.,  xvi,  p.  128.  The  further  his- 
tory of  Fort  St.  Joseph,  which  Lahontan  was  to  command,  is  related  by  him. 

"Turkey  wheat "  is  maize  or  Indian  corn,  so  called  from  a  vague  notion  that  it 
was  first  found  in  Turkey.  —  Ed. 

1  Father  Claude  Aveneau  came  to  Canada  in  1685,  and  was  assigned  next  year 
to  the  Ottawa  mission  at  Mackinac.  One  would  judge  from  Lahontan's  remark  that 
this  missionary  acted  as  chaplain  of  Fort  St.  Joseph  throughout  the  winter  of  1687-88. 
He  passed  the  remainder  of  his  life  in  the  West,  for  many  years  serving  in  the  Miami 
mission,  and  finally  dying  at  Quebec  in  1711.  — Ed. 


to  iVor^^- America.  141 

for  the  arrival  of  one  Turcot,^  and  four  more  of  the  Coureurs 
de  Bois,  who  were  to  come  to  me  in  the  beginning  of  December, 
along  with  fome  other  Huntfmen  that  Mr.  de  Deuonville  had 
promis'd  to  fend  me:  But  hearing  nothing  of  'em,  and  our 
Commons  being  at  that  time  very  (hort,  I  fhould  have  been 
very  much  pinch'd,  if  four  young  Canadefe  who  were  expert 
Huntfmen,  had  not  tarry'd  with  me  all  Winter.  The  above- 
mention'd  Party  of  the  Hurons  arriv'd  Decemb.  2.  being  headed 
by  one  Saentfoiian^  who  left  me  his  Canow  and  his  Baggage,  to 
keep  till  he  return'd  ;  for  he  could  not  pofTibly  continue  his 
Navigation  longer,  upon  the  account  that  the  furface  of  the 
water  began  then  to  be  cover'd  with  Ice.  Thefe  Savages  chofe 
to  march  [85]  over-land  to  the  Fort  of  Niagara^  where  they 
expedled  to  receive  intelligence  before  they  enter'd  the 
Country  of  the  Iroquefe.  They  march'd  ten  days,  i.  e.  fifty 
Leagues,  without  feeing  one  Soul.  But  at  laft  their  Scouts 
perceiv'd  the  foot-fteps  of  fome  Huntfmen,  which  they  trac'd 
at  a  great  pace  for  a  whole  Night,  the  Snow  being  then  a  foot 
deep.  Towards  the  break  of  day  they  return'd,  and  gave 
notice  to  their  Fellow-Adventurers,  that  they  had  difcover'd 
fix  Hutts,  with  ten  Men  lodg'd  in  each  of  'em.  Upon  this 
Intelligence  the  whole  party  made  a  halt,  in  order  to  paint 
their  faces,  to  prepare  their  Arms,  and  to  concert  proper 
Meafures.     The  attack  was  fo  form'd,  that  two  Men  made 


^  A  habitant  by  this  name  was  captured  by  the  Iroquois  in  1652.  As  coureur 
des  hois,  he  was  accused  of  taking  refuge  among  the  English  to  escape  his  crimes  — 
N.  Y.  Colon.  Docs.,  ix,  p.  133.  He  appears  to  have  been  pardoned  and  again 
received  in  favor  by  the  French  authorities.  — Ed. 


142  Some  New  Voyages 

foftly  up  to  the  two  doors  of  the  Hutts  with  their  Clubs  in 
their  Hands,  to  knock  down  any  one  that  offer'd  to  come  out, 
while  the  reft  were  imploy'd  in  firing  their  pieces.  And  the 
Aftion  was  crown'd  with  wonderful  Succefs ;  for  the  Iroqueje 
being  furpriz'd  and  fhut  up  in  their  bark  Prifons,  there  was 
but  two  out  of  fixty  four  that  made  their  efcape ;  and  thefe 
two  being  naked  and  deftitute  of  Fire-Arms,  could  not  but 
perifh  in  the  Woods.  Three  of  the  Hiirons  indeed  were  kill'd 
upon  the  fpot,  but  to  attone  for  that  lofs,  the  Agreffors  carry'd 
ofif  fourteen  Prifoners,  and  four  Women.  This  done,  they 
march'd  back  to  my  Fort  with  all  poflible  Expedition.  Among 
the  Captive  Slaves,  there  were  three  who  had  made  part  of 
the  number  of  the  looo  Iroqueje  that  thought  to  have  furpris'd 
us  the  year  before,  when  we  were  imploy'd  in  the  great  Land- 
Carriage  at  Niagara.  They  gave  us  to  underftand,  that  the 
Fort  of  Niagara  was  block'd  up  by  eight  hundred  Iroqueje, 
who  mean'd  to  appear  before  my  Poft  without  any  delay. 
This  troublefom  piece  of  news  gall'd  me  to  the  laft  degree, 
for  fear  of  being  reduc'd  to  extremities ;  and  with  that  view  I 
was  a  very  nice  Husband  of  what  Corn  I  had  [86]  left.  I  was 
not  apprehenfive  of  being  attack'd  by  'em,  for  the  Savages 
never  fight  fairly,  neither  do  they  ever  attempt  to  pull  up 
Paliffadoes ;  but  I  was  affraid  that  they  would  ftarve  us  out  by 
cramping  our  Huntfmen  in  their  due  range.  However,  the 
Hurons  continuing  fifteen  days  in  my  Fort  to  refrefh  them- 
felves,  I  us'd  the  precaution  of  ingaging  them  to  afiift  my 
Huntfmen  in  providing  Meat :  But  as  foon  as  they  took  leave 


to  iVor^A- America.  143 

of  me  in  order  to  return  home,  our  hunting  was  at  an  end 
and  the  Gates  v/ere  kept  fhut. 

At  laft,  finding  that  my  Provifions  were  almoft  out,  I 
refolv'd  to  go  to  MiJJilimakinac^  to  buy  up  Corn  from  the 
Hiirons  and  the  Outaouans}  Accordingly,  having  left  fome 
Soldiers  to  guard  the  Fort  in  my  abfence,  I  imbarqu'd  with 
the  reft  of  my  Detachment  on  the  firft  of  Aprils  with  a  gentle 
South-Eaft  Gale ;  by  the  help  of  which  we  infenfibly  crofs'd 
the  Bay  of  Sagninan.  That  little  Gulf  is  fix  hours  over,  and 
in  the  middle  of  it  there  are  two  little  Iflands,  which  afford  a 
very  feafonable  fhelter  when  a  wind  arifes  in  the  crofiing 
over.  Before  you  have  crofs'd  this  Bay,  the  Coaft  is  all  a 
long  full  of  Rocks  and  Shelves,  one  of  which  that  I  faw  was 
fix  Leagues  broad :  But  above  it  the  Coaft  is  clean  and  low, 
efpecially  towards  the  Sand-River,  which  lies  half  way  between 
that  Bay  and  a  place  call'd  VAnfe  du  Tonnere.^  Now  this  laft 
place  is  reckon'd  thirty  Leagues  off  the  Bay.  Having  paft 
that,  we  had  but  thirty  Leagues  more  to  fail ;  which  we  did 
without  any  danger,  by  the  help  of  an  Eaft-South-Eaft  Gale, 
that  fwell'd  the  Waves  prodigioufly.  In  the  Mouth  of  the 
lUinefe  Lake  we  met  the  party  of  the  Hurons  that  I  mention'd 
before ;  and  four  or  five  hundred  Outaouas^  who  were  bound 
home,  after  having  fpent  the  Winter  in  hunting  of  Beavers 
upon  the  River  of  Sagninan.    Both  they  and  we  were  forc'd  to 


1  In  the  French  edition,  Lahontan  explains  that  to  abandon  one's  post  would  be 
censured  in  the  Old  World  ;  in  the  New,  it  is  regarded  as  a  species  of  heroism.  —  Ed. 

2  The  description  of  Saginaw  Bay,  River  Au  Sable  (Sand  River),  and  Thunder 
Bay  is  easily  recognized.  —  Ed. 


144  Some  New  Voyages 

lye  by  in  that  place  for  three  or  [87]  four  days,  by  reafon  of 
the  Ice  :  After  which  the  Lake  was  clear'd,  and  we  crofs'd  it 
together.  When  the  Hiirons  came  afhoar,  they  confulted 
among  themfelves  how  to  difpofe  of  their  Slaves :  After 
which  they  made  a  Prefent  of  one  of  'em  to  Mr.  de  Juchereau^ 
who  commanded  in  that  place  ^;  but  the  poor  wretch  was  pre- 
fently  fhot  to  Death.  Another  of  'em  was  prefented  to  the 
Otitaouas,  who  granted  him  his  Life,  for  fuch  reafons  as  you 
would  eafily  apprehend,  if  you  were  better  acquainted  with 
the  poHcy  and  cunning  of  that  fort  of  Men,  whom  you  now 
take  for  Beafts. 

I  arriv'd  in  this  place  on  the  iSth  of  Jpril,  and  my  uneafi- 
nefs  and  trouble  took  date  from  the  day  of  my  arrival :  For 
I  found  the  Indian  Corn  fo  fcarce  by  reafon  of  the  preceding 
bad  Harvefts,  that  I  defpair'd  of  finding  half  fo  much  as  I 
wanted.  But  after  all,  I  am  hopeful,  that  two  Villages  will 
furnifh  me  with  almoft  as  much  as  I  have  occafion  for.  Mr. 
Cavelier  arriv'd  here  May  6,  being  accompany'd  with  his 
Nephew,  Father  Anaftafe  the  Recollet,  a  Pilot,  one  of  the 
Savages,  and  fome  few  Frenchmen^  which  made  a  fort  of  a 
party-colour'd  Retinue.  Thefe  Frenchmen  were  fome  of  thofe 
that   Mr.  de  la  Salle  had   conduced   upon  the   difcovery  of 


^  This  was  probably  Charles  Juchereau  de  St.  Denis,  eldest  son  of  Nicolas,  sieur 
de  Beauport,  who  the  previous  year  had  been  employed  as  a  messenger  to  Mackinac 
by  Denonville.  During  the  absence  of  La  Durantaye  (1687-88)  he  commanded  the 
post.  In  later  years  he  became  councillor  of  the  king,  and  lieutenant  general  of 
Montreal  ;  he  assisted  Iberville  in  founding  Louisiana,  and  in  1702  built  a  post  near 
the  mouth  of  the  Ohio.  A  younger  brother,  Louis,  undertook  a  remarkable  explora- 
tion into  New  Mexico,  and  lived  for  many  years  at  Natchitoches.  —  Ed. 


to  North' h.vi\tnc2i.  145 

Mijfifipi.  They  give  out,  that  they  are  fent  to  Canada^  in 
order  to  go  to  France^  with  fome  Difpatches  from  Mr.  de  la 
Salle  to  the  King :  But  we  fufpedl  that  he  is  dead,  becaufe 
he  do's  not  return  along  with  'em.  I  fhall  not  fpend  time  in 
taking  notice  of  their  great  Journey  over-land ;  which  by  the 
account  they  give  cannot  be  lefs  than  eight  hundred  Leagues.^ 
Mijfilimakinac,  the  place  I  am  now  in,  is  certainly  a  place 
of  great  Importance.  It  lies  in  the  Latitude  of  forty  five 
Degrees,  and  thirty  Minutes ;  but  as  for  its  Longitude,  I 
have  nothing  to  fay  of  it,  for  reafons  mention'd  in  my  fecond 
Letter.  'Tis  not  above  half  a  League  diftant  from  the  Illinefe 
Lake,  [88]  an  account  of  which,  and  indeed  of  all  the  other 
Lakes,  you  may  expe6t  elfe-where.  Here  the  Hurons  and 
Outaouas  have,  each  of  'em,  a  Village  ;  the  one  being  fever'd 
from  the  other  by  a  fingle  Paliffadoe :   But  the  Outaouas  are 


^  These  were  the  survivors  of  La  Salle's  last  and  fatal  expedition,  which  was  to 
have  founded  a  colony  at  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi.  See  Parkman,  La  Salle, 
pp.  356-446  ;  Suite,  "  Le  Mort  de  La  Salle,"  in  Can.  Roy.  Soc.  Proc,  2d  series,  iv, 
pp.  3-32. 

Abbe  Jean  Cavelier,  the  elder  brother  of  the  explorer,  was  born  in  Rouen,  and 
became  a  Sulpitian  priest.  He  had  preceded  La  Salle  to  Canada,  and  often  vexed  him 
by  his  censoriousness.  Joining  this  last  expedition,  he  led  the  few  survivors  of  the 
party,  after  the  murder  of  La  Salle,  back  from  Texas  to  Canada  ;  and  concealed  the 
death  of  the  explorer  from  all  his  friends  en  route,  partly  to  secure  his  brother's  prop- 
erty.    He  died  in  17 17  at  the  house  of  his  sister  in  Rouen. 

Jean  Cavelier,  the  younger,  was  a  nephew  of  La  Salle,  a  lad  of  fourteen  when  he 
embarked  with  his  uncle  at  La  Rochelle  (1684).  Returning  to  France,  he  entered 
the  army. 

Father  Anastase  Douay  was,  according  to  Hennepin,  a  native  of  Hainault.  This 
was  his  first  journey  to  America,  and  his  published  Memoir  is  largely  used  as  a  source 
for  the  expedition.  After  his  return  to  Europe  he  was  vicar  of  the  Recollects  at  Cam- 
bray,  and  in  1699  embarked  the  second  time  for  Louisiana,  with  Iberville,  to  found  a 
mission  among  the  Cenis.  —  Ed. 
10 


146  Some  New  Voyages 

beginning  to  build  a  Fort  upon  a  Hill,  that  ftands  but  1000 
or  1200  paces  off.  This  Precaution  they  were  prompted  to 
by  the  murder  of  a  certain  Hurotty  call'd  Sandaoiiires^  who 
was  affaffinated  in  the  Saguinan  River  by  four  young  Outaouas. 
In  this  place  the  Jefuits  have  a  little  Houfe,  or  Colledge 
adjoyning  to  a  fort  of  a  Church,  and  inclos'd  with  Pales  that 
feparate  it  from  the  Village  of  the  Hiirons.  Thefe  good 
Fathers  lavifh  away  all  their  Divinity  and  Patience  to  no  pur- 
pofe,  in  converting  fuch  ignorant  Infidels :  For  all  the  length 
they  can  bring  'em  to,  is,  that  oftentimes  they'll  defire  Baptifm 
for  their  dying  Children,  and  fome  few  fuperannuated  Perfons 
confent  to  receive  the  Sacrament  of  Baptifm,  when  they  find 
themfelves  at  the  point  of  Death.^  The  Coureurs  de  Bots  have 
but  a  very  fmall  fettlement  here ;  though  at  the  fame  time  'tis 
not  inconfiderable,  as  being  the  Staple  of  all  the  Goods  that 
they  truck  with  the  South  and  the  Weft  Savages ;  for  they 
cannot  avoid  pafling  this  way,  when  they  go  to  the  Seats  of 
the  lUineJe^  and  the  Oumamis,  or  to  the  Bay  des  Puants,^  and 
to  the  River  of  Mijfifipi.     The  Skins  which  they  import  from 


1  During  the  French  regime  Michiilimackinac  (now  Mackinac)  was  the  capital 
of  the  Northwest.  It  had  been  occupied  by  traders  for  many  years ;  but  the  first  Jesuit 
mission  was  not  begun  until  Marquette  established  that  of  St.  Ignace  in  1671.  A  few 
years  later  the  fort  was  built  and  garrisoned.  Mackinac  Island  is  45°  54'  north  lati- 
tude by  80°  30'  west  longitude  ;  but  the  Mackinac  of  Lahontan's  time  lay  on  the  north 
shore  of  the  strait,  as  his  map  plainly  indicates.  For  further  details  of  the  history  of 
this  place,  see  Thwaites,  "  Story  of  Mackinac,"  in  Honv  George  Rogers  Clark  If  on 
the  North-west  (Chicago,  1903).  —  Ed. 

2  Bay  des  Puants  (Stinkards)  was  the  French  name  for  Green  Bay,  Wisconsin. 
The  origin  of  the  term  arose  from  the  significance  of  the  name  of  the  Winnebago 
(men  from  the  bad-smelling  water).  For  further  details,  see  Wis.  Hist.  Colls.,  xvi, 
p.  3  ;  Thwaites,  Stories  of  the  Badger  State  (New  York,  1900),  p.  30.  —  Ed. 


to  iV^or^Z>- America.  147 

thefe  different  places,  muft  lye  here  fome  time  before  they 
are  tranf ported  to  the  Colony.  MijjiUmakinac  is  fituated  very 
advantageoufly  ;  for  the  Iroquefe  dare  not  venture  with  their 
forry  Canows,  to  crofs  the  Streight  of  the  lUinefe  Lake,  which 
is  two  Leagues  over  ;  befides  that  the  Lake  of  the  Hiirons  is 
too  rough  for  fuch  flender  Boats :  And  as  they  cannot  come 
to  it  by  Water,  fo  they  cannot  approach  to  it  by  Land,  by 
reafon  of  the  Marfhes,  Fens,  and  little  Rivers,  which  'twould 
be  very  difficult  to  crofs ;  not  to  mention  that  the  Streight  of 
the  lUineJe  Lake  lies  ftill  in  their  way. 

[89]  You  can  fcarce  believe.  Sir,  what  vafl:  fholes  of  white 
Fifh  are  catch'd  about  the  middle  of  the  Channel,  between  the 
Continent  and  the  Ifle  of  Mijfilimakinac.  The  Outaouas  and 
the  Htirons  could  never  fubfift  here,  without  that  Fiihery ;  for 
they  are  oblig'd  to  travel  above  twenty  Leagues  in  the  Woods, 
before  they  can  kill  any  Harts  or  Elks,  and  'twould  be  an 
infinite  fatigue  to  carry  their  Carcafes  fo  far  over  Land.  This 
fort  of  white  Fifli  in  my  opinion,  is  the  only  one  in  all  thefe 
Lakes  that  can  be  call'd  good ;  and  indeed  it  goes  beyond  all 
other  forts  of  River  Fifh.  Above  all,  it  has  one  fingular  prop- 
erty, namely,  that  all  forts  of  Sauces  fpoil  it,  fo  that  'tis  always 
eat  either  boil'd  or  broil'd,  without  any  manner  of  feafoning.^ 
In  the  Channel  I  now  fpeak  of  the  Currents  are  fo  ftrong,  that 
they  fometimes  fuck  in  the  Nets,  though  they  are  two  or  three 
Leagues  off.    In  fome  feafons,  it  fo  falls  out  that  the  Currents 


^  There  are  several  species  of  the  whitefish  of  the  lakes.  The  common  one, 
Coregonus  clupclformis,  is  the  largest  and  the  best  food.  These  fish  formed  an 
important  article  of  Indian  diet.  —  Ed. 


148  Some  New  Voyages 

run  three  days  Eaftward,  two  days  to  the  Weft,  one  to  the 
South,  and  four  Northward  ;  fometimes  more,  and  fometimes 
lefs.  The  caufe  of  this  diverfity  of  Currents  could  never  be 
fathom'd,  for  in  a  calm,  they'l  run  in  the  fpace  of  one  day  to 
all  the  points  of  the  Compafs,  i.  e.  fometimes  one  way,  fome- 
times another,  without  any  limitation  of  time;  fo  that  the  deci- 
fion  of  this  matter  muft  be  left  to  the  Difciples  of  Copernicus. 
Here  the  Savages  catch  Trouts  as  bigh  as  one's  Thigh,  with 
a  fort  of  Fifhing-Hook  made  in  the  form  of  an  Awl,  and  made 
faft  to  a  piece  of  Brafs  wire,  which  is  joyn'd  to  the  Line  that 
reaches  to  the  bottom  of  the  Lake.^  This  fort  of  Fifhery  is 
carried  on  not  only  with  Hooks,  but  with  Nets,  and  that  in 
Winter,  as  well  as  in  Summer  :  For  they  make  holes  in  the  Ice 
at  a  certain  diftance  one  from  another,  thro'  which  they  con- 
du6t  the  Nets  with  Poles.  The  Outaouas  and  the  Hurons  have 
very  pleafant  Fields,  in  which  they  fow  Indian  Corn,  Peafe, 
[90]  and  Beans,  befides  a  fort  of  Citruls,^  and  Melons,  which 
differs  much  from  ours,  and  of  which  I  fhall  take  occafion  to 
fpeak  in  another  place.  Sometimes,  thefe  Savages  fell  their 
Corn  very  dear,  efpecially  when  the  Beaver-hunting  happens 
not  to  take  well :  Upon  which  occafion  they  make  fufficient 
reprifals  upon  us  for  the  extravagant  price  of  our  Com- 
modities. 

As  foon  as  I  have  bought  up  fixty  facks  of  Corn,  each  of 


^  This  is  the  Mackinac  trout  {Sal'velinus  namycush) ,  which  often  grows  to  great 
size.     Its  flesh  is  inferior  to  that  of  the  whitefish.  —  Ed. 

2  Citrouille,  or  summer  squash  {Cucurbita  polymortha)  was  raised  extensively 
by  the  North  American  Indians.  —  Ed. 


to  North' hmtnc2i.  149 

which  may  weigh  fifty  pound,  I  am  to  march  with  my  Detach- 
ment alone  to  St.  Mary\  Fort,  in  order  to  ingage  the  Sauteurs 
or  the  Inhabitants  of  Saut  Saint  Marie^  to  joyn  the  Outaouas'^; 
after  which  we  mean  to  march  with  joynt  Forces  to  the  Coun- 
try of  the  Iroquefe.  Befides  thefe,  there's  a  party  of  a  hundred 
Hiirons  ready  to  march,  under  the  Command  of  the  great 
Leader  Adario^  whom  the  French  call  the  Rat;  but  they  do 
not  march  our  way.  I  fhall  write  to  you  with  the  firfl  Oppor- 
tunity after  my  return  from  this  Expedition.^  Perhaps  the 
Jefuits  will  fend  your  Letters  for  me  along  with  Mr.  Denon- 
ville^s  to  Fort  St.  Jofeph,  where  I  am  to  refide.  I  fhall  expe6l 
their  arrival  with  the  utmoft  impatience.  In  the  mean  time  I 
fend  you  a  Letter  direded  to  Mr.  de  Seignelai,  the  purport  of 
which  I  have  here  fubjoyn'd.  'Twill  be  a  very  fenfible  obliga- 
tion laid  upon  me,  if  you  vouchfafe  to  believe  that  I  always  am, 

SIR, 

YourSy  &c. 


^  The  Saulteurs  were  a  Chippewa  tribe,  so  named  by  the  French  from  first  encoun- 
tering one  of  their  bands  at  Sault  Ste.  Marie ;  the  name  was  afterwards  extended  to 
the  entire  tribe.  Sault  Ste.  Marie  was  visited  by  traders  as  early  as  1616,  and  the 
Jesuit  mission  thereat  was  established  in  1669.  In  early  days  it  took  precedence  of 
Mackinac;  but  after  tlie  discovery  of  the  Mississippi,  the  latter  place  increased  in 
importance,  as  being  upon  the  path  thither,  and  by  1689  the  Sault  was  practically 
abandoned,  except  as  a  station  on  the  trade  route  to  the  far  Northwest. —  Ed. 

2  This  is  Lahontan's  first  mention  of  the  famous  chief,  to  whom  he  ascribes  his 
Dialogues.  Kondiaronk,  to  give  him  his  Huron  name,  was  a  savage  of  much  ability, 
who  played  a  prominent  part  in  Frontenac's  War  (1689-97) .  His  skill  in  diplomacy, 
and  in  confederating  the  tribes,  makes  of  him  a  precursor  of  Pontiac  and  Tecumseh. 
He  was  strongly  attached  to  Frontenac,  and  accepted  his  counsel.  Charlevoix  says 
that  he  was  a  Christian  convert,  and  often  preached  at  Mackinac.  Dying  at  Montreal 
during  an  important  peace  conference  (1701),  he  was  interred  with  elaborate  rites. 
See  Charlevoix,  Histoire  de  Nowvelle  France  (Shea's  trans.),  v,  pp.  145-148.  —  Ed. 


150  Some  New  Voyages 


[91]      The  Letter  directed  to  Mr.  de  Seignelay. 

Honoured  Sir, 

I  AM  the  Son  of  a  Gentleman  that  fpent  three  hundred 
thoufand  Crov/ns  in  deepening  the  Water  of  the  two  Gaves 
of  Beam :  He  had  the  good  luck  to  compafs  his  End  by  con- 
veying a  great  many  Brooks  to  thefe  two  Rivers;  and  the 
Current  of  the  Adour  was  by  that  means  fo  far  ftrengthen'd 
as  to  render  the  Bar  of  Bayonne  paffable  by  a  fifty  Gun  Ship, 
whereas  in  former  times  a  Frigot  of  ten  Guns  durft  not  ven- 
ture over  it.  'Twas  in  confideration  of  this  great  and  fucceffful 
Attempt,  that  his  Majefty  granted  to  my  Father  and  his  Heirs 
for  ever,  certain  Duties  and  Taxes,  amounting  to  the  Sum  of 
three  thoufand  Livres  a  Year.  This  Grant  was  confirm'd  by 
an  Ad  of  the  Council  of  State,  dated  January  9.  1658,  Sign'd 
Boffuet,  Collated,  &'c.  Another  Advantage  accruing  to  the 
King  and  the  Province  from  my  Father's  Services,  confifts  in 
the  bringing  down  of  Mafts  and  Yards  from  the  Pyrenean 
Mountains,  which  could  never  have  been  eifeded,  if  he  had 
not  by  his  Care,  and  by  the  disburfmg  of  immenfe  Sums,  en- 
larged the  quantity  of  Water  in  the  Gave  of  Oleron  to  a  double 
proportion.  Thefe  Duties  and  Taxes  which  had  been  juftly 
intail'd  upon  him  and  his  Heirs,  ceas'd  to  be  ours  when  he 
dy'd ;  and  to  inflame  the  Difgrace,  I  loft  his  Places,  viz.  that 
of  being  a  Honorary  Judge  of  the  Parliament  of  Pau^  and  Chief 


to  iV<?;Y^-America.  151 

Juftice  in  Eyre  for  the  Province  of  Beam  ;  all  which  were  mine 
by  Inheritance.^  Thefe  Loffes  are  now  follow'd  by  an  unjuft 
Seizure  that  fome  pretended  Creditors  have  made  of  the  Barony 
of  la  Hontan,  [92]  of  a  piece  of  Ground  that  lies  contiguous  to 
it,  and  of  a  hundred  thoufand  Livres  that  lay  in  the  hands  of 
the  Chamber  of  Bayonne.  Thefe  faithlefs  Creditors  have  no 
other  reafon  to  fue  me,  but  that  I  am  now  in  the  fagg  end  of 
the  World,  and  that  they  are  rich,  and  fupported  by  the  Credit 
and  Protedlion  of  the  Parliament  of  Paris,  where  they  hope  to 
make  good  their  unjuft  Pretenfions  in  my  Abfence.  Laft  Year 
I  obtain'd  Leave  to  return  to  France,  in  order  to  take  care  of 
this  matter;  but  now  Mr.  de  Denonville  has  fent  me  with  a 
Detachment  to  thefe  Lakes;  from  whence  I  humbly  petition 
that  your  Honour  would  vouchfafe  me  Leave  to  come  home 
the  next  Year,  and  at  the  fame  time  honour  me  with  your 
Protection.     I  am,  with  all  pofTible  refped. 

Tour  Honours,  &c. 


1  For  a  further  account  of  the  services  of  Lahontan's  father,  Isaac  Lorn  d'Arce, 
baron  de  Lahontan  and  d'EsIeich,  see  Roy,  "  Le  Baron  de  Lahontan,"  in  Ca;/.  Roy. 
Soc.  Proc,  I  St  series,  xii,  pp.  67-69,  166-173.  —  Ed. 


152  Some  New  P^oyages 


LETTER    XV. 

Dated  at  Mijfilimakinac  Sept.  18.  1688. 
Dejcribing  the  Fall  call'd  Saut  St.  Marie,  where  the  Author  per- 
fwades  the  Inhabitants  to  joyn  the  Outaouas,  and  march  againft 
the  Iroquefe.    And  containing  an  Account  of  the  Occurrences  of 
the  Voyage  between  that  Place  and  Miffilimakinac. 

SIR, 

I  AM  now  return'd  from  the  Iroquefe  Country,  and  have 
quitted  the  Fort  of  5^.  Jofeph,  againft  my  Will.  I  cannot 
allow  my  felf  to  doubt,  but  that  you  took  care  of  the  Letter 
direded  for  Mr.  de  Seignelay,  v^\i\ch.  I  tranfmitted  to  you  three 
Months  ago. 

[93]  I  fet  out  from  hence  in  my  Canow,  June  2.  And  after 
my  Arrival  at  the  Water-fall  call'd  Saut  Sainte  Marie,  I  per- 
fwaded  forty  young  Warlike  Fellows  to  joyn  the  Party  of  the 
Outaouas  that  I  mention'd  in  my  laft.  This  Saut  Sainte  Marie 
is  a  Catarad,  or  rather  a  Water-fall  of  two  Leagues  in  length, 
which  gives  vent  to  the  Waters  of  the  upper  Lake,  and  at  the 
bottom  of  which,  not  far  from  the  Jefuits  Houfe,  there's  a 
Village  of  the  Outchipoues,  alias  Sauteurs}  This  Place  is  a  great 
Thoroughfare   for  the   Coureurs  de  Bois  that  trade  with  the 

1  For  an  interesting  Indian  legend  of  the  origin  of  Sault  Ste.  Marie,  see  Jes.  Ret., 
liv,  p.  201.  —  Ed. 


to  North- A.mtnc2i,  153 

Northern  People,  who  ufually  repair  to  the  brinks  of  that 
Lake  in  the  Summer.  The  continual  Fogg  that  rifes  from 
the  upper  Lake,  and  fpreads  over  the  adjacent  Country,  ren- 
ders the  Ground  fo  barren,  that  it  bears  no  Corn.  The  13th 
of  the  fame  Month  I  fet  out  from  the  abovemention'd  Village, 
being  accompany'd  by  the  forty  young  Sauteurs,  who  embark'd 
in  five  Canows,  each  of  which  held  eight  Men.  The  i6th  we 
arriv'd  at  the  Ifle  of  Detour,  where  my  Soldiers  and  the  Party 
of  the  Outaoiias  had  tarry'd  for  me  two  days.^  The  firft  day 
was  fpent  by  the  Outaouas  and  the  Sauteurs  in  Warlike  Feafts, 
Dancing,  and  Singing,  purfuant  to  their  wonted  Cuftom : 
The  next  day  we  all  embark'd,  and  traverfing  from  Ifle  to  Ifle, 
made  the  Ifland  of  Manitoualin  in  four  days.  This  Ifland  is 
25  Leagues  long,  and  feven  or  eight  broad.  In  former  times 
'twas  pofTefs'd  by  the  Outaouas  of  Talon,  call'd  the  Otontagans ; 
who  were  diflodg'd  by  the  Progrefs  of  the  Iroquefe,  that  has 
ruin'd  fo  many  Nations.^  We  coafted  upon  that  Ifle  a  whole 
day ;  and  being  favour'd  by  a  Calm,  crofs'd  from  Ifle  to  Ifle 


1  Isle  of  Detour  was  the  present  Drummond  Island,  which  lies  east  of  Detour 
Strait — the  passage  to  St.  Mary's  River;  the  Indian  name  was  "  Pontaganipy."  In 
1815  the  island  obtained  its  present  title  in  honor  of  Sir  Gordon  Drummond,  then 
lieutenant-governor  of  Canada.  See  Cook,  Drummond  Island  (Lansing,  Mich., 
1896).  — Ed. 

2  Grand  Manitouiin  Island  appears  to  have  been  the  original  home  of  the  Ottawa 
—  first  called  by  the  French  "  cheveux  relevez,"  from  their  custom  of  wearing  the 
hair  erect.  See  Jes.  Rel.,  xiv,  note  9.  After  the  devastation  of  the  Huron  country 
by  the  Iroquois  (1649-51),  many  of  the  vanquished  Huron  fled  to  Manitouiin  ;  later, 
the  entire  island  appears  to  have  been  deserted.  The  Relation  of  1670-72  speaks  of 
a  tribe  of  Ottawa  who  had  betaken  themselves  to  this  island,  their  former  home  ;  prob- 
ably this  was  the  band  led  by  chief  Talon  (named  for  the  intendant  of  Canada), 
whom  Hennepin  encountered  in  this  country.  See  his  Neiv  Discovery,  pp.  316,  317. 
The  present  Indian  population  is  an  admixture  of  Huron  and  Ottawa. — Ed. 


154  Some  New  Voyages 

till  we  made  the  Eaft-fide  of  the  Lake.  In  this  Paffage  we 
crofs'd  between  two  Iflands  that  were  fix  Leagues  diftant  the 
one  from  the  other ;  and  upon  that  occafion  our  Watermen, 
who  were  not  us'd  to  venture  fo  far  out  in  their  flender  Boats, 
were  fain  to  tugg  hard  at  their  Oars.^  The  Savages  flood  out 
at  firft,  and  refus'd  to  [94]  venture  fo  far  from  Land,  for  they 
would  rather  have  gone  fifty  Leagues  about ;  but  at  laft  I 
over-perfwaded  'em,  by  reprefenting  that  I  would  have  been 
very  loth  to  venture  my  own  Perfon,  if  I  had  not  been  fuf- 
ficently  provided  againfi:  all  danger  by  an  exad  knowledge 
of  the  Winds  and  the  Storms.  The  Calm  continuing,  we 
made  the  River  of  Theonontate  on  the  25th.  The  next  day 
there  fprung  up  a  Gale  from  the  Weft-fouth-weft,  which  kept 
us  back  for  four  or  five  days ;  but  our  flop  was  of  no  great 
advantage  to  us,  for  it  rain'd  fo  heavily,  that  we  could  not 
hunt.  This  Country  is  the  ancient  Seat  of  the  Hurons,  as  it 
appears  from  the  Name  they  give  to  their  Nations  in  their 
own  Language,  viz.  Theonontateronons,  i.  e.  the  Inhabitants  of 
Theonontate.  But  after  the  I roquefe  had,  upon  divers  occafions, 
taken  and  defeated  great  numbers  of  'em,  the  refi:  quitted  the 
Country  to   avoid   the  like   Fate.^     We   re-embark'd  on  the 


^  Scadding  {Canadian  Journal,  new  series,  xiii,  p.  313)  identifies  the  two  islands 
as  those  now  known  as  Fitzwilliam,  and  the  Isle  of  Caves  off  Cape  Hurd,  both  across 
the  entrance  of  Georgian  Bay.  He  identifies  the  River  Theonontate  with  the  Mait- 
land,  in  Huron  County,  Ontario.  It  was  more  probably  the  Nottawausaga,  in  Simcoe 
County,  where  the  Tionnontate  had  their  earliest  home.  —  Ed. 

2  The  Tionnontate,  called  by  the  French  Tobacco  Huron  or  Petuns,  were  known 
to  the  earliest  French  explorers.  Their  ancient  seat  was  in  Simcoe  County,  but  all 
the  peninsula  between  Georgian  Bay  and  lower  Lake  Huron  was  known  as  the 
"  Country  of  the  Ancient  Hurons."     This  is  the  tribe  among  whom  Marquette  had 


to  iVor^A- America.  155 

29th,  and  on  the  ift  of  July  arriv'd  at  Fort  St.  Jofeph^  where 
the  Soldiers  I  had  left  waited  for  us  with  great  Impatience. 
Having  landed  fome  Sacks  Corn  at  the  Fort,  we  fet  out  again 
on  the  3d  of  Jnly\  and  purfued  our  Courfe  with  all  diligence, 
in  order  to  an  early  Appearance  in  the  Iroquefe  Country.  We 
fail'd  through  the  Streight  or  Neck,  and  flood  to  the  South- 
fide,  of  the  Lake  Erie ;  and  being  favour'd  by  the  Weather, 
arriv'd  on  the  17th  in  the  River  of  Conde,  which  I  fhall  have 
occafion  to  take  notice  of  in  defcribing  the  Lakes  of  Canada} 
Immediately,  upon  our  Landing,  the  Savages  fell  to  work  in 
cutting  down  Trees,  and  making  a  Redoubt  of  Stakes,  or 
Pales,  for  the  Security  of  our  Canows  and  Baggage,  and  for  a 
fafe  Retreat  to  our  felves  in  cafe  of  neceffity. 

The  20th  they  march'd,  each  Man  being  provided  with  a 
light  Covering,  a  Bow,  and  fome  Arrows,  (or  elfe  a  Fufee) 
and  a  little  Bag  containing  ten  pound  weight  of  the  Flowr  of 
the  Indian  Corn.  [95]  They  thought  it  mofl:  convenient  to 
keep  to  the  Banks  of  the  River,  upon  which  the  Goyogoans  are 


his  Mackinac  mission  of  St.  Ignace  ;  they  afterwards  settled  at  Detroit,  and  were 
known  to  the  English  as  Wyandots.  On  the  Iroquois  war  which  expelled  them  from 
their  ancient  home,  see  Parkman,  Jesuits,  pp.  403-410.  On  their  later  history  and 
migrations,  see  Shea,  in  Historical  Magazine,  v,  pp.  262-265.  -A-  remnant  still 
exists  on  a  reservation  near  Amherstburg,  Ont.  — Ed. 

^This  name,  "River  de  Conde,"  appears  to  be  peculiar  to  Lahontan,  from 
whom  Pownall  quotes  it  in  his  description  of  1754  (A^  y.  Colon.  Docs.,  vi,  p.  896). 
In  our  author's  later  description,  and  upon  his  map  he  exaggerates  the  size  and  length 
of  the  stream,  which  from  its  location  must  be  either  Mill  Creek,  Erie  County,  Pa., 
whence  the  portage  ran  to  the  sources  of  the  Allegheny,  or  Chautauqua  Creek,  in 
New  York,  whence  the  usual  portage  to  the  lake  of  that  name  was  about  six  miles. 
Scadding  thinks  it  was  Cattaraugus  Creek  ;  but  the  portage  thence  to  the  Allegheny 
was  much  longer  than  Lahontan  describes,  post.  —  Ed. 


156  Some  New  Voyages 

wont  to  fifh  for  Sturgeon;  for  that  Fifh,  which  is  fix  foot  in 
length,  comes  out  of  the  Lakes  in  hot  Weather,  and  fwims  up 
the  Rivers.^  They  had  refolv'd  Hkewife,  if  they  found  the 
Country  clear,  to  march  up  and  furprife  the  Villages  of  the 
Goyogoans :  but  they  were  foon  eas'd  of  that  trouble;  for  they 
had  not  march'd  two  days  when  their  Scouts  defcry'd  three 
hundred  Iroquefe :  and  on  the  other  hand  the  Iroquefe  fpy'd 
them  to  fuch  purpofe,  that  the  Scouts  efcap'd  very  narrowly, 
and  had  much  ado  to  return  to  the  body  of  the  Party,  which 
immediately  betook  themfelves  to  flight.  I  was  mightily  fur- 
pris'd  when  I  heard  the  Centinel  of  our  Redoubt  cry  out, 
AuxArmes^  our  Men  are  beaten  and  purfued ;  but  I  was  yet  more 
furpriz'd  when  I  faw  the  Fugitives  run  at  full  fpeed,  when 
there  was  no  body  behind  them.  When  they  came  up  they 
were  all  filent  for  half  an  hour,  purfuant  to  their  Ufe  and 
Wont ;  after  which  their  Leader  recounted  to  me  the  Particu- 
lars of  the  Adventure.  I  thought  at  firft  that  their  advanc'd 
Guards  had  miftook  the  number  of  the  Enemies ;  for  I  knew 
that  the  Outaoiias  had  not  the  Reputation  of  too  much  Cour- 
age :  but  the  next  day  a  Party  of  the  Iroquefe  appear'd  in  fight 
of  our  Redoubt,  which  gave  me  occafion  to  believe  that  they 
were  in  the  right  of  it.  Nay,  this  Truth  was  afterwards  con- 
firmed by  a  certain  Slave  call'd  Chaouanon,  who  made  his 
efcape  to  the  Redoubt,  and  affur'd  me,  that  the  Iroquefe  were 
not  lefs  than  four  hundred ;  to  which  he  added,  that  they 
expedted  to  be  joyn'd  by  fixty  more  that  had  march'd  fome 


^  Lahontan  here  correctly  describes  the  habits  of  the  lake  sturgeon  {Acipensev 
rubicundus)  which  spawns  in  the  small  streams.  —  Ed. 


J^7\  \lUJ.p.I.A\  T 

Jhii'A       \.UL[.iM        iaw.«        «««uA        .iiiMiLui        .i..n..i..       \imnit        | 


I 


to  7Vo;Y/6-America.  157 

Months  before  to  the  Country  of  the  Oumamis.  He  inform'd 
us  farther,  That  while  the  Marquis  de  Denonville  was  concert- 
ing meafures  for  a  Peace  with  the  five  Nations,  an  EngUPiman, 
of  the  Name  of  J  rid,  accompany'd  with  fome  others,  endeav- 
our'd  to  diffwade  them  from  Peace,  by  Orders  [96J  from  the 
Governour  of  New  Tork}  In  the  mean  time  the  Savages  hav- 
ing prefs'd  me  to  afTift  at  a  Council  of  War,  they  propos'd  to 
lie  by  for  a  fair  Wind,  and  then  to  embark.  They  repre- 
fented,  that  they  defign'd  to  fail  to  the  end  of  the  Lake,  where 
they  would  infallibly  light  upon  the  fixty  Iroquefe  that  I  men- 
tion'd  above ;  but  withal,  that  they  could  not  agree  to  fet  out 
in  a  Calm,  becaufe  that  after  their  quitting  the  Redoubt,  and 
launching  out,  a  contrary  Wind  might  force  'em  afhore,  where 
their  Throats  might  be  cut  if  the  Enemy  purfu'd  'em.  I 
reply'd,  That  'twas  then  fuch  fine  Weather,  that  we  had 
nothing  to  expedt  but  Calms ;  that  if  we  tarry'd  longer  in  this 
Place,  our  Enemies  would  thereby  gain  time  to  make  Canows 
in  order  to  a  Purfuit ;  that  fince  the  favourablenefs  of  the 
Wind  was  fo  uncertain,  we  ought  to  embark  without  lofs  of 
time ;  that  we  might  fail  in  the  Night,  and  fculk  in  the  Day- 
time behind  Rocks  and  Points  of  Land  ;  and,  that  by  this 
means  the  Enemy  would  be  at  a  lofs  to  know  whether  we  ftood 
to  the  South  or  to  the  North  fide  of  the  Lake.  The  Savages 
made  Anfwer,  That  'twas  true  their  tarrying  might  be  every 
way  prejudicial ;   but  'twas  equally  true,  that  my  Expedient 

^  For  the  negotiations  between  Governors  Denonville  and  Dongan,  see  A^.  T. 
Colon.  Docs.,  iii,  pp.  438-564  ;  ix,  388-404.  By  the  "  Englishman  Aria,"  Lahontan 
doubtless  intends  Arnout  Cornelisse  Viele,  whom  Dongan  employed  as  his  messenger 
to  the  Iroquois.  —  Ed. 


158  Some  New  Voyages 

was  dangerous :  However,  they  confented  to  embark  along 
with  us,  and  for  that  end  gumm'd  their  Canows.  We  embark'd 
on  the  24th  at  night,  and  the  Weather  being  fair,  clear,  and 
calm,  made  a  great  deal  of  way  that  night,  and  the  fucceeding 
day.  The  next  Evening  we  came  to  an  Anchor,  defigning  to 
fleep  for  three  or  four  hours,  but  not  to  ftir  out  of  the 
Canows.  About  Midnight  we  weigh'd  our  little  wooden 
Anchors,  and  one  half  of  the  Men  row'd  while  the  other  was 
at  reft.  Thus  did  we  continue  to  fteer  with  a  great  deal  of 
Precaution  and  Care,  rowing  all  night,  and  lying  by  all  day. 

July  28.  when  we  were  lying  almoft  all  afleep  in  a  Creek  of 
a  little  Ifland,  the  Watch  defcrying  fome  [97]  Canows  that 
made  towards  us,  wak'd  fome  Savages  that  had  gone  a-fhore 
to  fleep  the  more  conveniently.  The  Noife  having  alarm'd  us 
all,  we  prefently  made  our  felves  ready  to  get  in  head  of  thefe 
Canows  ;  but  at  the  fame  time,  tho'  we  were  but  half  a  League 
off,  we  could  not  diftinguifh  who  they  were,  by  reafon  that  the 
Sun-beams  falling  perpendicularly,  made  the  Surface  of  the 
Water  look  like  a  Looking-glafs.  Indeed  there  being  but 
two  of  'em,  we  reckon'd  they  were  mann'd  with  Iroqnefe^  and 
that  each  of  'em  contain'd  at  leaft  twenty  Men:  upon  which 
fufpicion,  the  Leader  of  the  Sauteurs  offered  to  go  a-fhore  with 
his  Men,  and  poft  himfelf  at  the  Entry  of  a  Wood,  from  whence 
he  would  foftly  follow  the  Canows  without  being  difcover'd, 
till  fuch  time  as  we  forc'd  'em  a-fliore.  At  the  fame  time  he 
propos'd  that  the  Outaouas  and  my  Detachment  fhould  fuffer 
'em  to  be  within  a  Musket-fhot  of  the  Ifland  before  we  dif- 
cover'd our  felves,  or  offer'd  to  give  'em  chafe,  upon  the 


to  iV(?r^/6- America.  159 

apprehenfion  that  If  we  follow'd  'em  clofer,  they  would  be  fo 
far  from  getting  on  fhore,  that  they  would  fight  as  defperate, 
and  choofe  rather  to  be  klll'd  or  drown'd  than  to  be  taken. 
This  Propofal  was  llk'd,  and  every  thing  was  manag'd  accord- 
ingly. As  foon  as  our  unknown  Enemy  perceiv'd  us,  they 
made  the  Shore  with  all  imaginable  Precipitation;  and  juft 
when  they  were  going  to  knock  their  Prifoners  on  the  Head, 
the  Sauteurs  fell  upon  'em,  but  mifs'd  of  their  aim  in  taking 
'em  all  alive;  for  they  fought  to  the  laft  gafp,  like  Men  that 
knew  no  Medium  betwixt  Conqueft  and  Death.  Una  falus 
vi£lis  nullam  fpej-are  falntem.  This  Engagement  happen'd  while 
we  landed :  however,  the  Sauteurs  came  off  with  Honour,  for 
they  loft  only  four  Men,  and  of  twenty  Iroquefe  they  kill'd 
three,  wounded  five,  and  took  the  reft  Prifoners,  fo  that  not 
one  of  'em  efcap'd.  The  Iroquefe  had  along  with  them  eighteen 
Slaves  of  the  Oumamis,  who  were  all  wounded,  and  feven  big- 
belly'd  [98]  Women,  from  whom  we  had  Intelligence  that  the 
reft  of  their  Party  were  then  upon  their  Return  by  Land  upon 
the  Banks  of  the  Lake,  having  thirty  four  Prifoners,  of  both 
Sexes;  and  that  they  could  not  then  be  far  oflF.  When  this 
Intelligence  was  laid  before  us,  the  Outaouas  were  of  the  opinion 
that  we  fhould  reft  fatisfied  with  the  Feats  we  had  done,  upon 
the  Plea  that  the  above-mention'd  four  hundred  Iroquefe  would 
certainly  get  before  us.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Sauteurs  main- 
tain'd  that  they  had  rather  perifh  than  fail  to  attempt  the 
Refcue  of  thefe  Prifoners,  and  the  Defeat  of  the  whole  Party; 
and  that  if  no  body  would  fecond  'em,  they  would  make  the 
Attempt    by  themfelves.      The    Bravery  of   this    Refolution 


i6o  Some  New  Voyages 

oblig'd  me  to  encourage  and  egg  on  the  Outaoiias.  I  remon- 
ftrated  to  'em,  that  in  regard  the  Saiiteurs  Ingrofs'd  the  Glory 
of  the  former  A6lion,  they  had  more  reafon  than  we  to  decline 
the  rifque  of  a  fecond  Engagement:  that  if  we  refus'd  to  back 
'em,  our  Cowardice  would  cover  us  with  everlafting  Infamy : 
and,  that  in  order  to  render  the  Attack  more  fecure,we  ought 
to  ufe  a  fpeedy  Precaution  in  finding  out  fome  Point  or  Elbow 
of  Land  where  our  Canows,  our  Baggage,  and  our  Prifoners 
might  be  lodg'd  fafe.  The  Outaouas  had  a  great  deal  of  Re- 
ludancy  to  the  matter  ;  however,  after  confulting  among  them- 
felves,  they  comply'd  with  the  Propofal,  more  for  Shame,  than 
out  of  true  Courage.  Having  laid  down  that  joint  Refolution, 
we  made  up  a  little  fort  of  a  Fence  in  feven  or  eight  hours, 
and  then  fent  out  Scouts  on  all  hands,  while  the  main  Body 
was  kept  in  readinefs  to  march  upon  the  firft  Alarm. 

Aiiguft  4.  two  of  our  Spies  return'd  upon  full  fpeed,  to 
acquaint  us  that  the  h'oquefe  were  not  above  three  Leagues 
off,  and  that  they  advanc'd  towards  us ;  and  withal,  that  upon 
the  Road  there  was  a  little  Brook,  upon  which  an  Ambufcado 
might  be  conveniently  laid.  This  Advice  animated  our  Sav- 
ages fo  much,  [99]  that  they  run  immediately  to  take  Poffef- 
fion  of  that  Advantageous  Poft :  but  they  knew  not  how  to 
make  the  right  ufe  of  it.  The  Outaouas  were  too  hafty  in  firing  ; 
and  by  fhooting  at  too  great  a  diftance,  gave  all  the  Enemies 
an  opportunity  of  making  their  Efcape,  abating  for  ten  or 
twelve  whofe  Heads  were  brought  into  the  little  Fort  v/here  I 
ftay'd.  The  Slaves  indeed  were  all  retaken,  and  fo  refcued 
from  the  Cruelty  of  thefe  Tygers ;  which  encourag'd  us  to 


to  iVor^Z'- America.  i6i 

reft  fatisfied.  When  the  Expedition  was  over,  we  ftow'd  thefe 
poor  Wretches  in  our  Canows,  and  fteer'd  with  all  Expedition 
to  the  Streight  or  Neck  of  the  Lake  of  Hiiron^  which  we  made 
on  the  13th.  We  enjoy'd  a  great  deal  of  Pleafure  in  ftemming 
the  Current  of  that  Streight ;  the  Iflands  of  which,  that  I 
mention'd  above,  were  cover'd  with  Roe  bucks.  This  oppor- 
tunity we  did  not  flight;  nor  did  we  grudge  our  flopping 
upon  thefe  Iflands  for  eight  days ;  during  which  time  we  were 
bufied  in  Hunting,  and  refrefh'd  our  felves  with  plenty  of 
excellent  Fruit  that  was  fully  ripe.  Here  the  wounded  and 
retaken  Prifoners  had  an  opportunity  of  refting,  and  of  drink- 
ing the  Broth  of  feveral  forts  of  Meat ;  and  we  had  time  to 
broil  as  much  Meat  as  we  could  flow  in  our  Canows,  not  to 
mention  the  great  numbers  of  Turkeys  that  we  were  oblig'd 
to  eat  upon  the  fpot,  for  fear  that  the  heat  of  the  Seafon  would 
fpoil  'em. 

In  that  fpace  of  time  the  poor  wounded  Savages  were 
carefully  purg'd  with  fuch  Roots  as  the  Americans  are  well 
vers'd  in ;  which  I  mean  to  explain  to  you  in  its  proper  time 
and  place ;  and  they  wanted  not  good  Reftoratives  of  Jelly- 
broth.  The  24th  we  re-embark'd,  and  arriv'd  at  Night  at 
Fort  St.  Jofeph,  where  I  found  a  Party  of  eighty  Oumamis 
commanded  by  one  Michitonka,  who  being  lately  return'd 
from  Niagara^  expeded  my  Arrival  with  the  utmoft  impa- 
tience. When  I  landed,  I  was  furpris'd  to  fee  the  [100]  Fort 
cramm'd  with  Savages;  but  on  the  other  hand,  they  were 
equally  aftonifli'd  to  find  in  our  Company  their  Country-men, 

to  whofe  hard  Fortune  they  had  been  altogether  Strangers. 
11 


1 62  Some  New  Voyages 

The  joyful  Meeting  fill'd  the  Air  with  Acclamations,  and 
Panegyricks  rung  all  about  to  an  extravagant  degree.  I  wifh, 
Sir,  you  had  been  there  to  partake  of  the  Pleafure  of  fo  fine  a 
Show  :  had  you  been  prefent,  you  would  have  join'd  with  me 
in  owning  that  all  our  French  Rhetorick  cannot  reach  fuch 
pithy  and  fignificant  Figures,  efpecially  upon  the  fcore  of 
Hyperboles,  as  made  up  the  bulk  of  the  Harangues  and  Songs 
that  thefe  poor  People  utter'd  with  Rapture  and  Tranfport. 
Michhonka  acquainted  me,  that  after  he  went  to  the  Fort  of 
Niagara,  with  a  Defign  to  make  fome  Expedition  into  the 
Country  of  the  Tfonontouans,  he  found  that  the  Scurvey  had 
made  fuch  a  terrible  havock  in  that  Fort,  that  it  had  fweept  off 
the  Commander,  and  all  the  Soldiers,  bating  twelve,  who  had 
the  good  luck  to  get  over  it,  as  well  as  Mr.  de  Bergeres,  who 
by  the  advantage  of  a  hale  Conftitution  had  ftemm'd  the  raging 
Violence  of  that  Diftemper.^  He  inform'd  me  farther.  That 
Mr.  Bergeres  having  refolv'd  to  fet  out  with  his  twelve  Men 
for  the  Fort  of  Frontenac,  had  defir'd  of  him  a  Reinforcement 
of  fome  young  Oumamis,  which  was  granted  him ;  that  after 
Mr.  Bergeres  had  embark'd,  himfelf  march'd  over  Land  to  the 
Country  of  the  Onnontagiies,  where  he  rejoin'd  the  Reinforce- 
ment he  had  granted  to  Mr.  de  Bergeres,  and  underftood  from 
them,  that  during  the  Winter  the  Scurvey  had  carried  off  as 
many  Soldiers  at  Fort  Frontenac  as  at  Niagara  ;  and,  that  Mr. 
de  Denonville  was  negotiating  a  Peace  with  the  Iroquefe. 

The  Governour  of  Fort  Frontenac  had  requefted  Michitonka 


1  For  the  official  report  of  this  disaster,  and  the  abandonment  of  the  fort  at 
Niagara,  see  A^.  Y.  Colon.  Docs.,  ix,  pp.  386-388.  — Ed. 


to  A^or^/6- America.  163 

to  engage  in  no  Enterprife,  and  to  return  home  with  his  Men; 
upon  which  that  Leader  being  in  full  March  homeward,  was 
attack'd  by  three  hundred  [id]  Onnontagiies,  whom  he  durft 
not  engage  otherwife  than  in  a  running  Fight,  by  which  he 
loft  four  Men.  Being  inform'd  of  all  thefe  Circumftances,  I 
confulted  with  the  three  different  Nations  that  were  then 
pofted  in  my  Fort.  After  a  mature  Refledlion  upon  the  Intel- 
ligence that  was  laid  before  'em,  they  came  to  this  Refolution; 
That  fince  the  Marquis  de  Denonmlle  had  a  mind  to  clap  up  a 
Peace,  and  the  Fort  oi  Niagara  was  abdicated,  the  Fort  I  then 
commanded  would  be  of  no  ufe ;  that  fince  I  had  neither  Pro- 
vifions  nor  Ammunition  for  above  two  Months,  I  fhould  be 
oblig'd  at  the  end  of  thefe  two  Months  to  retreat  to  the  Place 
from  whence  I  now  write ;  that  at  that  time  of  the  Year  our 
Navigation  would  be  uneafie  and  dangerous;  that  in  regard  I 
lay  under  an  indifpenfible  neceflity  of  making  my  Retreat, 
'twas  of  no  great  moment  whether  I  march'd  off  two  Months 
fooner  or  later;  and,  in  fine,  that  fince  I  had  receiv'd  no  frefli 
Orders,  nor  no  Succors,  'twas  my  Bufinefs  to  go  off  along 
with  them.  This  Refolution,  which  was  a  fufficient  Argument 
to  fway  me,  afforded  matter  of  joy  to  the  Soldiers,  who  were 
afraid  of  being  oblig'd  to  a  more  rigorous  courfe  of  Abfti- 
nence  in  that  Poft  than  they  had  formerly  undergone ;  for  the 
meafures  of  a  critical  Abftinence  do  not  fit  well  upon  a 
Soldiers  Stomach.  In  fine,  purfuant  to  our  joint  Refolution, 
we  fet  fire  to  the  Fort  on  the  27th,  and  embarked  that  fame 
day,  and  keeping  clofe  to  the  South  fhore  of  the  Lake  that  I 
took  notice  of  in  my  laft,  arriv'd  here  on  the  loth  oi  September. 


164  Some  New  Voyages 

The  Oimamis  march'd  over  Land  to  their  own  Country,  and 
carry'd  with  'em  the  Wounded,  who  were  then  in  a  condition 
to  march. 

Upon  my  Arrival  in  this  Place,  I  found  here  Mr.  de  la 
Durantayy  whom  Mr.  Denonville  has  inverted  with  the  Com- 
miffion  of  Commander  of  the  Coiireurs  de  Bois  that  trade  upon 
the  Lakes,  and  in  the  Southern  Countries  of  Canada.  The 
Governour  has  fent  me  [102]  Orders  to  return  to  the  Colony 
if  the  Seafon  and  other  Circumftances  permit ;  or  to  tarry  here 
till  the  Spring  if  I  forefee  unfurmountable  Difficulties  in  the 
Paffage.  In  the  mean  time  he  has  fent  me  Effedls  to  anfwer 
the  Pay  of  my  Detachment,  and  to  fubfift  'em  in  the  Winter. 
Thefe  Orders  would  be  extream  acceptable  to  me,  if  I  could 
but  contrive  how  to  return  to  the  Colony;  but  that  feems  to 
be  abfolutely  impoffible,  and  both  the  French  and  the  Savages 
agree  that  it  is  fo.  There  are  in  that  Paffage  fo  many  Water- 
falls, Catarads,  and  Places  where  there's  a  necefTity  of  tedious 
Land-carriages,  that  I  dare  not  run  fuch  Hazards  with  my 
Soldiers,  who  cannot  work  the  Boats  but  upon  ftagnating 
Water.  Upon  that  confideration  I  have  thought  it  more 
proper  to  halt  here  till  the  next  Year ;  at  which  time  I  defign 
to  take  the  Advantage  of  the  Company  of  fome  Frenchmen 
and  Savages,  that  promife  to  take  into  each  of  their  Canows 
one  of  my  Men.  In  the  mean  time,  I  am  upon  the  point  of 
undertaking  another  Voyage,  for  I  cannot  mew  my  felf  up 
here  all  this  Winter.  I  defign  to  make  the  beft  ufe  of  my  time, 
and  to  travel  through  the  Southern  Countries  that  I  have  fo 


to  7Vor^i>- America.  165 

often  heard  of,  having  engag'd  four  or  five  good  Huntfmen 
of  the  Outaouas  to  go  along  with  me. 

The  Party  of  the  Hiirons  that  I  mention'd  in  the  beginning 
of  my  Letter,  return'd  hither  two  Months  ago,  and  brought 
with  'em  an  Iroqiiefe  Slave,  whom  their  Leader  prefented  to 
Mr.  de  luchereau,  the  late  Colonel  of  the  Coiireurs  de  Bois 
and  whom  that  Colonel  order'd  to  be  Immediately  fhot.  The 
crafty  Leader  adled  upon  that  occafion  a  very  cunning  and 
malicious  part,  the  fatal  Confequences  of  which  I  eafily  fore- 
fee:  He  intrufted  no  body  with  the  Secret  but  my  felf ;  for 
he  is  my  true  Friend,  and  he  knows  that  I  am  his.  However, 
I  muft  go  no  farther  upon  this  matter,  left  my  Letter  fhould 
be  intercepted.  Tho'  after  all,  if  the  Blow  were  not  already 
given,  [103]  or  if  'twere  pofTible  to  remedy  it,  my  Friendfhip 
fhould  not  hinder  me  from  acquainting  Mr.  de  Deiionville with 
the  Intrigue,  that  he  might  get  clear  of  it  as  well  as  he  could. 
If  it  pleafes  God  to  allow  me  a  fafe  Return  to  France^  I  fhall 
tell  you  the  Story  by  word  of  mouth. 

I  underftand  by  your  laft,  that  the  King  has  preferr'd  his 
Almoner,  the  Abbot  of  St.  Falters,  to  the  Bifhoprick  of  Quebec ; 
and  that  this  Bifhop  was  confecrated  in  St.  Sulpice^s  Church.^ 


^  The  Abbe  de  St.  Vallier  had  been  Bishop  Laval's  vicar-apostolic  since  1685  ; 
but  at  the  desire  of  the  latter  was  consecrated  bishop,  Jan.  25,  1688.  Jean  Bap- 
tiste  de  la  Croix  Chevriere,  known  as  St.  Vallier  from  his  benefice,  was  a  native  of 
Grenoble  (1653)  who  had  served  as  chaplain  of  Louis  XIV.  He  was  second  bishop 
of  Quebec,  retaining  the  office  until  his  death  (1727).  During  his  long  term  of  service, 
he  was  frequently  absent  in  France  (1694-97);  again  (1700-04),  when  he  was  cap- 
tured by  the  English  on  his  return  voyage,  and  kept  a  prisoner  five  years.  He  did 
not  finally  reach  Quebec  until  1713.  For  his  portrait  see  Jes.  Rel.,  Ixiv,  frontis- 
piece. —  Ed. 


1 66  Some  New  Voyages 

This  piece  of  News  would  be  very  welcome  to  me,  if  I  thought 
he  would  be  lefs  rigid  than  Mr.  de  Lavaly  his  Predeceffor. 
But  what  likelyhood  is  there  that  the  new  Bifhop  will  be  of  a 
tradable  temper?  If  'tis  true  that  he  has  refus'd  other  good 
Bifliopricks,  he  muft  be  as  fcrupulous  as  the  M.onk  Dracontius, 
that  St.  Athanafius  cenfures  for  not  accepting  of  a  Prefentation 
to  a  Bifhoprick  that  was  ofifer'd  him.  In  fine,  if  he  is  of  that 
fcrupulous  Temper,  his  critical  Stridnefs  will  fcarce  go  down 
in  this  Country ;  for  the  People  are  already  tyr'd  out  with  his 
Predeceffor's  Excommunications. 

/  am^ 

SIR, 

Tours,  &c. 


to  iVo;tZ>- America.  167 


[104]  LETTER  XVI. 
Dated  at  Mijjilimakinac^  May  28.  1689. 
Containing  an  Account  of  the  Author's  Departure  from^  and  Return 
to,  Miflilimakinac.  A  Defcription  of  the  Bay  of  Puants,  and 
its  Villages.  An  ample  Defcription  of  the  Beavers  ;  follow'' d  by 
the  Journal  of  a  remarkable  Voyage  upon  the  Long  River ^  and 
a  Map  of  the  adjacent  Country. 

SIR, 

THANK  God,  I  am  now  return'd  from  my  Voyage  upon 
the  Lofig  River,  which  falls  into  the  River  oi  Miffifipi.  I 
would  willingly  have  trac'd  it  up  to  its  Source,  if  feveral  Ob- 
ftacles  had  not  flood  in  my  way.  I  fet  out  from  hence  the 
24th  of  Sept.  accompany'd  with  my  own  Detachment,  and  the 
five  Huntfmen  I  mention'd  in  my  laft ;  who  indeed  did  me  a 
great  deal  of  Service.  All  the  Soldiers  were  provided  with 
new  Canows  loaded  with  Provifions  and  Ammunition,  and 
fuch  Commodities  as  are  proper  for  the  Savages.  The  Wind, 
which  ftood  then  in  the  North,  wafted  me  in  three  days  to  the 
Bay  of  Fouteouatamis,  that  lay  forty  Leagues  off.  The  mouth 
of  that  Bay  is  in  a  manner  choak'd  with  Ifles,  and  the  Bay  it 
felf  is  ten  Leagues  broad,  and  twenty  five  Leagues  long.^ 

^  Now  Green  Bay,  Wis.,  usually  called  by  the  French  Baye  des  Puants;  see 
p.  146,  note  2,  ante.  Charlevoix  says  that  the  Potawatomi  formerly  inhabited  these 
islands  at  the  mouth  of  the  bay,  after  being  driven  by  the  Iroquois  from  their  seats  in 
lower  Michigan.  —  Ed. 


1 68  Some  New  Voyages 

The  29th  we  came  to  a  little  deep  fort  of  a  River,  which 
difembogues  at  a  place  where  the  Water  of  the  Lake  fwells 
three  foot  high  in  twelve  hours,  and  decreafes  as  much  in  the 
fame  compafs  of  time.  Our  tarrying  there  three  or  four  days 
gave  me  an  opportunity  of  making  this  Remark.^  The  Villa- 
ges of  the  Sakis^  the  Pouteouatamis,  and  fome  Malominis,  are 
[105]  feated  on  the  fide  of  that  River,  and  the  Jefuits  have  a 
Houfe  or  College  built  upon  it.^  This  is  a  place  of  great 
Trade  for  Skins  and  Indian  Corn,  which  thefe  Savages  fell  to 
the  Coureurs  de  Bois,  as  they  come  and  go,  it  being  the  neareft 
and  moft  convenient  Paffage  to  the  River  of  Mijfifipl  The 
Soil  of  this  Country  is  fo  fertile,  that  it  produces  (in  a  man- 
ner without  Agriculture)  our  European  Corn,  Peafe,  Beans, 
and  feveral  other  Fruits  that  are  not  known  in  France.  As 
foon  as  I  landed,  the  Warriours  of  thefe  three  Nations  came 
by  turns  to  my  Apartment,  to  regale  me  with  the  Calumet- 
Dance,  and  with  the  Captains-Dance ;  the  former  being  a  figni- 
fication  of  Peace  and  Friendfhip,  and  the  latter  of  Refped 

1  The  Fox  River,  first  called  by  the  French  Riviere  des  Puants,  later  Riviere 
des  Renards  (Foxes)  from  the  tribe  encountered  on  its  banks.  The  Jesuits  entitled 
it  St.  Francis  River,  but  the  name  did  not  persist.  The  Jesuits  also  remarked  the 
tides  in  the  bay.  See  Jes.  Rel.,  Ivi,  pp.  137-139;  Iv'i.  PP-  301-30S  ;  'x.  pp. 
205-207.  — Ed. 

2  The  Sauk,  Potawatomi,  and  Menominee  tribes  were  all  of  Algonquian  stock, 
and  had  their  habitat  about  the  mouth  of  the  Fox,  although  the  latter  tribe  were  more 
often  upon  the  river  of  the  same  name. 

The  Jesuit  mission  of  St.  Francis  Xavier  was  founded  on  the  shores  of  Green  Bay 
by  Father  Claude  Allouez  in  1669  ;  two  years  later  a  chapel  was  built  upon  the  site  of 
the  present  city  of  De  Pere.  In  1899  the  citizens  of  that  place,  inspired  thereto  by  the 
Wisconsin  Historical  Society,  erected  a  monument  near  the  site  of  this  pioneer  mis- 
sionary station.     See  Wis.  His.  Soc.  Proc,  1899,  p.  105.  — Ed. 


to  North- Avs\mc2i.  169 

and  Efteem.^  I  return'd  the  Compliment  with  a  Prefent  of 
fome  Rolls  of  Brafil  Tobacco,  which  they  value  mightily,  and 
fome  ftrings  of  Venice  Beads,  with  which  they  embroider  their 
Coats.  Next  Morning  I  was  invited  to  a  Feaft  with  one  of 
the  three  Nations ;  and  after  having  fent  to  'em  fome  Difhes 
and  Plates,  purfuant  to  the  Cuftom  of  the  Country,  I  went 
accordingly  about  Noon.  They  began  with  congratulating 
my  Arrival,  and  after  I  had  return'd  them  thanks,  fell  a  finging 
and  dancing  one  after  another,  in  a  particular  manner,  of 
which  you  may  expedl  a  circumftantial  account  when  I  have 
more  leifure.  The  Singing  and  Dancing  lafted  for  two  hours, 
being  feafon'd  with  Acclamations  of  Joy  and  Jefts,  which  make 
up  part  of  their  ridiculous  Mufick.  After  that  the  Slaves 
came  to  ferve,^  and  all  the  Company  fat  down  after  the  Eaftern 
fafhion,  every  one  being  provided  with  his  Mefs,  juft  as  our 
Monks  are  in  the  Monaftery-Halls. 

Firft  of  all  four  Platters  were  fet  down  before  me,  in  the 
firft  of  which  there  were  two  white  Fifh  only  boil'd  in  Water ; 
in  the  fecond  the  Tongue  and  Breaft  of  a  Roe-buck  boil'd  ;  in 
the  third  two  Woodhens,  the  hind  Feet  or  Trotters  of  a  Bear, 
and  [106]  the  Tail  of  a  Beaver,  all  roafled  ;  and  the  fourth 
contain'd  a  large  quantity  of  Broth  made  of  feveral  forts  of 


1  For  the  calumet  dance  see  Marquette's  detailed  description  in  ^'^j.  ReL,  lix, 
pp.  129-137.  In  its  modern  form  it  is  described  in  U.  S.  Bur.  of  Ethnol.  Report, 
1881-82,  pp.  276-282.  —  Ed. 

2  Slavery  among  the  Indians  was  due  entirely  to  prisoners  taken  in  war.  It 
was  a  mild  form,  slaves  being  usually  treated  as  members  of  the  family,  and  having 
the  hope  of  exchange  or  ransom  by  their  own  tribe.  From  the  Indians  it  spread  to  the 
French  in  Illinois,  and  was  authorized  by  edict  in  1709.  SeeLafontaine,  "Del'esclavage 
en  Canada,"  in  Montreal  Historical  Society  Memoires,  1858.  —  Ed. 


170  Some  New  Voyages 

Meat.  For  Drink  they  gave  me  a  very  pleafant  Liquor,  which 
was  nothing  but  a  Syrrup  of  Maple  beat  up  with  Water ;  but 
of  this  more  elfewhere.  The  Feaft  lafted  two  Hours ;  after 
which  I  intreated  one  of  the  Grandees  to  fing  for  me  ;  for  in 
all  the  Ceremonies  made  ufe  of  among  the  Savages,  'tis  cuf- 
tomary  to  imploy  another  to  a61:  for  'em.  I  made  this  Grandee 
a  Prefent  of  fome  pieces  of  Tobacco,  in  order  to  oblige  him 
to  a6t  my  part  till  Night.  Next  day,  and  the  day  after,  I  was 
oblig'd  to  go  to  the  Feafts  of  the  other  two  Nations,  who  ob- 
ferv'd  the  fame  Formalities.  The  moft  curious  thing  I  faw  in 
the  Villages,  was  ten  or  twelve  tame  Beavers,  that  went  and 
came  like  Dogs  from  the  Rivers  to  the  Cottages,  without 
ftragling  out  of  the  Road.  I  ask'd  the  Savages  if  thefe  Ani- 
mals could  live  out  of  the  Water  ;  and  receiv'd  this  anfwer, 
that  they  could  live  afhoar  as  well  as  Dogs,  and  that  they  had 
kept  fome  of  'em  above  a  year,  without  fuffering  them  to  go 
near  the  Rivers  :  From  whence  I  conclude,  that  the  Cafuijis  are 
out  in  not  ranging  Ducks,  Geefe,  and  Teals,  in  the  number  of 
Amphibious  Animals,  as  the  Naturalifts  are  wont  to  do.  I 
had  heard  the  fame  ftory  from  feveral  Americans  before ;  but 
being  apprehenfive  that  there  were  different  Species  of 
Beavers,  I  had  a  mind  to  be  better  inform'd  :  And  indeed 
there  is  a  particular  kind  of  'em,  which  the  Savages  call  the 
Terreftrial,  or  Land-Beaver  ;  but  at  the  fame  time  they  tell  you, 
thefe  are  of  a  different  Species  from  the  Amphibious  fort ;  for 
they  make  Holes  or  Dens  in  the  Earth,  like  Rabbets  or  Foxes, 
and  never  go  near  the  Water  unlefs  it  be  to  drink.  They  are 
likewife  call'd  by  the  Savages,  the  lazy  or  idle  kind,  as  being 


to  7Vor^Z>- America.  171 

expell'd  by  the  other  Beavers  from  the  Kennels  in  which  thefe 
Animals  are  lodg'd,  to  the  [107]  number  of  80.  Thefe  Ken- 
nels I  mean  to  defcribe  afterwards ;  in  the  mean  time  I  only 
take  occafion  to  acquaint  you,  that  the  idle  fort  being  unwilling 
to  work,  are  expell'd  by  the  others,  juft  as  Wafps  are  by  Bees ; 
and  are  fo  teas'd  by  'em,  that  they  are  forc'd  to  quit  the  Ken- 
nels, which  the  better  and  more  induftrious  Race  huddles  up 
to  themfelves  in  the  Fens.  This  fupine  Beaver  refembles  the 
other  fort  in  its  Figure,  excepting  that  the  Hair  is  rub'd  off 
the  Back  and  the  Belly,  which  is  occafion'd  by  their  rubbing 
againft  the  Earth  when  they  return  to,  or  ftir  out  from  their 
Holes.i 

The  Writers  of  Natural  Hiftory  are  very  much  out,  in 
fancying  that  the  Beavers  cut  off  their  own  Tefticles,  when 
purfued  by  the  Huntfmen ;  for  that  which  the  Phyficians  call 
Caftoreum,  is  not  lodg'd  in  the  Tefticles,  but  in  a  certain  Bag 
that  Nature  feems  to  have  form'd  on  purpofe  for  thefe  Ani- 
mals, and  this  Bag  they  make  ufe  of  to  clear  their  Teeth,  after 
the  biting  of  fome  gummy  Shrub.  But  fuppofing  the  Tefticles 
to  be  the  proper  Receptacle  of  the  Caftor,  we  muft  ftill  con- 
ceive that  'tis  impoftible  for  a  Beaver  to  pull  out  his  Tefticles, 
without  rending  the  Nerves  of  the  Groin,  in  which  they  are 
feated  juft  by  the  Sharebone.  'Tis  manifeft  that  Elian  and 
feveral  other  Naturalifts,  were  fcarce  acquainted  with  Beaver- 
hunting  ;  for  had  they  known  any  thing  of  the  matter,  they 


^The  beaver  is  easily  domesticated,  and  becomes  as  tame  as  a  kitten.  Stories 
of  idle  beavers  are  numerous,  but  apochryphal  ;  they  arise  from  some  disorder  in  the 
form  of  a  parasite,  which  occasionally  attacks  the  animal.  See  Martin,  Castorologia, 
or  the  Canadian  Beaver  (London  and  Montreal,  1892),  pp.  157,  168,  233.  —  Ed. 


172  Some  New  Voyages 

would  never  have  talk'd  of  the  purfulng  of  thefe  Animals, 
which  never  go  from  the  fide  of  the  Pond  where  their  Kennels 
are  built ;  and  which  dive  under  water  upon  the  leaft  noife, 
and  return  to  their  Dens  v/hen  the  danger  is  over.  If  thefe 
Creatures  were  but  fenfible  of  the  reafon  for  which  War  is 
declar'd  againft  'em,  they  would  flea  themfelves  alive ;  for  'tis 
their  Skin  only  that  the  Huntfmen  want,  the  value  of  the 
Caftor  being  nothing  in  comparifon  with  that.  A  great  Beaver 
is  twenty  fix  Inches  long,  from  [108]  the  hind-Head,  to  the 
root  of  the  Tail.  'Tis  about  three  Foot  and  eight  Inches 
round,  its  Head  is  feven  Inches  long,  and  fix  broad ;  its  Tail 
is  fourteen  Inches  long,  and  fix  broad,  and  about  the  middle 
it  has  the  thicknefs  of  an  Inch  and  two  lines.  The  figure  of 
the  Tail  is  Oval ;  the  Scale  with  which  'tis  cover'd,  and  which 
performs  the  Office  of  what  the  Phyficians  call  the  Epidermis 
or  Scarf-skin,  is  an  irregular  Hexagon.  The  Beaver  carries 
upon  its  Tail  the  Clay,  the  Earth  and  other  Materials  of  which 
they  make  their  Banks  and  Kennels,  or  Hutts,  by  a  wonderful 
Inftind.  Its  Ears  are  fhort,  round  and  hollow;  its  Legs  are 
five  Inches  long,  its  Feet  fix  Inches  and  eight  Lines,  and  its 
Paws  are  three  Inches  and  a  half  from  the  Heel  to  the  end  of 
the  great  Toe.  Its  Paws  are  form'd  much  like  a  Man's  Hand, 
and  they  make  ufe  of  'em  in  feeding,  as  Apes  do.  The  five 
Toes  are  joyn'd  like  thofe  of  a  Duck,  v/ith  a  Membrane  of  a 
Slate  colour.  Its  Eyes  are  of  the  leffer  fize,  in  proportion  to 
the  bulk  of  its  Body,  and  bear  the  figure  of  a  Rats  Eyes. 
Before  its  Muzzle  there  are  four  Fore-Teeth  or  Cutters,  viz. 


to  iVor^^- America.  173 

two  in  each  Jaw,  as  in  a  Rabbet,  befides  which  it  has  fixteen 
Grinders,  that  is,  eight  in  the  upper,  and  as  many  in  the  lower 
Mandible.  The  Cutters  are  above  an  Inch  long,  and  ]i  of  an 
Inch  broad,  being  very  ftrong  and  fharp  like  a  Cutlas ;  for  a 
Beaver  afiifted  by  its  Affociates,  (if  I  may  fo  call  its  fellow 
Beavers)  cuts  down  Trees  as  big  as  a  Hogfhead ;  which  I 
could  never  have  believ'd,  if  I  had  not  obferv'd  with  my  own 
Eyes,  above  twenty  Trunks  of  Trees  cut  down  in  that  fafhion. 
A  Beaver  has  two  lays  of  Hair ;  one  is  long,  and  of  a  fhining 
black  colour,  with  a  grain  as  big  as  that  of  Mans  Hair;  the 
other  is  fine  and  fmooth,  and  in  Winter  fifteen  lines  long :  In 
a  word,  the  laft  is  the  fineft  Down  in  the  World.  The  Skin 
of  fuch  a  Beaver  as  I  have  now  defcrib'd,  will  be  two  pound 
weight,  but  the  [109]  price  varies  according  to  the  goodnefs. 
In  Winter  and  Autumn  the  Flefh  of  a  Beaver  eats  very  well, 
if  it  be  roafted.  Thus,  Sir,  I  have  prefented  you  with  an  exadl 
Defcription  of  thefe  reputed  Amphibious  Animals  which  make 
fuch  Strudures,  that  all  the  Art  of  Man  can  fcarce  equal. 
Upon  another  occafion  perhaps  I  may  give  you  a  circumftan- 
tial  Account  of  their  wonderful  Structure,  which  I  decline  at 
prefent,  becaufe  the  Digreffion  would  be  too  tedious.^ 

To  return  to  my  Voyage.  After  our  arrival  in  the  Bay  of 
Pouteouatamis,  we  bid  adieu  to  the  Navigation  upon  the  Lakes 
of  Canada  ;  and  fetting  out  September  30,  arriv'd  October  2.  at 
the  foot  of  the  fall  of  Kakalin,  after  ftemming  fome  little  Cur- 


1  Lahontan's  description  of  the  beaver  is  not  inaccurate,  and  shows  habits  of  keen 
observation.     For  full  description  see  Martin,  op,  cit.  —  Ed. 


174  Some  New  Voyages 

rents  In  the  River  of  Piiants}  The  next  day  we  accompUfh'd 
the  fmall  Land-carriage,  and  on  the  c^th  arriv'd  before  the  Vil- 
lage of  KikapouSy  in  the  Neighbourhood  of  which  I  incamp'd 
the  next  day,  in  order  to  receive  IntelHgence.  That  Village 
ftands  upon  the  brink  of  a  little  Lake,  in  which  the  Savages 
fifh  great  quantities  of  Pikes  and  Gudgeons.^  I  found  only 
thirty  or  forty  Men  fit  for  War  in  the  place,  for  the  reft  were 
gone  a  Beaver-hunting  fome  days  before.  The  jtb  I  reim- 
barq'd,  and  rowing  hard  made  in  the  Evening  the  little  Lake 
of  Malominis,  where  we  kill'd  Bucks  and  Buftards  enough  for 
Supper.  We  went  afhoar  that  Night,  and  built  Hutts  for  our 
felves  upon  a  point  of  Land  that  fhoots  out ;  by  break  of  day 
I  v/ent  in  a  Canow  to  the  Village,  and  after  an  hours  Confer- 
ence with  fome  of  the  Savages,  prefented  'em  with  two  Rolls 
of  Tobacco,  and  they  by  way  of  Acknowledgment,  made  me 
a  prefent  of  two  or  three  Sacks  of  Oatmeal :  For  the  fides  of 


^The  Grand  Kakaling,  twenty-one  miles  from  the  mouth  of  Fox  River,  was  a 
series  of  rapids,  the  river  falling  fifty-two  feet  in  the  course  of  a  mile.  The  name  sig- 
nified "  the  fishing  ground  for  pickerel."  The  modern  town  of  Kaukauna  is  on  the 
river  bank  at  this  place.  See  Tanner,  "Early  Kaukauna  "  in  fFis.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc, 
1899,  pp.  212-217.  The  other  rapids  of  Fox  River,  ascending  from  the  mouth, 
were  those  at  De  Pere,  Little  Kakalin  (now  called  Little  Rapids) ,  the  Croche  (above 
Wrightstown),  Grand  Kakalin  (at  Kaukauna),  Little  Chute  (still  so  named),  the 
Cedars  (at  Kimberly),  Grand  Chute  (at  Appleton),  and  Winnebago  Rapids  (at 
Neenah).     See  Jes.  Rel.,  liv,  p.  306.  —  Ed. 

2  The  Kickapoo  were  an  Algonquian  tribe  closely  associated  with  the  Mascoutin. 
They  were  first  encountered  in  Wisconsin,  but  drifted  over  various  portions  of  Mich- 
igan and  Illinois,  finally  crossing  the  Mississippi  (about  1725),  and  making  their 
homes  in  Iowa.  See  iris.  Hist.  Colls.,  xvi,  xvii,  index.  A  remnant  of  this  tribe  still 
exists  upon  reservations  in  Kansas  and  Oklahoma.  The  village  mentioned  here  by 
Lahontan  is  not  described  by  his  contemporaries.  It  would  seem  to  have  been  on 
Lake  Winnebago,  between  Neenah  and  Oshkosh.  —  Ed. 


to  N orth- Ammc^..  175 

the  Lake  are  cover'd  with  a  fort  of  Oats,  which  grows  in  tufts 
with  a  tall  Stalk,  and  of  which  the  Savages  reap  plentiful 
Crops.^  The  ()th  I  arriv'd  at  the  foot  of  Ouiagamis  Fort, 
where  I  found  but  [no]  few  People;  however,  they  gave  me 
a  very  kind  Reception,  for  after  dancing  the  Calumet  before 
the  Door  of  my  Hutt,  they  made  me  a  Prefent  of  Venifon  and 
Fifh.  Next  day  they  convey'd  me  up  the  River,  to  the  place 
where  their  folks  were  hunting  the  Beavers.  The  ii/;&  we  im- 
barq'd,  and  landed  the  13/^  upon  the  fhoar  of  a  little  Lake, 
where  the  Head  of  that  Nation  refided.^  After  we  had  rear'd 
up  our  Hutts,  that  General  gave  me  a  Vifit,  and  inquir'd  which 
way  I  intended  to  move.  I  made  anfwer,  that  I  was  fo  far 
from  defigning  to  march  toward  the  N adouejfioiis  his  Enemies, 
that  I  fhould  not  come  near  'em  by  100  Leagues^;  and  to  con- 


^  The  "  Lake  of  Malhominis  "  was  probably  the  present  Grand  Lake  Butte  dea 
Morts,  where,  as  now,  grew  great  expanses  of  wild  rice  or  oats.  The  French  called 
the  Menominee  "  Folle  Avoines,"  the  name  for  this  plant  {Zizania  aquatica)  which 
formed  a  staple  food  for  Indians  in  the  Northwest.  See  Jenks,  "  Wild-rice  Gatherers 
of  the  Upper  Lakes,"  in  U.  S.  Bur.  of  Ethnol.  Report,  No.  19.  Father  Allouez 
mentioned  the  wild  rice  in  this  lake  on  his  journey  of  1670.  See  Jes.  Rel.,  liv,  pp. 
217-219,  307.  —  Ed. 

2  The  location  of  the  Outagami  or  Fox  Indian  villages  has  been  much  discussed. 
See  IVis.  Hist.  Colls.,  xvi,  p.  39.  The  most  that  can  be  said  is,  that  they  were 
probably  in  Waupaca  County,  on  Wolf  River,  or  some  of  its  affluents. 

The  Outagami  or  Fox  (Fr.,  Renard)  Indians  were  of  Algonquian  stock,  first 
encountered  in  Wisconsin,  which  was  their  permanent  home  until  driven  by  the 
French  across  the  Mississippi,  about  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century.  Their 
wars  upon  the  French  (1712-47)  undermined  the  empire  of  the  latter  in  the  Northwest. 
See  IVis.  Hist.  Colls.,  xvii.  In  1730  they  amalgamated  with  the  Sauk.  Remnants  of 
the  Sauk  and  Fox  tribes  are  still  extant  in  Iowa,  Nebraska,  and  Oklahoma.  —  Ed. 

'  Nadouessioux,  usually  abreviated  to  Sioux,  was  the  name  given  by  the  Algon- 
quian tribes  to  the  great  Western  stock,  who  called  themselves  Dakota.  The  term 
Nadouessioux  meant  ' '  snake-like  ones, "  or  "  enemy. ' '    At  this  time  they  were  hostile 


176  Some  New  Voyages 

firm  the  innocence  of  my  Intentions,  I  pray'd  him  to  fend  fix 
Warriours  to  accompany  me  to  the  long  River,  which  I  defign'd 
to  trace  up  to  its  Source.  He  reply'd  that  he  was  extream 
glad  to  find  that  I  carry'd  neither  Arms  nor  Cloaths  to  the 
Nadouejfious  ;  that  he  faw  I  had  not  the  equipage  of  a  Coureur 
de  Bois,  but  that  on  the  contrary,  I  had  fome  difcovery  in  my 
view.  At  the  fame  time  he  caution'd  me  not  to  venture  too 
far  up  that  Noble  River,  by  reafon  of  the  multitudes  of  People 
that  I  would  find  there,  though  they  have  no  fliomach  for  War  : 
He  mean'd,  that  fome  numerous  Party  might  furprife  me  in 
the  Night-time.  In  the  mean  time,  infliead  of  the  fix  War- 
riours that  I  defir'd,  he  gave  me  ten,  who  underftood  the 
Lingua,  and  knew  the  Country  of  the  Eokoros,  with  whom  his 
Nation  had  maintain'd  a  Peace  of  twenty  years  fl:anding.  I 
ftay'd  two  days  with  this  General,  during  which  time  he  regal'd 
me  nobly,  and  walk'd  about  with  me  to  give  me  the  Satisfac- 
tion of  obferving  the  difpofure  of  the  Cottages  of  the  Beaver- 
hunters  ;  a  defcription  of  which,  you  may  expe6l  in  another 
place ;  I  prefented  him  with  a  Fufee,  twelve  Flint-ftones,  two 
pound  of  Powder,  four  pound  of  Ball,  and  a  little  Axe,  and  I 
gave  each  of  his  two  Sons  a  [m]  great  Coat,  and  a  Roll  of 
Brafil  Tobacco.  Two  of  the  ten  Warriours  that  he  gave  me, 
could  fpeak  the  Language  of  the  Outaouas,  which  I  was  well 
pleas'd  with ;  not  that  I  was  a  fl:ranger  to  their  own  Language, 
for  between  that  and  the  Algonkin  there  is  no  great  difference, 


to  the  Fox,  but  in  their  eighteenth-century  wars  upon  the  French  were  their  allies. 
For  information  concerning  the  Siouan  people,  see  references  in  Hennepin,  Neiu 
Discovery,  p.  225,  note. — Ed. 


to  North- Kvntxicdi,  177 

but  in  regard  that  there  were  feveral  words  that  puzled  me. 
My  four  Outaouas  were  tranfported  with  this  little  Reinforce- 
ment, and  were  then  fo  incouraged,  that  they  told  me  above 
four  times,  that  we  might  venture  fafely  fo  far  as  the  Planta- 
tion of  the  Sun.  I  embarqed  with  this  fmall  Guard  the  i(>th 
about  Noon,  and  arriv'd  that  Night  at  the  Land-carriage  of 
Ouifconfinc,  which  we  finifh'd  in  two  days,  that  is,  we  left  the 
River  of  Puants,  and  tranfported  our  Canows  and  Baggage  to 
the  River  Ouifconfinc^  which  is  not  above  three  quarters  of  a 
League  diftant,  or  thereabouts.^  I  (hall  fay  nothing  of  the 
River  we  left,  but  that  'twas  Muddy,  full  of  Shelves,  and 
inclofed  with  a  fteep  Coaft,  Marfhes,  and  frightful  Rocks. 

The  \()th  we  embarqu'd  upon  the  River  Ouifconfinc^  and 
being  favour'd  by  a  flack  Current,  arriv'd  in  four  days  at  the 
place,  where  it  empties  it  felf  into  the  River  Mijfifipi^  which  is 
about  half  a  League  broad  in  that  part.  The  force  of  the 
Current,  and  the  breadth  of  that  River,  is  much  the  fame  as 
that  of  the  Loire.  It  lies  North-Eaft,  and  South- Weft  ;  and  its 
fides  are  adorn'd  with  Meadows,  lofty  Trees  and  Firs.  I  ob- 
ferv'd  but  two  Iflands  upon  it,  though  there  may  be  more. 


iLahontan  certainly  allows  too  little  time  for  the  passage  from  the  Outagami 
village  to  the  Fox-Wisconsin  portage  —  not  less  than  lOO  miles,  following  the  meander- 
ings  of  the  river. 

The  Fox-Wisconsin  portage  was  a  noted  place  in  the  early  history  of  Western 
discovery.  Apparently  Radisson  and  Groseilliers  were  (1655)  the  first  white  men  to 
traverse  it.  Marquette  describes  it  in  1672.  A  contemporary  writer  (1682)  says  it 
was  "  through  an  oak  grove  and  a  flooded  meadow." — JVis.  Hist.  Colls.,  xvi,  p.  106. 
The  portage  was  about  a  mile  in  length  ;  later,  the  French  built  a  corduroy  road 
through  the  swamp,  and  established  a  rude  wagon  carriage  for  tiieir  batteaux.  —IFis. 
Hist.  Colls. ,x,  pp.  221,  222.  A  government  ship  canal  now  spans  the  distance.  —  Ed. 
12 


178  Some  New  Voyages 

which  the  darknefs  of  the  Night  hid  from  us  as  we  came  down.^ 
The  23J  we  landed  upon  an  Ifland  in  the  River  Mijfifipi^  over 
againft  the  River  I  fpoke  of  but  now,  and  were  in  hopes  to 
find  fome  wild  Goats  there,  but  had  the  ill  fortune  to  find 
none.  The  day  after  we  croft  to  t'other  fide  of  the  River, 
founding  it  every  where,  as  we  had  done  the  day  before,  and 
found  nine  foot  water  in  the  fiialloweft  place.  The  [112]  2d 
of  November  we  made  the  Mouth  of  the  Long  River^  having 
firft  ftem'd  feveral  rapid  Currents  of  that  River,  though  'twas 
then  at  loweft  Ebb.  In  this  little  paffage  we  kill'd  feveral  wild 
Beeves  which  we  broil'd,  and  catch'd  feveral  large  Dabs.     On 


^The  distance  from  the  portage  to  the  mouth  of  the  Wisconsin  is  145  miles.  Its 
stage  of  water  was  in  Lahontan's  time  doubtless  much  higher  than  now,  although 
early  canoeists  speak  of  being  embarrassed  by  its  numerous  shifting  sand-bars.  Until 
the  depletion  of  the  great  pine  forests  in  north-central  Wisconsin,  it  was  an  important 
lumbering  stream.  From  the  time  of  the  erection  of  Wisconsin  Territory  (1836)  until 
about  1890  there  was  much  popular  agitation  in  favor  of  dredging  both  the  Fox  and 
Wisconsin,  in  order  to  connect  Lake  Michigan  with  Mississippi  River — in  other 
words,  adapting  what  was,  in  the  French  regime,  the  most  popular  fur-trade  route 
between  the  great  lakes  and  the  great  river,  to  the  requirements  of  modern  steam 
navigation.  Large  sums  of  money  have  been  spent  by  the  federal  government  in  sur- 
veys on  the  sprawling  and  sand-bar-ridden  Wisconsin,  and  in  a  lockage  system  on  the 
lower  Fox  ;  but  it  has  at  last  come  to  be  recognized  by  most  engineers  that  the  route 
is  impracticable  without  an  unwarranted  expenditure  of  public  funds.  The  Fox  as 
far  up  as  Lake  Winnebago  has  a  strong  current,  and  its  rapids  are  the  basis  of  the 
present  federal-built  water  powers  ;  the  upper  Fox  is  sluggish,  shallow,  and  frequently 
fringed  with  wild-rice  swamps.  There  is  to-day  occasional  navigation  by  flat-bottomed 
steamers  as  far  as  Berlin,  but  only  small  launches  can  proceed  to  the  portage.  On 
the  Wisconsin,  which  in  spring  and  autumn  overflows  to  the  width  of  a  mile  or  more, 
steam  craft  are  seldom  seen  ;  the  passage  of  a  small  launch,  perhaps  once  or  twice  a 
season,  arousing  general  curiosity.  Lahontan's  description,  although  brief,  is  not 
inexact,  and  appears  to  be  that  of  one  who  had  seen  the  alternating  cliffs  and  meadows 
which  border  the  Wisconsin,  one  of  the  most  beautiful  of  Western  streams.  See 
chapters  on  the  Fox- Wisconsin  waterway  in  Thwaites,  Donun  Historic  fVaterivays 
(Chicago,  newed.,  1903).  —  Ed. 


to  North' Amtnc2i,  179 

the  3^  we  enter'd  the  Mouth  of  the  Long  River,  which  looks 
like  a  Lake  full  of  Bull-rufhes  ;  we  found  in  the  middle  of  it  a 
narrow  Channel,  upon  which  we  fteer'd  till  Night,  and  then 
lay  by  to  fleep  in  our  Canows.  In  the  Morning  I  enquir'd  of 
my  ten  OuUigcimis,  if  we  had  far  to  fail  before  we  were  clear  of 
the  Rufhes,  and  receiv'd  this  anfwer,  that  they  had  never  been 
in  the  Mouth  of  that  River  before,  though  at  the  fame  time 
they  affur'd  me,  that  about  twenty  Leagues  higher,  the  Banks 
of  it  were  clad  with  Woods  and  Meadows.  But  after  all  we 
did  not  fail  fo  far,  for  about  ten  a  Clock  next  Morning  the 
River  came  pretty  narrow,  and  the  Shoar  was  cover'd  with 
lofty  Trees ;  and  after  continuing  our  courfe  the  reft  of  that 
day,  we  had  a  profpedl  of  Meadows  now  and  then.  That  fame 
Night  we  landed  at  a  point  of  Land,  with  a  defign  to  drefs 
our  broil'd  Meat,  for  at  that  time  we  had  none  freih.  The 
next  day  we  ftop'd  at  the  firft  Ifland  we  faw,  in  which  we  found 
neither  Man  nor  Beaft  ;  and  the  Evening  drawing  near,  I  was 
unwilling  to  venture  far  into  it,  fo  we  e'en  contented  our  felves 
with  the  catching  of  fome  forry  Fifh.  The  6th  a  gentle  Gale 
fprung  up,  which  wafted  us  to  another  Ifland  about  12  Leagues 
higher,  where  we  landed.  Our  pafTage  to  this  place  was  very 
quick,  notwithftanding  the  great  calm  that  always  prevails 
upon  this  River,  which  I  take  to  be  the  leaft  rapid  River  in 
the  World.  But  the  quicknefs  of  the  paffage  was  not  the  only 
furprifal,  for  I  was  amaz'd  that  I  faw  no  Harts,  nor  Bucks, 
nor  Turkeys,  having  met  with  'em  all  along  in  the  other  parts 
of  my  DIfcovery.  The  Jth  the  fame  Wind  drove  us  [113]  to 
a  third  Ifland,  that  lay  ten  or  twelve  Leagues  off  the  former, 


i8o  Some  New  Voyages 

which  we  quitted  in  the  Morning.  In  this  third  Ifland  our 
Savages  kill'd  thirty  or  forty  Pheafants,  which  I  was  not  ill 
pleas'd  with. 

The  8//?  the  Wind  proving  unferviceable  to  us,  by  reafon 
that  'twas  intercepted  by  Hills  cover'd  with  Firs,  we  ply'd 
our  Oars ;  and  about  two  in  the  Afternoon,  defcry'd  on  the 
left  Hand  large  Meadows,  and  fome  Hutts  at  the  diftance  of 
a  quarter  of  a  League  from  the  River.     Upon  this  Difcovery, 
our  Savages  and  ten  of  the  Soldiers  jump'd  upon  the  fhoar, 
and  direded  their  courfe  to  the  Houfes,  where  they  found  fifty 
or  fixty  Huntfmen  prepar'd  to  receive  'em,  with  their  Bows 
and  Arrows.     As  foon  as  the  Huntfmen  heard  the  voice  of 
the  Outagamis,  they  threw  down  their  Arms,  and  prefented 
the  Company  with  fome  Deer  that  they  had  juft  kill'd,  which 
they  likewife  help'd  to  carry  to  my  Canows.    The  Benefadors 
were  fome  of  the  Eokoros,  who  had  left  their  Villages,  and  come 
thither  to  hunt.     I  prefented  'em,  more  out  of  Policy,  than 
Acknowledgment,  with  Tobacco,  Knives  and  Needles,  which 
they  could  not  but  admire.    Upon  this,  they  repair'd  with  ex- 
pedition to  their  Villages,  and  gave  their  Affociates  to  under- 
ftand,  what  a  good  fort  of  People  they  had  met  with;  which 
had  fo  much  influence,  that  the  next  day  towards  the  Evening, 
there  appear'd  upon  the  River  fide  above  two  thoufand  Sav- 
ages, who  fell  a  dancing  as  foon  as  they  defcry'd  us.     There- 
upon, our  Outagamis  went  aflioar,  and  after  a  fhort  Conference, 
fome  of  the   principal  Savages  imbarqu'd  on  board  of  our 
Canows,  and  fo  we  all  flieer'd  to  the  chief  Village,  which  we 
did  not  reach  till  Midnight.    I  order'd  our  Hutts  to  be  made 


to  iVor^Z>- America.  i8i 

up  on  a  point  of  Land  near  a  little  River,  at  the  diftance  of  a 
quarter  of  a  League  from  the  Village.  Though  the  Savages 
prefs'd  me  extreamly  to  lodge  in  one  of  their  Villages,  yet 
none  [114]  went  with  'em  but  the  Outagamis,  and  the  four 
Outaoiias,  who  at  the  fame  time  caution'd  the  Savages  not  to 
approach  to  our  Camp  in  the  Night-time.  Next  day  I  allow'd 
my  Soldiers  to  refrefti  and  reft  themfelves ;  and  went  my  felf 
to  vifit  the  Grandees  of  this  Nation  to  whom  I  gave  Prefents 
of  Knives,  Ciffars,  Needles,  and  Tobacco.  They  gave  me  to 
underftand,  that  they  were  infinitely  well  pleas'd  with  our 
arrival  in  their  Country,  for  that  they  had  heard  the  Savages 
of  other  Nations  fpeak  very  honourably  of  the  French.  I  took 
leave  of  'em  on  the  12th,  and  fet  out  with  a  Convoy  of  five  or 
fix  hundred  Savages,  who  march'd  upon  the  fhoar,  keeping 
pace  with  our  Canows.  We  pafs'd  by  another  Village  that 
lay  to  the  right  Hand,  and  ftop'd  at  a  third  Village  that  was 
five  Leagues  diftant  from  the  firft,  but  did  not  difmibarque : 
For  all  that  I  defign'd,  was  to  make  a  Prefent  to  the  leading 
Men  of  the  Village,  from  whom  I  receiv'd  more  Indian  Corn, 
and  broil'd  or  dry'd  Meat,  than  I  had  occafion  for.  In  fine, 
I  pafs'd  from  Village  to  Village  without  flopping,  unlefs  it 
were  to  incamp  all  Night,  or  to  prefent  the  Savages  with  fome 
Trinkets ;  and  fo  fteer'd  on  to  the  laft  Village,  with  a  defign 
to  get  fome  Intelligence.  As  foon  as  we  arriv'd  at  the  end  of 
this  Village,  the  Great  Governour,  who  indeed  was  a  venerable 
old  Gentleman,  fent  out  Hunters  to  bring  us  good  Cheer. 
He  inform'd  me,  that  fixty  Leagues  higher  I  fhould  meet  with 
the  Nation  of  the  Effanapes,  who  wag'd  War  with  him  ;  that  if 


1 82  Some  New  Voyages 

it  had  not  been  for  their  being  at  War,  he  would  have  given 
me  a  Convoy  to  their  Country;  that,  however  he  mean'd  to 
give  up  to  me  fix  Slaves  of  that  Country,  which  I  might  carry 
home,  and  make  ufe  of  as  I  faw  occafion ;  and  that  in  failing 
up  the  River,  I  had  nothing  to  fear,  but  the  being  furpriz'd 
In  the  Night-time.  In  fine,  after  he  had  inftrudled  me  in 
feveral  very  ufeful  Circumftances,  I  immediately  [115]  made 
every  thing  ready  for  my  Departure. 

The  Commanders  of  this  People  acquainted  me,  that  they 
had  twelve  Villages  peopled  by  20000  Warriours ;  that  their 
number  was  much  greater  before  the  War,  which  they  wag'd 
at  one  time  with  the  Nadonejfis,  the  Panimoha,  and  the  EJfanapes. 
The  People  are  very  civil,  and  fo  far  from  a  wild  Savage  tem- 
per, that  they  have  an  Air  of  Humanity  and  Sweetnefs.  Their 
Hutts  are  long,  and  round  at  the  top,  not  unlike  thofe  of  our 
Savages ;  but  they  are  made  of  Reeds  and  Bulrufhes,  inter- 
lac'd  and  cemented  with  a  fort  of  fat  Earth.  Both  the  Men 
and  the  Women  go  naked  all  over,  excepting  their  Privities. 
The  Women  are  not  fo  handfom,  as  thofe  who  live  upon  the 
Lakes  of  Canada.  There  feems  to  be  fomething  of  Govern- 
ment and  Subordination  among  this  People ;  and  they  have 
their  Houfes  fortified  with  the  branches  of  Trees,  and  Faf- 
cines  fl:rengthen'd  with  fat  Earth. 

The  2ifl  we  imbarqu'd  at  the  break  of  day,  and  landed  that 
Night  in  an  Ifland  cover'd  with  Stones  and  Gravel,  having 
pafs'd  by  another  at  which  I  would  not  put  in,  becaufe  I  would 
not  flight  the  opportunity  of  the  Wind,  which  then  flood  very 
fair.     Next  day  the  Wind  flianding  equally  fair,  we  fet  out 


to  iVor^Z>- America.  183 

and  continued  our  courfe  all  that  Day,  and  the  following 
Night ;  for  the  fix  Effanapes  inform'd  us,  that  the  River  was 
clean,  and  free  from  Rocks  and  Beds  of  Sand.  The  23  we 
landed  early  in  the  Morning  on  the  right  fide  of  the  River,  in 
order  to  careen  one  of  our  Boats  that  fprung  a  Leak.  While 
that  was  a  doing,  we  dreft  feme  Venifon  that  had  been  pre- 
fented  me  by  the  Commander  of  the  laft  Village  of  the  Eokoros; 
and  the  adjacent  Country  being  replenifh'd  with  Woods,  the 
Savages  of  our  Company  went  a  fhooting  in  the  Forefts ;  but 
they  faw  nothing  but  fmall  Fowls,  that  they  did  not  think  fit 
to  fhoot  at.  As  foon  as  we  reimbarqu'd,  the  Wind  fell  all  of 
a  fudden,  and  fo  [116]  we  were  forc'd  to  ply  the  Oars;  but 
moft  of  the  Crew  having  flept  but  little  the  Night  before, 
they  row'd  but  very  faintly,  which  oblig'd  me  to  put  in  at  a 
great  Ifland  two  Leagues  higher ;  the  fix  Ejfanapes  Slaves  hav- 
ing inform'd  me,  that  this  Ifiand  afforded  great  plenty  of 
Hares,  which  I  found  to  be  true.  Thefe  Animals  had  a  lucky 
Inftindt  in  taking  fhelter  in  this  Ifland,  for  there  the  Woods 
are  fo  thick,  that  we  were  forc'd  to  fet  fire  to  feveral  places, 
before  we  could  diflodge  'em. 

Having  made  an  end  of  our  Game,  my  Soldiers  fed  heartily, 
and  thereupon  fell  fo  found  afleep,  that  I  could  fcarce  get  'em 
wak'd  upon  a  falfe  Alarm,  occafion'd  by  a  Herd  of  Wolves 
that  made  a  noife  among  the  Thickets  upon  the  Continent. 
We  reimbarqued  next  day  at  ten  a  Clock  in  the  Morning,  and 
did  not  run  above  twelve  Leagues  in  two  days,  by  reafon  that 
the  Savages  of  our  Company  would  needs  walk  along  the 
River  fide  with  their  Guns,  to  fhoot  Geefe  and  Ducks ;  in 


184  Some  New  Voyages 

which  they  had  very  good  Succefs.  After  that  we  incampt 
juft  by  the  Mouth  of  a  little  River  on  the  right  Hand,  and  the 
EJfanapes  Slaves  gave  me  notice,  that  the  firft  of  their  Villages 
was  not  above  fixteen  or  eighteen  Leagues  off.  Upon  this 
Information,  I  fent,  by  the  advice  of  the  Savages  of  our  Com- 
pany, two  of  the  Slaves  to  give  notice  of  our  arrival.  The 
26tb  we  row'd  briskly,  in  hopes  to  reach  the  firft  Village  that 
day ;  but  being  retarded  by  the  huge  quantities  of  floating 
Wood,  that  we  met  in  feveral  places,  we  were  forc'd  to  con- 
tinue all  Night  in  our  Canows.  The  2jth  about  ten  or  eleven 
a  Clock  we  approach'd  to  the  Village,  and  after  putting  up 
the  great  Calumet  of  Peace  upon  the  Prow  of  our  Canows, 
lay  upon  our  Oars. 

Upon  our  firft  appearance,  three  or  four  hundred  Ejjanapes 
came  running  to  the  fhoar,  and,  after  dancing  juft  over  againft 
us,  invited  us  afhoar.  As  foon  [117]  as  we  came  near  the 
fhoar,  they  began  to  jump  into  our  Canows  ;  but  I  gave  'em  to 
know  by  the  four  EJfanapes  Slaves,  that  I  defir'd  they  fhould 
retire,  which  they  did  immediately.  Then  I  landed,  being 
accompany'd  with  the  Savages  of  our  Company,  namely,  the 
Outagamis,  and  the  OutaouaSy  and  with  twenty  Soldiers.  At 
the  fame  time  I  gave  orders  to  my  Sergeants,  to  land  and  poft 
Centries.  As  we  ftood  upon  the  fhoar,  all  the  EJfanapes  prof- 
trated  themfelves  three  or  four  times  before  us,  with  their 
Hands  upon  their  Foreheads  ;  after  which  we  were  convoy'd 
to  the  Village  with  fuch  Acclamations  of  Joy,  as  perfectly 
ftun'd  us.  Upon  our  arrival  at  the  Gate,  our  Condudlors 
ftop'd  us,  till  the  Governour,  a  Man  of  fifty  years  of  Age, 


to  jYor^/'- America.  185 

march'd  out  with  five  or  fix  hundred  Men  arm'd  with  Bows 
and  Arrows.  The  Outagamis  of  my  Company  perceiving  this, 
charg'd  'em  with  Infolence  in  receiving  Strangers  with  their 
Arms  about  'em,  and  call'd  out  in  the  Eokoros  Language,  that 
they  ought  to  lay  down  their  Arms.  But  the  Effanapcs  Slaves 
that  I  had  fent  in  the  day  before,  came  up  to  me,  and  gave  me 
to  underftand,  that  'twas  their  cuftom  to  ftand  to  their  Arms 
on  fuch  occafions,  and  that  there  was  no  danger  in  the  cafe. 
However,  the  obftinate  Outagamis  oblig'd  us  to  retire  imme- 
diately to  our  Canows  :  Upon  which  the  Leading  Officer,  and 
the  whole  Battalion,  flung  their  Bows  and  Arrows  afide  all  on 
a  fudden.  Then  I  return'd,  and  our  whole  Company  enter'd 
the  Village  with  their  Fufees  in  their  Hands,  which  the  Sav- 
ages admir'd  mightily.  The  Leader  of  the  Savages  conducted 
us  to  a  great  Hutt,  which  look'd  as  if  no  body  had  liv'd  in 
it  before.  When  I  and  my  twenty  Soldiers  had  enter'd  the 
place,  they  ftop'd  the  Outagamis,  affirming,  that  they  did  not 
deferve  the  priviledge  of  entring  within  the  Cottage  of  Peace, 
fince  they  had  endeavour'd  to  create  a  difference,  and  occafion 
[118]  a  War  between  us  and  the  Ejjanapes.  In  the  mean  time 
I  order'd  my  Men  to  open  the  Door,  and  to  call  out  to  the 
Outagamis,  that  they  fhould  offer  no  manner  of  Injury :  But 
the  Outagamis  in  {lead  of  coming  in,  prefs'd  me  to  return  with 
all  expedition  to  the  Canows,  which  accordingly  I  did,  without 
lofs  of  time,  and  carry'd  with  me  the  four  Effanapes  Slaves,  in 
order  to  leave  'em  at  the  firft  Village  we  came  to.  We  had  no 
fooner  imbarqued,  than  the  two  other  Slaves  came  to  acquaint 
me  that  the  Governor  would  ftop  me  in  his  River ;  but  the 


1 86  Some  New  Voyages 

Outagamis  made  anfwer,  that  he  could  not  do  that,  without 
throwing  a  Mountain  into  it.  In  fine,  we  did  not  ftand  to  dif- 
pute  the  matter ;  and  tho'  'twas  then  late,  we  row'd  ftraight 
to  the  next  Village,  which  lay  about  three  Leagues  oflF.  During 
the  time  of  this  paffage,  I  us'd  the  precaution  of  taking  from 
my  fix  Slaves  an  exad  information  of  the  Conftitution  of  their 
Country,  and  particularly  of  the  principal  Village.  They 
having  affur'd  me,  that  the  Capital  Canton  was  feated  upon 
a  fort  of  a  Lake,  I  took  up  a  Refolution  of  not  fl:opping  at 
the  other  Villages,  where  I  fliould  only  lofe  time,  and  lavifh 
my  Tobacco,  and  fleering  diredtly  to  the  Metropolitan  in  order 
to  complain  to  their  Generaliflimo. 

We  arriv'd  at  the  Capital  Canton  on  the  3^  of  November^ 
and  there  met  with  a  very  honourable  Reception.  The  Outa- 
gamis of  our  Company  complain'd  of  the  affront  they  had 
receiv'd ;  but  the  Head  General  being  already  inform'd  of 
the  matter,  made  anfwer,  that  they  ought  to  have  carry'd  off 
the  Governour  or  Leading  Officer,  and  brought  him  along 
with  them.  In  paffing  from  the  firfl  Village  to  this  we  run 
fifty  Leagues,  and  were  follow'd  by  a  Proceffion  of  People, 
that  were  much  more  fociable  than  the  Governour  that  offer'd 
us  that  Affront.  After  our  Men  had  fitted  up  our  Hutts 
at  [119]  the  diftance  of  a  Cannon  fhot  from  the  Village;  we 
went  in  a  joynt  body  with  the  Outagamis  and  the  Outaouas^ 
to  the  Cacick  of  that  Nation ;  and  in  the  mean  time  the  Ejfa- 
napes  Slaves  were  brought  before  him  by  ten  of  my  Soldiers. 


^  According  to  Lahontan's  own  chronology  this  should  be  December,  not  Novem- 
ber.—Ed. 


to  iVor/Zy- America.  187 

1  was  adlually  in  the  prefence  of  this  petty  King,  when  thefe 
Slaves  fpent  half  an  hour  in  profbrating  themfelves  feveral 
times  before  him.  I  made  him  a  Prefent  of  Tobacco,  Knives, 
Needles,  Ciffars,  two  Firelocks  with  Flints,  fome  Hooks,  and 
a  very  pretty  Cutlas.  He  was  better  fatisfied  with  thefe  trifling 
things,  which  he  had  never  feen  before,  than  I  could  have  been 
with  a  plentiful  Fortune.  He  teflified  his  Acknowledgment 
of  the  Gift,  by  a  Counter-prefent  that  was  more  folid,  though 
not  much  more  valuable,  as  confifting  of  Peafe,  Beans,  Harts, 
Roe-bucks,  Geefe  and  Ducks,  of  which  he  fent  great  plenty 
to  our  Camp  :  And  indeed,  we  were  extreamly  well  fatisfied 
with  fuch  a  feafonable  Prefent.  He  gave  me  to  know.  That, 
fince  I  defign'd  to  vifit  the  Gnacfitares^  he  would  give  me  a 
Convoy  of  two  or  three  hundred  Men  :  That  the  Gnacfitares 
were  a  very  honeft  fort  of  People ;  and  that  both  they  and  his 
People  were  link'd  by  a  common  intereft  in  guarding  off  the 
Mozeemlek,  which  were  a  turbulent  and  warlike  Nation.  He 
added,  that  the  Nation  laft  mention'd  were  very  numerous; 
that  they  never  took  the  Field  without  twenty  thoufand  Men 
at  leaft:  That  to  repref  the  Incurfions  and  Infults  of  that 
dangerous  Enemy,  the  Gnacfitares  and  his  Nation  had  main- 
tain'd  a  Confederacy  for  fix  and  twenty  years ;  and  that  his 
Allies  (the  Gnacfitares)  were  forc'd  to  take  up  their  Habita- 
tion in  Iflands,  where  the  Enemy  cannot  reach  'em.  I  was 
glad  to  accept  of  his  Convoy,  and  return'd  him  many  thanks. 
I  ask'd  four  Pirogues  of  him,  which  he  granted  very  frankly, 
allowing  me  to  pick  and  choofe  that  number  out  of  fifty. 
Having  thus  concerted  my  Meafures,  I  [120]  was  refolv'd 


1 88  Some  New  Voyages 

to  lofe  no  time ;  and  with  that  view  order'd  my  Carpenters 
to  plane  the  Pirogues ;  by  which  they  were  thinner  and 
lighter  by  one  half.  The  poor  innocent  People  of  this  Coun- 
try, could  not  conceive  how  we  work'd  with  an  Axe  ;  every 
flroke  we  gave  they  cry'd  out,  as  if  they  had  feen  fome  new 
Prodigy ;  nay,  the  firing  of  Piftols  could  not  divert  'em  from 
that  Amazement,  though  they  were  equally  ftrangers  both 
to  the  Piftol  and  the  Axe.  As  foon  as  my  Pirogues  were 
got  ready,  I  left  my  Canows  with  the  Governour  or  Prince, 
and  beg'd  of  him  that  they  might  remain  untouch'd  by  any 
body ;  in  which  point  he  was  very  faithful  to  me. 

I  cannot  but  acquaint  you  in  this  place,  that  the  higher  I 
went  up  the  River,  I  met  with  more  difcretion  from  the  Sav- 
ages. But  in  the  mean  time  I  muft  not  take  leave  of  the  laft 
Village,  without  giving  fome  account  of  it.  'Tis  bigger  than 
all  the  reft,  and  is  the  Refidence  of  the  Great  Commander  or 
Generaliffimo,  whofe  Apartment  is  built  by  it  felf  towards  the 
fide  of  the  Lake,  and  furrounded  with  fifty  other  Apartments, 
in  which  all  his  Relations  are  lodg'd.  When  he  walks,  his  way 
is  ftrow'd  with  the  leaves  of  Trees :  But  commonly  he  is  carry'd 
by  fix  Slaves.  His  Royal  Robes  are  of  the  fame  Magnificence 
with  thofe  of  the  Commander  of  the  Okoros:  For  he  is  naked 
all  over,  excepting  his  lower  parts,  which  are  cover'd  with  a 
large  Scarf  made  of  the  barks  of  Trees.  The  large  extent  of 
this  Village  might  juftly  intitle  it  to  the  name  of  a  City.  The 
Houfes  are  built  almoft  like  Ovens,  but  they  are  large  and 
high ;  and  moft  of  'em  are  of  Reeds  cemented  with  fat  Earth. 
The  day  before  I  left  this  place,  as  I  was  walking  about,  1  faw 


to  7V<?r^i?- America.  189 

thirty  or  forty  Women  running  at  full  fpeed ;  and  being  fur- 
pris'd  with  the  fpe6tacle,  fpoke  to  the  Outagamis  to  order  my 
four  Slaves  to  fee  what  the  matter  was ;  for  thefe  Slaves  were 
my  only  Interpreters  in  [121]  this  unknown  Country.  Ac- 
cordingly they  brought  me  word,  that  'twas  fome  new  mar- 
ried Women,  who  were  running  to  receive  the  Soul  of  an  old 
Fellow  that  lay  a  dying.  From  thence  I  concluded,  that  the 
People  were  Pythagoreans ;  and  upon  that  Apprehenfion,  ask'd 
'em  how  they  came  to  eat  Animals,  into  which  their  Souls 
might  be  transfus'd :  But  they  made  anfwer,  that  the  Tranf- 
migration  of  Souls  is  always  confin'd  to  the  refpedive  Species, 
fo  that  the  Soul  of  a  Man  cannot  enter  into  a  Fowl,  as  that 
of  a  Fowl  cannot  be  lodg'd  in  a  quadruped,  and  fo  on.  The 
Okoros,  of  both  Sexes,  are  fully  as  handfom  and  as  clever,  as 
this  People. 

December  the  ^th,  I  took  leave  of  this  Village,  having  ten 
Soldiers  on  board  of  my  Pirogue,  befides  the  ten  Oumatnis,^ 
the  four  Outaouas^  and  the  four  Ejfanapes  Slaves,  that  I  have 
mention'd  fo  often.  Here  ended  the  Credit  and  Authority 
of  the  Calumet  of  Peace,  for  the  Gnacfitares  are  not  acquainted 
with  that  Symbol  of  Concord.  The  firft  day  we  had  enough 
to  do  to  run  fix  or  feven  Leagues,  by  reafon  of  the  Bulrufhes 
with  which  the  Lake  is  incumber'd.  The  two  following  days 
we  fail'd  twenty  Leagues.  The  ^th  day  a  Weft-North-Weft 
wind  furpris'd  us  with  fuch  a  boiflerous  violence,  that  we  were 
forc'd  to  put  afhoar,  and  lay  two  days  upon  a  fandy  Ground, 


^  This  must  be  a  misprint  for  Outagamis,  as  no  previous  mention  has  been  made 
ofOumanis  (Miamis)  accompanying  him.  —  Ed. 


190  Some  New  Voyages 

where  we  were  In  danger  of  ftarving  for  Hunger  and  Cold; 
for  the  Country  was  fo  barren,  that  we  could  not  find  a  chip 
of  Wood  wherewith  to  warm  our  felves,  or  to  drefs  our 
Victuals  ;  and  as  far  as  our  Eye  could  reach,  there  was  nothing 
to  be  feen  but  Fens  cover'd  with  Reeds  and  Clay,  and  naked 
Fields.  Having  indur'd  this  Hardfhip  we  fet  out  again,  and 
row'd  to  a  little  Ifland,  upon  which  we  incamp'd,  but  found 
nothing  there  but  green  Fields ;  however,  to  make  fome 
amends  we  fifh'd  up  great  numbers  of  little  Trouts,  upon 
which  we  fed  very  heartily.  At  laft,  after  [122]  failing  fix  days 
more,  we  arriv'd  at  the  Point  or  Lands-end  of  that  Ifland 
which  you  fee  mark'd  in  my  Map  with  a  Flower-de-luce.  'Twas 
then  the  19th  day  of  December,  and  we  had  not  yet  felt  all 
the  rigorous  Hardfhips  of  the  Cold.  As  foon  as  I  had  landed 
and  fitted  up  my  Tents  or  Hutts,  I  detach'd  my  Ejfanapes 
Slaves  to  the  firft  of  the  three  Villages  that  lay  before  us ;  for 
I  had  avoided  flopping  at  fome  Villages  in  an  Ifland  upon 
which  we  coafted  in  the  Night-time.  The  Slaves  return'd  in 
a  great  Alarm,  occafion'd  by  the  unfavourable  Anfv/er  they 
receiv'd  from  the  Griacfitares,  who  took  us  for  Spaniards,  and 
were  angry  with  them  for  condu6ling  us  to  their  Country.  I 
fhall  not  be  minute  in  every  Particular  that  happen'd,  for  fear 
of  tyring  your  Patience.  'Tis  fufficient  to  acquaint  you,  that 
upon  the  Report  of  my  Slaves  I  immediately  embark'd,  and 
pofted  my  felf  in  another  Ifland  that  lay  in  the  middle  between 
the  great  Ifland  and  the  Continent ;  but  I  did  not  fufTer  the 
Effanapes  to  be  in  my  Camp.  In  the  mean  time  the  Gnacfitares 
fent   expeditious    Couriers   to    the    People    that    live   eighty 


to  iVor^/6-America.  191 

Leagues  to  the  Southward  of  them,  to  defire  they  would  fend 
fome  of  their  number  to  examine  us  ;  for  that  People  were 
fuppos'd  to  be  well  acquainted  with  the  Spaniards  of  New 
Mexico.  The  length  of  the  Journey  did  not  difcourage  'em, 
for  they  came  as  chearfully  as  if  it  had  been  upon  a  National 
Concern  :  and  after  taking  a  view  of  our  Cloaths,  our  Swords, 
our  Fufees,  our  Air,  Complexion,  and  manner  of  Speech,  were 
forc'd  to  own  that  we  were  not  true  Spaniards?  Thefe  Con- 
fiderations,  join'd  to  the  Account  I  gave  'em  of  the  Reafons 
upon  which  I  undertook  the  Voyage,  of  the  War  we  were 
ingag'd  in  againft  Spain,  and  of  the  Country  to  the  Eaftward 
that  we  poffefs'd  ;  thefe,  I  fay,  had  fo  much  influence,  as  to 
undeceive  'em.  Then  they  invited  me  to  encamp  in  their 
Ifland,  and  brought  me  a  fort  of  [123]  Grain  not  unlike  our 
Lentils,  that  grows  plentifully  in  that  Country.  I  thank'd  'em 
for  their  Invitation,  and  told  'em  that  I  would  not  be  oblig'd 
to  diftruft  them,  nor  give  them  any  occafion  to  diftrufl:  me. 
However,  I  crofs'd  with  my  Savages  and  ten  Soldiers  well 
arm'd;  and  after  breaking  the  Ice  in  certain  places  (for  it  had 
freez'd  hard  for  ten  or  twelve  days)  I  landed  within  two 
Leagues  of  one  of  their  Villages,  to  which  I  walk'd  up  by 
Land.  'Tis  needlefs  to  mention  the  Particulars  of  the  Cere- 
mony with  which  I  was  receiv'd,  it  being  the  fame  with  what 
I  defcrib'd  upon  other  occafions ;  I  fhall  only  take  occafion  to 
acquaint  you,  that  my  Prefents  made  a  wonderful  Imprefiion 
upon  the  Minds  of  thefe  People,  whom  I  fhall  call  a  rafcally 
Rabble,  tho'  at  the  fame  time  they  are  the  politefl  Nation  I 
have  yet  feen  in  this  Country.     Their  Governour  bears  the 


192  Some  New  Voyages 

Figure  of  a  King  more  than  any  of  the  other  Commanders  of 
the  Savages.  He  has  an  abfolute  Dominion  over  all  the  Vil- 
lages which  are  defcrib'd  in  my  Map.  In  this  and  the  other 
Iflands  I  faw  large  Parks,  or  Inclofures,  ftock'd  with  wild 
Beeves  for  the  ufe  of  the  People.  I  had  an  Interview  for  two 
hours  together  with  the  Governour,  or  the  Cacick;  and  almoft 
our  whole  Conference  related  to  the  Spaniards  of  New  Mexico, 
who,  as  he  affured  me,  were  not  diftant  from  his  Country 
above  eighty  Tazous,  each  of  which  is  three  Leagues.  I  muft 
own  indeed,  I  was  as  curious  upon  this  Head  as  he  was ;  and 
I  wanted  an  Account  of  the  Spaniards  from  him,  as  much  as 
he  did  from  me:  In  fine,  we  reciprocally  inform'd  one  another 
of  a  great  many  Particulars  relating  to  that  Head.  He 
requefted  me  to  accept  of  a  great  Houfe  that  was  prepar'd 
for  me ;  and  his  firft:  piece  of  Civility  confifted  in  calling  in  a 
great  many  Girls,  and  preffing  me  and  my  Retinue  to  ferve 
our  felves.  Had  this  Temptation  been  thrown  in  our  way  at 
a  more  feafonable  time,  it  had  prov'd  irrefiftible ;  but  'twas 
not  an  agreeable  Mefs  [124]  for  Paffengers  that  were  infee- 
bled  by  Labour  and  Want.  Sine  Cerere  Cs?  Baccho  friget  Venus. 
After  he  made  us  fuch  a  civil  Proffer,  the  Savages,  upon  my 
inftance,  reprefented  to  him,  that  my  Detachment  expeded 
me  at  a  certain  hour,  and  that  if  I  ftay'd  longer,  they  would 
be  in  pain  for  me.  This  Adventure  happen'd  on  the  7th  of 
January. 

Two  days  after,  the  Cacick  came  to  fee  me,  and  brought 
with  him  four  hundred  of  his  own  Subjeds,  and  iour  Mozeem- 
lek  Savages,  whom  I  took  for  Spaniards.     My  Miftake  was 


to  North' Kn'\Qnc2i.  193 

occafion'd  by  the  great  difference  between  thefe  two  American 
Nations ;  for,  the  Mozeemlek  Savages  were  cloath'd,  they  had 
a  thick  biifliy  Beard,  and  their  Hair  hung  down  under  their 
Ears ;  their  Complexion  was  fwarthy,  their  Addrefs  was  civil 
and  fubmifTive,  their  Meen  grave,  and  their  Carriage  engag- 
ing. Upon  thefe  Confiderations  I  could  not  imagine  that 
they  were  Savages,  tho'  after  all  I  found  my  felf  miftaken. 
Thefe  four  Slaves  gave  me  a  Defcription  of  their  Country, 
which  the  Gnacfitares  reprefented  by  way  of  a  Map  upon  a 
Deer's  Skin ;  as  you  fee  it  drawn  in  this  Map.  Their  Villages 
ftand  upon  a  River  that  fprings  out  of  a  ridge  of  Mountains, 
from  which  the  Long  River  likewife  derives  its  Source,  there 
being  a  great  many  Brooks  there  which  by  a  joint  Con- 
fluence form  the  River.  When  the  Gnacfitares  have  a  mind  to 
hunt  wild  Beeves,  they  fet  out  in  Pirogues,  which  they  make 
ufe  of  till  they  come  to  the  Crofs  mark'd  thus  (+)  in  the 
Map,  at  the  Confluence  of  two  little  Rivers.  The  Hunting 
of  the  wild  Bulls,  with  which  all  the  Valleys  are  cover'd  in 
Summer,  is  fometimes  the  occafion  of  a  cruel  War :  For  the 
other  Crofs  (+)  which  you  fee  in  the  Map  is  one  of  the 
Boundaries  or  Limits  of  Mozeemlek;  and  if  either  of  thefe 
two  Nations  advances  but  a  little  beyond  their  Limits,  it  gives 
Rife  to  a  bloody  Engagement.  The  Mountains  I  fpoke  of  but 
now,  are  fix  Leagues  broad,  and  fo  high  [125]  that  one  muft 
cafl:  an  infinity  of  Windings  and  Turnings  before  he  can  crofs 
'em.     Bears  and  wild  Beafl:s  are  their  only  Inhabitants. 

The  Mozeemleck  Nation  is  numerous  and  puifl"ant.     The 

four  Slaves  of  that  Country  inform'd  me,  that  at  the  difliance 
la 


194  Some  New  Voyages 

of  150  Leagues  from  the  Place  where  I  then  was,  their  prin- 
cipal River  empties  it  felf  into  a  Salt  Lake  of  three  hundred 
Leagues  in  Circumference,  the  mouth  of  which  is  about  two 
Leagues  broad:  That  the  lower  part  of  that  River  is  adorn'd 
with  fix  noble  Cities,  furrounded  with  Stone  cemented  with 
fat  Earth :  That  the  Houfes  of  thefe  Cities  have  no  Roofs, 
but  are  open  above  like  a  Platform,  as  you  fee  'em  drawn  in 
the  Map  :  That  befides  the  abovemention'd  Cities,  there  were 
above  an  hundred  Towns,  great  and  fmall,  round  that  fort  of 
Sea,  upon  which  they  navigate  with  fuch  Boats  as  you  fee 
drawn  in  the  Map  :  That  the  People  of  that  Country  made 
Stuffs,  Copper  Axes,  and  feveral  other  Manufactures,  which 
the  Outagamis  and  my  other  Interpreters  could  not  give  me 
to  underftand,  as  being  altogether  unacquainted  with  fuch 
things :  That  their  Government  was  Defpotick,  and  lodg'd 
in  the  hands  of  one  great  Head,  to  whom  the  reft  paid  a 
trembling  Submiffion:  That  the  People  upon  that  Lake  call 
themfelves  Tahuglauk^  and  are  as  numerous  as  the  Leaves  of 
Trees,  (fuch  is  the  Expreffion  that  the  Savages  ufe  for  an 
Hyperbole:)  That  the  Mozeemlek  People  fupply  the  Cities 
or  Towns  of  the  Tahuglauk  with  great  numbers  of  little  Calves, 
which  they  take  upon  the  abovemention'd  Mountains :  and, 
That  the  Tahuglauk  make  ufe  of  thefe  Calves  for  feveral  ends ; 
for,  they  not  only  eat  their  Flefh,  but  bring  'em  up  to  Labour, 
and  make  Cloaths,  Boots,  ^c.  of  their  Skins.  They  added, 
That  'twas  their  Misfortune  to  be  took  Prifoners  by  the 
Gnacfttares  in  the  War  which  had  lafted  for  eighteen  Years ; 
but,  that  they  hoped  a  Peace  would  be  fpeedily  concluded, 


to  iVd?;YZ>- America.  195 

[126]  upon  which  the  Prifoners  would  be  exchang'd,  purfuant 
to  the  ufual  Cuftom.  They  glory'd  in  the  poffeffion  of  a 
greater  meafure  of  Reafon  than  the  Gnacfitares  could  pretend 
to,  to  whom  they  allow  no  more  than  the  Figure  of  a  Man ; 
for  they  look  upon  'em  as  Beafts  otherwife.  To  my  mind, 
their  Notion  upon  this  Head  is  not  fo  very  extravagant ;  for 
I  obferv'd  fo  much  Honour  and  Politenefs  in  the  Converfa- 
tion  of  thefe  four  Slaves,  that  I  thought  I  had  to  do  with 
Europeans :  But,  after  all,  I  muft  confefs,  that  the  Gnacfitares 
are  the  moil  tradlable  Nation  I  met  with  among  all  the  Sav- 
ages. One  of  the  four  Mozeemiek  Slaves  had  a  reddifh  fort  of 
a  Copper  Medal  hanging  upon  his  Neck,  the  Figure  of  which 
is  reprefented  in  the  Map.  I  had  it  melted  by  Mr.  de  TontVs 
Gun-fmith,  who  underftood  fomething  of  Mettals ;  but  it 
became  thereupon  heavier,  and  deeper  colour'd,  and  withal 
fomewhat  tra6lable.  I  defir'd  the  Slaves  to  give  me  a  circum- 
ftantial  Account  of  thefe  Medals ;  and  accordingly  they  gave 
me  to  underftand,  that  they  are  made  by  the  Tahuglauk,  who 
are  excellent  Artizans,  and  put  a  great  value  upon  fuch  Med- 
als. I  could  pump  nothing  farther  out  of  'em,  with  relation 
to  the  Country,  Commerce  and  Cuftoms  of  that  remote  Nation. 
All  they  could  fay  was,  that  the  great  River  of  that  Nation 
runs  all  along  Weftward,  and  that  the  fait  Lake  into  which  it 
falls  is  three  hundred  Leagues  in  Circumference,  and  thirty 
in  breadth,  its  Mouth  ftretching  a  great  way  to  the  South- 
ward. I  would  fain  have  fatisfied  my  Curiofity  in  being  an 
eye-witnefs  of  the  Manners  and  Cuftoms  of  the  Tahuglauk; 
but  that  being  impradlicable,  I  was  forc'd  to  be  inftrudled  at 


196  Some  New  Voyages 

fecond  hand  by  thefe  Mozeemlek  Slaves  ;  who  affur'd  me,  upon 
the  Faith  of  a  Savage,  that  the  Tahuglauk  wear  their  Beards 
two  Fingers  breadth  long ;  that  their  Garments  reach  down 
to  their  Knees ;  that  they  cover  their  Heads  with  a  (harp- 
pointed  Cap;  that  they  [127]  always  wear  a  long  Stick  or 
Cane  in  their  hands,  which  is  tipp'd,  not  unlike  what  we  ufe 
in  Europe ;  that  they  wear  a  fort  of  Boots  upon  their  Legs 
which  reach  up  to  the  Knee  ;  that  their  Women  never  fhew 
themfelves,  which  perhaps  proceeds  from  the  fame  Principle 
that  prevails  in  Italy  and  Spain  ;  and,  in  fine,  that  this  People 
are  always  at  War  with  the  puiffant  Nations  that  are  feated  in 
the  Neighbourhood  of  the  Lake ;  but  withal,  that  they  never 
difquiet  the  ftrowling  Nations  that  fall  in  their  way,  by  reafon 
of  their  Weaknefs :  An  admirable  Leffon  for  fome  Princes  in 
the  World,  who  are  fo  much  intent  upon  the  making  ufe  of 
the  ftrongeft  hand. 

This  was  ail  I  could  gather  upon  that  Subjedl.  My  Curi- 
ofity  prompted  me  to  defire  a  more  particular  Account ;  but 
unluckily  I  wanted  a  good  Interpreter :  and  having  to  do 
with  feveral  Perfons  that  did  not  well  underftand  themfelves, 
I  could  make  nothing  of  their  incoherent  Fuftian.  I  prefented 
the  poor  miferable  Slaves  with  fomething  in  proportion  to 
the  Cuftom  of  that  Country,  and  endeavour'd  to  perfwade 
'em  to  go  with  me  to  Canada^  by  making  'em  fuch  Offers  as 
in  their  efteem  would  appear  like  Mountains  of  Gold  :  but 
the  love  they  had  for  their  Country  ftifled  all  Perfwafion ;  fo 
true  it  is,  that  Nature  reduc'd  to  its  juft  Limits  cares  but  little 
for  Riches. 


to  North- Avnmc3..  197 

In  the  mean  time  it  began  to  thaw,  and  the  Wind  chop'd 
about  to  the  South-weft ;  upon  which  I  gave  notice  to  the 
great  Cacique  of  the  Gnacjitares,  that  I  had  a  mind  to  return  to 
Canada.  Upon  that  occafion  I  repeated  my  Prefents;  in  com- 
penfation  of  which,  my  Pirogues  were  ftow'd  with  Beef  as  full 
as  they  could  hold.  This  done,  I  embark'd,  and  crofs'd  over 
from  the  little  Ifland  to  the  Continent,  where  I  fix'd  a  great 
long  Pole,  with  the  Arms  of  France  done  upon  a  Plate  of 
Lead.  I  fet  out  the  26th  of  January^  and  arriv'd  fafe  on  the 
5th  of  February  in  the  Country  [128]  of  the  Effanapes.  We 
had  much  more  pleafure  in  faihng  down  the  River,  than  we 
had  in  going  up  ;  for  we  had  the  agreeable  diverfion  of  feeing 
feveral  Huntfmen  fhooting  the  Water-Fowl,  that  are  plentiful 
upon  that  River.  You  muft  know,  that  the  Stream  of  the 
Long  River  is  all  along  very  flack  and  eafie,  abating  for  about 
three  Leagues  between  the  fourteenth  and  fifteenth  Village; 
for  there  indeed  its  Current  may  be  call'd  rapid.  The  Chan- 
nel is  fo  ftraight,  that  it  fcarce  winds  at  all  from  the  Head  to 
the  Lake.  'Tis  true  'tis  not  very  pleafant ;  for  moft  of  its 
Banks  have  a  difmal  Profpedl,  and  the  Water  it  felf  has  an 
ugly  Tafte :  but  then  its  Ufefulnefs  attones  for  fuch  Incon- 
veniencies ;  for,  'tis  navigable  with  the  greateft  eafe,  and  will 
bear  Barques  of  fifty  Tun,  till  you  come  to  that  place  which 
is  mark'd  with  a  Flower-de-luce  in  the  Map,  and  where  I  put 
up  the  Poft  that  my  Soldiers  chriften'd  la  Hontau's  Limit. 
March  1.  I  arriv'd  in  the  Mijfifipi^  which  was  then  much 
deeper  and  more  rapid  than  before,  by  reafon  of  the  Rains 
and  Land-floods.     To  fave  the  Labour  of  Rowing,  we  then 


198  Some  New  Voyages 

left  our  Boats  to  the  Current,  and  arriv'd  on  the  loth  in  the 
Ifland  of  Rencontres^  which  took  its  Name  from  the  Defeat  of 
400  Iroquefe,  accompHfh'd  there  by  300  NadoueJJis.  The  Story 
of  the  Encounter  is  briefly  this  :  A  Party  of  400  Iroquefe  hav- 
ing a  mind  to  furprife  a  certain  People  in  the  Neighbourhood 
of  the  Otentas  (of  whom  more  anon)  march'd  to  the  Country 
of  the  Illinefe,  where  they  built  Canows,  and  were  furnifh'd 
with  Provifions.  After  that  they  embark'd  upon  the  River 
MiJJifipi,  and  were  difcover'd  by  another  little  Fleet  that  was 
failing  down  the  other  fide  of  the  fame  River.  The  Iroquefe 
crofs'd  over  immediately  to  that  Ifland,  which  is  fince  call'd 
/iux  Rencontres.  The  Nadouefjis,  i.  e.  the  other  little  Fleet, 
being  fufpicious  of  fome  ill  Defign,  without  knowing  what 
People  they  were,  (for  they  had  no  knowledge  of  the  [129] 
Iroquefe  but  by  Hear-fay ;  upon  this  fufpicion,  I  fay,  they 
tugg'd  hard  to  come  up  with  'em.  The  two  Armies  pofl:ed 
themfelves  upon  the  point  of  the  Ifland,  where  the  two  Croffes 
are  put  down  in  the  Map  ;  and  as  foon  as  the  Nadoueffis  came 
in  fight,  the  Iroquefe  cry'd  out  in  the  lUinefe  Language,  Who 
are  ye?  To  which  the  Nadoueffis  anfwer'd.  Some  body :  And  put- 
ting the  like  Queflion  to  the  Iroquefe^  receiv'd  the  fame  An- 
fwer.  Then  the  Iroquefe  put  this  Queftion  to  'em.  Where  are 
you  a  going?  To  hunt  Beeves,  reply'd  the  Nadoueffis.  But  pray ., 
fays  the  Nadoueffis,  what's  your  bufinefs?  To  hunt  Men,  reply'd 
the  Iroquefe.  ^Tis  well,  fays  the  Nadoueffis,  we  are  men,  and  fo 
you  need  go  no  farther.  Upon  this  Challenge  the  two  Parties 
difembark'd,  and  the  Leader  of  the  Nadoueffis  cut  his  Canows 


-1 


to  North-Kvnmc2i.  199 

to  pieces  ;  and  after  reprefenting  to  his  Warriours  that  they 
behov'd  either  to  Conquer  or  Die,  march'd  up  to  the  Iroquefe; 
who  receiv'd  'em  at  firft  Onfet  with  a  Cloud  of  Arrows :  But 
the  Nadouejfui  having  ftood  their  firft  Difcharge,  which  kill'd 
'em  eighty  Men,  fell  in  upon  'em  with  their  Clubs  in  their 
hands,  before  the  others  could  charge  again ;  and  fo  routed 
'em  entirely.  This  Engagement  lafted  for  two  hours,  and 
was  fo  hot,  that  two  hundred  and  fixty  Iroquefe  fell  upon  the 
fpot,  and  the  reft  were  all  taken  Prifoners.  Some  of  the 
Iroquefe  indeed  attempted  to  make  their  Efcape  after  the 
Adion  was  over ;  but  the  victorious  General  fent  ten  or 
twelve  of  his  Men  to  purfue  'em  in  one  of  the  Canows  that 
he  had  taken :  and  accordingly  they  were  all  overtaken  and 
drown'd.  The  Nadoueffis  having  obtain'd  this  Vidory,  cut 
off  the  Nofes  and  Ears  of  two  of  the  clivereft  Prifoners ;  and 
fupplying  'em  with  Fufees,  Powder,  and  Ball,  gave  'em  the 
liberty  of  returning  to  their  own  Country,  in  order  to  give 
their  Country-men  to  underftand,  that  they  ought  not  to 
employ  Women  to  hunt  after  Men  any  longer.^ 

[130]  The  1 2th  we  arriv'd  at  the  Village  of  the  Otentas^ 
where  we  took  in  a  plentiful  Provifion  of  Turkey  Corn,  of  which 
thefe  People  have  great  ftore.  They  inform'd  us,  that  their 
River  was  pretty  rapid,  and  took  its  Rife  from  the  neighbour- 
ing Mountains ;  and  that  the  upper  part  of  it  was  adorn'd 
with  feveral  Villages  inhabited  by  the  People  call'd  Pnnimaha, 


^  This  tale  appears  to  have  been  an  invention  of  Lahontan ;  none  of  his  contem- 
poraries describes  any  such  encounter  between  the  Sioux  and  the  Iroquois.  —  Ed. 


200  Some  New  Voyages 

Paneaffa,  and  Panetonka}  But  confidering  that  I  was  ftraitned 
for  time,  and  that  I  faw  no  probability  of  learning  what  I 
wanted  to  know  with  reference  to  the  Spaniards^  I  took  leave 
of  'em  the  next  day,  which  was  the  13th,  and  in  four  days 
time,  by  the  help  of  the  Current  and  our  Oars,  made  the 
River  of  the  Miffouris?  This  done,  we  run  up  againft  the 
Stream  of  that  River,  which  was  at  leaft  as  rapid  as  the  Mijfifipi 
was  at  that  time;  and  arriv'd  on  the  i8th  at  the  firft  Village 
of  the  Miffouris,  where  I  only  ftop'd  to  make  the  People  fome 
Prefents  that  procur'd  me  a  hundred  Turkeys,  with  which 
that  People  are  wonderfully  well  ftock'd.^  After  that,  we 
row'd  hard  againft  the  Stream,  and  landed  next  night  near  the 
fecond  Village.  As  foon  as  I  arriv'd,  I  detach'd  a  Sergeant 
with  ten  Soldiers  to  convoy  the  Outagamis  to  the  Village, 
while  the   reft  of  my   Crew  were   bufied   in   fitting   up    our 

1  River  Otentas  is  an  early  name  for  the  Des  Moines,  so  called  from  the  tribe 
encountered  near  its  mouth.  Marquette's  map  shows  the  Otontantas,  whom  Shea, 
Early  Voyages  on  the  Mississippi  (Albany,  1861),  identifies  with  the  Oto,  evidently 
the  same  as  the  Authoutantas  of  LeClercq  and  Hennepin.  The  Oto  were  a  Siouan 
tribe  who  by  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century  had  migrated  west  of  the  Mis- 
souri, and  were  settled  on  Platte  River  with  the  remnant  of  the  Missouri  tribe.  The 
Panimaha,  Paneassa,  and  Panitonka  were  divisions  of  the  Pawnees,  of  Caddoan  stock. 
The  Panimaha  were  later  called  Pawnee  Loups.  By  the  close  of  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury they  were  all  west  of  the  Missouri.  —  Ed. 

2  Missouri  River  was  first  seen  at  its  mouth  by  Jolliet  and  Marquette,  who  called 
it  Pekitanoui,  meaning  Muddy  Stream.  Marquette  surmised  that  its  upper  waters 
might  mingle  with  a  stream  flowing  into  the  Vermillion  Sea  {Pacific  Ocean). —  Ed. 

3  The  Missouri  were  a  Siouan  tribe  first  encountered  near  the  mouth  of  their  great 
river.  It  would  be  fruitless  to  attempt  to  locate  the  villages  described  by  Lahontan  ; 
but  later,  the  Missouri  dwelt  for  many  years  near  the  mouth  of  Grand  River.  From 
this  site  they  were  driven  late  in  the  eighteenth  century,  and  amalgamated  with  the 
Kansa  and  Oto.  On  the  movements  of  all  these  tribes  see  Dorsey,  "  Migrations  of 
Siouan  Tribes,"  in  Amer.  Naturalist,  xx,  pp.  211-218.  —  Ed. 


to  iV(?r^^- America.  201 

Hutts  and  unloading  our  Canows.  It  happen'd  unluckily 
that  neither  the  Soldiers  nor  the  Outagamis  could  make  the 
Savages  underftand  'em ;  and  the  latter  were  juft  ready  to  fall 
upon  'em,  when  an  old  Fellow  cry'd  out,  that  the  Strangers 
were  not  without  more  company,  for  that  he  had  difcover'd 
our  Huts  and  Canows.  Upon  this,  the  Soldiers  and  the  Outa- 
gamis retlr'd  In  a  great  Confternation,  and  advls'd  me  to  keep 
a  ftrong  Guard  all  night.  About  two  a  clock  in  the  Morning 
two  Men  approach'd  to  our  little  Camp,  and  call'd  in  Illinefe, 
that  they  wanted  an  Interview ;  upon  which  the  Outagamis^ 
being  extreamly  well  fatisfied  that  there  was  fome  body  among 
'em  who  could  underftand  what  they  faid,  reply'd  [131]  In 
lUinefe,  that  they  fliould  be  very  welcome  as  foon  as  the  Sun 
appear'd  in  the  Horizon.  Neverthelefs,  the  Outagamis  re- 
fented  the  former  Affront  fo  much,  that  they  importun'd  me 
all  night  long  to  fet  fire  to  the  Village,  and  put  all  the  fcoun- 
drel  Inhabitants  to  the  Sword.  I  made  anfwer  to  'em,  that 
'twas  our  bufinefs  to  be  wifer  than  they,  and  to  bend  our 
Thoughts,  not  upon  a  frultlefs  Revenge,  but  upon  the  Dlfcov- 
ery  that  we  were  then  in  queft  of.  At  the  break  of  Day  the 
two  Adventurers  of  the  Night  came  up  to  us,  and  after  put- 
ting Interrogatories  to  us  for  the  fpace  of  two  hours,  invited 
us  to  come  up  to  their  Village.  The  Outagamis  reply'd,  that 
the  Head  or  Governour  of  their  Nation  ought  to  have  faluted 
us  fooner:  and  this  oblig'd  'em  to  go  back  to  give  him  notice. 
After  that  we  faw  no  body  for  three  hours :  but  at  laft,  when 
our  Impatience  was  juft  beginning  to  boil,  we  perceiv'd  the 
Governour,  who  accofted  us  in  a  trembling  Pofture.     He  was 


202  Some  New  Voyages 

accompany'd  with  fome  of  his  own  Men,  who  were  loaded 
with  broil'd  or  dry'd  Meat,  Sacks  of  Turkey  or  Indian  Corn, 
dry'd  Raifins,  and  fome  fpeckled  or  particolour'd  Buck-skins. 
In  confideration  of  this  Prefent,  I  made  'em  another  of  lefs 
confequence.  Then  I  brought  on  a  Conference  between  the 
Oiitagamis  of  my  Company  and  the  two  Night  Meffengers,  in 
order  to  make  fome  difcovery  of  the  Nature  of  the  Country; 
but  they  ftill  ftop'd  our  Mouths  with  this  Anfwer,  that  they 
knew  nothing  of  the  Matter,  but  that  the  other  Nations  that 
liv'd  higher  up  were  able  to  inform  us.  Had  I  been  of  the 
fame  mind  with  the  Outagamis,  we  had  done  noble  Exploits  in 
this  Place :  but  I  confider'd  that  'twas  my  bufinefs  to  pur- 
chafe  the  Knowledge  of  feveral  things,  which  I  could  not 
obtain  by  burning  the  Village.  To  be  fliort,  we  re-embark'd 
that  fame  day,  about  two  a  clock  in  the  Afternoon,  and  row'd 
about  four  Leagues  up  the  River,  where  we  made  the  River 
of  [132]  the  Ofages,  and  encamp'd  by  its  Mouth. ^  That  Night 
we  had  feveral  falfe  Alarms  from  the  wild  Beeves,  upon  which 
we  made  fufficient  Reprifals  afterwards ;  for  the  next  day  we 
kill'd  many  of  'em  notwithftanding  that  it  rain'd  fo  heavily 
that  we  could  fcarce  ftir  out  of  our  Hutts.  Towards  the 
Evening,  when  the  Rain  was  over,  and  while  we  were  tran- 
fporting  two  or  three  of  thefe  Beeves  to  our  little  Camp,  we 
fpy'd  an  Army  of  the  Savages  upon  a  full  March  towards  us. 


1  The  Missouri  was  in  early  nomenclature  frequently  called  "River  of  the 
Ozages";  but  Lahontan  seems  here  to  refer  to  that  now  known  as  Osage  River. 
The  Osage  Indians  were  of  Siouan  origin,  closely  akin  to  the  Missouri  and  Kansa. 
Nearly  2,000  still  live  (1902)  upon  their  reservation  in  Oklahoma.  —  Ed. 


to  North' Am^nc2i.  203 

Upon  that,  my  Men  began  to  entrench  themfelves,  and  to 
unload  their  Pieces  with  Worms,  in  order  to  charge  'em 
afrefh ;  but  one  of  the  Pieces  happening  to  go  off,  the  whole 
Body  of  the  Enemy  difappear'd,  fome  ftraggling  one  way, 
and  fome  another:  for  thefe  People  were  upon  the  fame  foot 
with  the  Nations  that  live  upon  the  Long  River,  forafmuch  as 
neither  of  them  had  ever  feen  or  handled  Fire-Arms.  How- 
ever, this  Adventure  mov'd  the  Oiitagamis  fo  much,  that  to 
fatisfie  them,  I  was  oblig'd  to  re-embark  that  very  night,  and 
return  the  fame  way  that  I  came.  Towards  Midnight  we 
came  before  a  Village,  and  kept  a  profound  Silence  till  Day- 
break, at  which  time  we  row'd  up  to  their  Fort ;  and  upon 
our  entring  there,  and  difcharging  our  Pieces  in  the  Air,  the 
Women,  Children,  and  fuperannuated  Men,  were  put  into  fuch 
a  Confternation,  that  they  run  from  place  to  place  calling  out 
for  Mercy.  You  muft  know,  all  their  Warriours  were  abroad, 
and  'twas  a  Body  of  them  that  offer'd  to  attack  us  the  day 
before.  The  Oiitagamis  perceiving  the  Confternation  of  the 
Women  and  Children,  call'd  out,  that  they  behov'd  to  depart 
the  Village,  and  that  the  Women  fhould  have  time  to  take  up 
their  Children.  Upon  that  the  whole  Crew  turn'd  out,  and 
we  fet  fire  to  the  Village  on  all  fides.  This  done,  we  purfu'd 
our  Courfe  down  that  rapid  River,  and  enter'd  the  River 
MiJJifipi  on  the  25th,  early  in  the  Morning  :  the  26th,  about 
three  a  clock  in  the  [133]  Afternoon,  we  defcry'd  three  or 
four  hundred  Savages  employ'd  in  the  Hunting  of  Beeves, 
which  fwarmed  in  all  the  Meads  to  the  Weftward.  As  foon  as 
the  Hunters  fpy'd  us,  they  made  a  fign  that  we  fhould  make 


204  Some  New  Voyages 

towards  'em.  Being  ignorant  who,  or  how  numerous  they 
were,  we  made  a  halt  at  firft  ;  but  at  laft  we  put  in  about  a 
Musket-fhot  above  'em,  calling  out  to  'em  that  they  fhould 
not  approach  to  us  in  a  Body.  Upon  that,  four  of  their 
number  came  up  to  us  with  a  fmiling  Countenance,  and  gave 
us  to  know,  in  the  Ilinefe  Language,  that  they  were  Akanfas. 
We  could  not  but  credit  their  Report,  for  they  had  Knives 
and  Sciffars  hanging  upon  their  Necks,  and  little  Axes  about 
'em,  which  the  Ilinefe  prefent  'em  with  when  they  meet.  In 
fine,  being  affur'd  that  they  were  of  that  Nation,  which  Mr.  de 
la  Salle  and  feveral  other  French-men  were  intimately  acquainted 
with,  we  landed  at  the  fame  place  ;  and  they  entertain'd  us  firft 
with  Dancing  and  Singing,  and  then  with  all  forts  of  Meat.^ 
The  next  day  they  fhew'd  us  a  Crocodile  that  they  had 
knock'd  in  the  head  two  days  before,  by  a  Stratagem  that 
you'll  find  defcrib'd  in  another  place  :  After  that  they  gave 
us  the  diverfion  of  a  Hunting  Match;  for  'tis  cuftomary  with 
them,  when  they  mean  to  divert  themfelves,  to  catch  the 
Beeves  by  the  different  Methods  laid  down  in  this  Cut.  I 
put  fome  Queftions  to  'em  relating  to  the  Spaniards,  but  they 
could  not  refolve  'em.  All  that  I  learn'd  from  'em  was,  that 
the  Mijfouris  and  the  Ofages  are  numerous   and   mifchievous 


^  The  Akansas  (Arkansas)  was  the  name  by  which  the  French  designated  the 
great  Siouan  tribe  of  Quapaw.  Dorsey  (see  p.  200,  note  3,  ante)  thinks  it  was  an 
Illinois  term  for  all  that  stock  who  lived  on  the  banks  of  the  Ohio,  whence  the 
Quapaw  moved  southward  (before  1540)  to  the  region  of  the  river  now  known  as 
Arkansas.  In  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century  numerous  bands  of  Arkansas 
lived  along  the  river  of  that  name.  About  three  hundred  yet  survive  in  Oklahoma. 
For  La  Salle's  adventures  among  the  Arkansas,  see  Membre's  account  in  Shea,  Dis- 
covery and  Exploration  of  Mississippi  Valley  (New  York,  1853) ,  pp.  169-172.  — Ed. 


to  North- Am^nc2i,  205 

Nations,  equally  void  both  of  Courage  and  Honefty ;  that 
their  Countries  were  water'd  with  very  great  Rivers ;  and,  in 
a  word,  were  too  good  for  them. 

After  we  had  fpent  two  days  with  them,  we  purfued  our 
Voyage  to  the  River  Oiiabach^  taking  care  to  watch  the  Croco- 
diles very  narrowly,  of  which  they  had  told  us  incredible  Stories. 
The  next  day  we  enter'd  the  Mouth  of  that  River,  and  founded 
'^  [134]  to  try  the  truth  of  what  the  Savages  reported  of  its 
depth.  In  efiFed,  we  found  there  three  Fathom  and  a  half 
Water;  but  the  Savages  of  our  Company  alledg'd,  that  'twas 
more  fwell'd  than  ufually.^  They  all  agreed,  that  'twas  Navi- 
gable an  hundred  Leagues  up,  and  I  wifh'd  heartily,  that  my 
time  had  allow'd  me  to  run  up  to  its  Source  ;  but  that  being 
unfeafonable,  I  fail'd  up  againft  the  Stream,  till  we  came  to  the 
River  of  the  Illinefe,  which  we  made  on  the  ^th  of  April  with 
fome  difficulty,  for  the  Wind  was  againft  us  the  firft  two  days, 
and  the  Currents  was  very  rapid.^ 

All  I  can  fay  of  the  River  MiJJifipi^  now  that  I  am  to  take 
leave  of  it,  is,  that  its  narroweft  part  is  half  a  League  over, 
and   the  fhalloweft  is  a  Fathom   and  a  half  deep  ;    and  that 


1  The  Ohio  River  was  usually  designated  as  the  Wabash  (Ouabache)  below 
the  mouth  of  the  present  river  of  that  name.  Marquette  gave  it  the  title  Ouabou- 
skiguo,  which  the  French  soon  corrupted  into  Ouabache.  The  upper  reaches  of  the 
Ohio  were  early  known  by  the  name  it  now  bears.  —  Ed. 

2  Jolliet  and  Marquette  named  the  Illinois  River  St.  Louis.  Several  names  were 
later  given  it;  Seignelay  (by  Hennepin) ,  Riviere  Divine,  etc.  For  an  explanation 
of  these  titles  see  Parkman,  La  Salle,  p.  154  note.  This  river,  about  three  hundred 
and  fifty  miles  in  length,  is  entirely  in  the  state  of  the  same  name.  Its  easy  naviga- 
tion made  it  of  much  value  as  a  connecting  link  between  the  great  lakes  and  the 
Mississippi.  —  Ed. 


2o6  Some  New  Voyages 

according  to  the  information  of  the  Savages,  its  ftream  is 
pretty  gentle  for  feven  or  eight  Months  of  the  year.  As  for 
Shelves  or  Banks  of  Sand,  I  met  with  none  in  it.  'Tis  full  of 
Ifles  which  look  like  Groves,  by  reafon  of  the  great  plenty 
of  Trees,  and  in  the  verdant  feafon  of  the  year  afford  a  very 
agreeable  profpe(5l.  Its  Banks  are  Woods,  Meadows  and 
Hills.  I  cannot  be  pofitive,  whether  it  winds  much  in  other 
places ;  but  as  far  as  I  could  fee,  its  courfe  is  very  different 
from  that  of  our  Rivers  in  France;  for  I  muft  tell  you  by  the 
way,  that  all  the  Rivers  of  America  run  pretty  ftraight. 

The  River  of  the  Illineje  is  intitled  to  Riches,  by  vertue  of 
the  benign  Climate,  and  of  the  great  quantities  of  Deer,  Roe- 
Bucks,  and  Turkeys  that  feed  upon  its  brinks :  Not  to  men- 
tion feveral  other  Beafts  and  Fowls,  a  defcription  of  which 
would  require  an  intire  Volume.  If  you  faw  but  my  Journal, 
you  would  be  fick  of  the  tedious  particulars  of  our  daily 
Adventures  both  in  Hunting  and  Fifhing  divers  fpecies  of 
Animals,  and  in  Rencounters  with  the  Savages.  In  fhort,  the 
laft  thing  I  fhall  mention  of  this  [135]  River,  is,  that  the 
Banks  are  replenifh'd  with  an  infinity  of  Fruit-Trees,  which 
we  faw  in  a  difmal  condition,  as  being  ftrip'd  of  their  verdure; 
and  that  among  thefe  Fruit-Trees,  there  are  many  Vines, 
which  bear  mofl  beautiful  Clufters  of  very  large  Grapes.  I 
ate  fome  of  thefe  Grapes  dry'd  in  the  Sun,  which  had  a  moft 
delicious  Tafte.  The  Beavers  are  as  unfrequent  in  this,  as  in 
the  long  River,  where  I  faw  nothing  but  Otters,  of  which  the 
People  make  Furs  for  the  Winter. 

I  fet  out  from  the  Illineje  River  on  the  lOth  of  Aprils  and 


to  North-hvnmc2i,  207 

by  the  help  of  a  Weft-South-Weft  Wind,  arriv'd  in  fix  days 
at  the  Fort  of  Crevecoeiir,  where  I  met  with  Mr.  de  Tonti,  who 
receiv'd  me  with  all  imaginable  Civility,  and  is  juftly  refpeded 
and  honour'd  by  the  Iroqiiefe}  I  ftay'd  three  days  in  this 
Fort,  where  there  were  thirty  Coureurs  de  Bois  that  traded  with 
the  Illinefe.  The  20th  I  arriv'd  at  the  Village  of  the  IlUnefe;. 
and  to  leffen  the  drudgery  of  a  great  Land-carriage  of  twelve 
great  Leagues,  ingag'd  four  hundred  Men  to  tranfport  our 
Baggage,  which  they  did  in  the  fpace  of  four  days,  being 
incourag'd  by  a  Bribe  of  a  great  Roll  of  Brafd  Tobacco,  an 
hundred  pound  weight  of  Powder,  two  hundred  weight  of 
Ball,  and  fome  Arms,  which  I  gave  to  the  moft  confiderable 
Men  of  their  number.  The  i^th  I  arriv'd  at  Chekakou,  where 
my  Outagamis  took  leave  of  me  in  order  to  return  to  their  own 
Country,  being  very  well  fatisfied  with  a  Prefent  I  made  'em 
of  fome  Fufees,  and  fome  Piftols.^  The  i^th  I  reimbarqued, 
and  by  rowing  hard  in  a  Calm,  made  the  River  of  the  Oumamis 
on  the  2Stb.     There  I  met  four  hundred  Warriours,  upon  the 

1  If  Lahontan  had  really  been  at  Tonty's  fort  on  the  Illinois,  he  would  have 
known  better  than  to  call  it  Fort  Crevecoeur.  The  latter  was  the  fort  built  near  the 
site  of  Peoria,  111.,  on  La  Salle's  first  journey  to  Illinois,  and  destroyed  by  mutineer- 
ing  soldiers  two  months  later  (Jan. -March,  1680).  Tonty  was  at  this  time  in  com- 
mand at  Fort  St.  Louis,  built  (1682)  on  "  La  Rocher  "  farther  up  the  river  near  the 
present  Utica.  For  its  later  history  see  p.  133,  note  r,  ante.  Lahontan  probably 
intended  to  say  that  Tonty  was  respected  and  honored  by  the  Illinois,  not  the  Iroquois, 
against  whom  he  waged  frequent  wars.  —  Ed. 

2  The  portage  at  Chicago  was  first  made  known  to  the  French  by  the  voyage  of 
Jolliet  and  Marquette,  who  returned  to  Mackinac  by  this  route  (1672).  They  re- 
ported it  as  very  convenient  for  settlement  (Jes.  ReL,  Iviii,  pp.  105,  107);  but  La 
Salle  wrote  less  favorably  of  the  site,  and  that  a  canal  would  be  very  expensive.  The 
connection  between  Chicago  River  and  the  Illinois  is  now  secured  by  the  Chicago 
drainage  canal,  between  that  city  and  Joliet,  111.  —  Ed. 


2o8  Some  New  Voyages 

very  fame  place  where  Mr.  de  la  Salle  had  formerly  built  a 
Fort.^  Thefe  Warriours  were  then  imploy'd  in  burning  three 
Iroquefe,  who,  as  they  faid,  deferv'd  the  Punifhment ;  and 
invited  us  to  fhare  in  the  pleafure  of  the  Show ;  for  the 
Savages  take  it  very  ill  if  one  [136]  refufes  the  diverfion  of 
fuch  real  Tragedies.  The  Tragical  fpe6lacle  made  me  fhrink, 
for  the  poor  wretches  were  put  to  inconceiveable  Torture; 
and  upon  that  I  refolv'd  to  reimbarque  with  all  expedition ; 
alledging  for  an  Apology,  that  my  Men  had  great  ftore  of 
Brandy  with  'em,  and  would  certainly  make  themfelves  drunk, 
in  folemnifing  their  Vidory,  upon  which  they  would  be  apt 
to  commit  diforders,  that  I  could  not  poflibly  prevent.  Ac- 
cordingly I  went  immediately  on  board,  and  after  coafhing 
along  the  Lake,  crofs'd  the  Bay  de  VOurs,  and  landed  at  Mif- 
filimakinac  the  iid} 

I  am  inform'd  by  the  Sieur  de  S.  Pierre  de  Repantigni,  who 
travel'd  from  Quebec  hither  upon  the  Ice,  that  Mr.  de  Denonville 
has  took  up  a  refolution  of  making  a  Peace  with  the  Iroquefe^  in 


1  The  River  of  the  Miamis  was  that  now  known  as  St.  Joseph,  which  flows  into 
Lake  Michigan  in  Berrien  County,  Mich.  La  Salle  built  a  fort  at  this  place  in 
November,  1679,  which  was  destroyed  the  next  spring  by  the  deserters  from  Fort 
Crevecoeur.  In  the  autumn  of  the  same  year  it  was  rebuilt  by  La  Salle's  lieutenant 
La  Forest,  and  there  the  great  explorer  spent  the  ensuing  winter.  The  Jesuits 
founded  a  mission  to  the  Miamis  about  sixty  miles  up  the  river,  near  the  present 
Niles,  Mich.  The  mission  and  the  fort  afterwards  built  were  known  as  St. 
Joseph.  —  Ed. 

2 The  Bay  de  I'Ours  qui  Dort  (Bay  of  Sleeping  Bears)  was  that  now  called 
Grand  Traverse  Bay,  Mich.  This  name  appears  upon  nearly  all  French  maps  until 
the  English  conquest  (1760).  The  first  English  maps  designate  it  as  Grand  Bay; 
later,  it  acquired  its  present  appellation.  The  French  name  was  doubtless  given 
because  of  a  fancied  resemblance  in  the  rocky  headlands  to  sleeping  bears,  —  Ed, 


to  North- Amtv\c2i.  209 

which  he  means  to  comprehend  the  other  Nations  that  are  his 
Allies ;  and  with  that  view  had  given  notice  to  his  Allies,  that 
they  fhould  not  infeft  the  Iroqiiefe}  He  acquaints  me  further, 
that  Mr.  de  Denonville  has  fent  orders  to  the  Governour  of 
this  place,  to  perfwade  the  Rat^  (one  of  the  Commanders  of 
the  Hurons)  to  go  down  to  the  Colony,  with  a  defign,  to  have 
him  hang'd ;  and  that  the  Savage  General  being  aware  of 
the  defign,  has  made  a  publick  Declaration,  that  he  will  go 
thither  on  purpofe  to  defie  him.  Accordingly  he  defigns  to 
fet  out  to  Morrow  with  a  great  body  of  Oiitaouas^  and  fome 
Coureurs  de  Boh,  under  the  command  of  Mr.  Dulhut.  As  for 
the  Soldiers  of  my  Detachment,  I  have  difpers'd  'em  in  feveral 
Canows  among  the  Savages,  and  the  Coureurs  de  Bois ;  but 
having  fome  bufinefs  to  adjuft  in  this  place,  I  am  oblig'd  to 
tarry  my  felf  feven  or  eight  days  longer. 

This,  Sir,  is  the  true  account  of  my  little  Voyage.  I  have 
related  nothing  but  the  Effential  Circumftances ;  choofmg  to 
overlook  the  reft,  which  are  fo  trifling,  as  to  be  unworthy  of 
your  Curiofity.  [137]  As  for  the  lUinefe  Lake,  'tis  three  hun- 
dred Leagues  in  Circumference,  as  you  may  fee  by  the  Scale 
of  Leagues  upon  the  Map.     'Tis  feated  in  an  admirable  Cli- 


^  Jean  Paul  le  Gardeur,  sieur  de  St.  Pierre  de  Repentigny,  was  grandson  of  a 
Norman  gentleman  of  good  family,  who  early  settled  in  Canada;  and,  on  his  mother's 
side,  of  Jean  Nicolet,  first  explorer  of  Wisconsin.  He  had  seen  service  in  the  Nortli- 
west,  probably  under  Du  Luth.  He  was  in  1689  sent  by  Denonville  with  orders  for 
the  destruction  of  Fort  Frontenac,  and  distinguished  himself  as  an  ofHcer  in  both 
King  William's  (1689-97)  and  Queen  Anne's  (1702-13)  wars.  In  1718  he  built 
the  French  post  at  Chequamegon  Bay,  on  Lake  Superior.  His  son  Jacques,  second 
sieur  de  St.  Pierre,  was  the  officer  whom  Washington  encountered  upon  the  Alle- 
gheny (1753).  — Ed. 

14 


2IO  Some  New  Voyages 

mate ;   its  Banks  are  cloath'd  with  fine   and   tall  Trees,  and 
have  but  few  Meads.    The  River  of  the  Oumamis  is  not  worth 
your  regard.     The  Bay  de  I'Onrs  qui  dort,  is  of  an  indifferent 
large  extent,  and  receives  the  River  upon  which  the  Outaouas 
are  wont  to  hunt  Beavers  every  third  year.     In  {hort,  it  has 
neither  Shelves,  Rocks,  nor  Banks  of  Sand.     The  Land  which 
bounds  it  on  the  South  fide,  is  replenifii'd  with  Roe-bucks, 
Deer,   and  Turkeys.     Farewel,   Good  Sir  :   And  affure  your 
felf,  that  'twill  always  be  a  fenfible  pleafure  to  me,  to  amufe 
you  with  an  account  of  the  greateft  Curiofities  I  meet  with. 
But  now.  Sir,  I  hope  you  will  not  take  it  ill,  that  the  Re- 
lation I  here  give  you,  is  only  an  Abridgment  of  my  Voyage : 
For,  in  earneft,  to  be  minute  upon  every  particular  Curiofity, 
would  require  more  time  and  leifure  than  I  can  fpare.     I  have 
here  fent  you  a  view  of  the  fubftantial  part ;  and  fhall  after- 
wards hope  for  an  opportunity  of  recounting  to  you  by  word 
of  Mouth,  an  infinity  of  Adventures,  Rencounters,  and  Obfer- 
vations,  which  may  call  up  the  refleding  faculty  of  thinking 
Men.     My  own  Thought  is  too  Superficial  to  philofophife 
upon  the  Origin,  the  Belief,  the  Manners  and  Cuftoms  of  fo 
many  Savages ;  or  to  m.ake  any  advances  with  reference  to  the 
extent  of  this  Continent  to  the  Weftward.     I  have  contented 
my  felf  with  offering  fome  thoughts  upon  the  caufes  of  the 
bad  fuccefs  of  the  Difcoveries,  that  feveral  experienc'd  Men 
have  attempted  in  America^  both  by  Sea  and  Land  :  And  ! 
flatter  my  felf,  that  my  thoughts  upon  that  head  are  juft.    The 
frefh  Inftances  of  Mr.  de  hi  Salle,  and  feveral  other  unlucky 
Difcoverers,  may  afford  a  fufiicient  and  feafonable  caution  to 


to  North' AiTimc2i.  211 

[138]  thofe,  who  for  the  future  fhall  undertake  to  difcover  all 
the  unknown  Countries  of  this  New  World.  'Tis  not  every 
one  that's  qualify'd  for  fuch  an  Enterprife,  non  licet  omnibus 
adire  Corintbum.  'Twere  an  eafie  matter  to  trace  the  utmoft 
limits  of  the  Country  that  lies  to  the  Weft  of  Canada,  pro- 
vided it  be  gone  about  in  a  proper  Method.  In  the  firft 
place,  inftead  of  Canows,  I  would  have  fuch  Adventurers  to 
make  ufe  of  certain  Sloops  of  a  peculiar  Strudlure,  which 
might  draw  but  little  Water,  and  be  portable,  as  being  made 
of  light  Wood  ;  and  withall  carry  thirteen  Men,  with  35  or  40 
hundred  weight  of  Stowage,  and  be  able  to  bear  the  fhock  of 
the  Waves  in  the  great  Lakes.  Courage,  Health,  and  Vigi- 
lance, are  not  fufficient  of  themfelves  to  qualifie  a  Man  for 
fuch  Adventures ;  he  ought  to  be  poffefs'd  of  other  Talents, 
which  are  rarely  met  with  in  one  and  the  fame  Perfon.  The 
Condu6l  of  the  three  hundred  Men  that  accompany'd  me  upon 
this  Difcovery,  gave  me  a  great  deal  of  trouble.  It  requires 
a  large  ftock  of  Induftry  and  Patience,  to  keep  fuch  a  Com- 
pany up  to  their  Duty.  Sedition,  Mutinies,  Quarrels,  and  an 
infinity  of  diforders  frequently  take  place  among  thofe,  who 
being  in  remote  and  folitary  Places,  think  they  have  a  right 
of  ufing  force  againft  their  Superiours.  One  muft  diffemble, 
and  even  fhut  his  Eyes  upon  occafion,  leaft  the  growing  Evil 
fhould  be  inflam'd  :  The  gentleft  Methods  are  the  fureft,  for 
him  that  commands  in  Chief;  and  if  any  Mutiny  or  Seditious 
Plot  is  in  view,  'tis  the  bufinefs  of  the  inferior  Officers  to  ftifle 
it,  by  perfwading  the  Mutineers,  that  the  difcovery  of  fuch 
things  to  the  Commanding  Officer,  would  create  a  great  deal 


212  Some  New  Voyages 

of  uneafinefs.  So,  the  chief  OfHcer  muft  ftill  make  as  if  he 
were  ignorant  of  what  paffes,  unlefs  it  be,  that  the  flame  breaks 
out  in  his  Prefence  ;  then  indeed  he  lies  under  an  indifpenfible 
Obligation,  of  infliding  fpeedy  [139]  and  private  punifhment, 
without  his  prudence  diredls  him  to  put  off  the  Execution, 
upon  an  apprehenfion  of  fome  pernicious  confequences  that 
may  infue  thereupon.  In  fuch  Voyages  he  muft  overlook  a 
thoufand  things,  which  upon  other  occalions  he  has  all  reafon 
to  punifh.  He  muft  counterfeit  a  downright  ignorance  of 
their  Intrigues  with  the  She-Savages,  of  their  Quarrels  among 
themfelves,  of  their  negligence  in  not  mounting  the  Guard, 
and  not  obferving  the  other  points  of  Duty;  in  a  word,  he 
muft  pretend  to  know  nothing  of  an  Infinity  of  fuch  Diforders, 
as  have  no  diredl  tendency  to  a  Revolt.  He  ought  to  ufe  the 
precaution  of  fingling  out  a  Spy  in  his  little  Army,  and  reward 
him  handfomly  for  a  dexterous  Intelligence  as  to  all  that  hap- 
pens ;  to  the  end  that  he  may  remedy  the  growing  diforders 
either  diredly  or  indirectly.  This  Spie  may  by  good  manage- 
ment, and  due  fecrecy  find  out  the  Ringleader  of  a  Club  or 
Cabal;  and  when  the  Commanding  Officer  has  receiv'd  fuch 
fatisfadlion  upon  the  matter,  that  there's  no  room  left  to  doubt 
of  the  Criminal's  Demerit ;  'twill  then  be  very  convenient  to 
make  away  with  him,  and  that  with  fuch  management,  that  no 
body  Ihould  know  what  became  of  him. 

Farther :  He  ought  to  give  'em  Tobacco  and  Brandy  now 
and  then,  to  ask  their  advice  upon  fome  occafions,  to  fatigue 
'em  as  little  as  poffible,  to  call  'em  up  to  dance  and  make 


to  iVor/Z>- America.  213 

merry,  and  at  the  fame  time  to  exhort  'em  to  live  in  a  good 
underftanding  with  one  another.  The  beft  Topiclc  he  can 
make  ufe  of  for  inforcing  their  Duty,  is  Religion,  and  the 
Honour  of  their  Country,  and  this  he  ought  to  defcant  upon 
himfelf :  For  though  I  have  a  great  deal  of  Faith  in  the  power 
of  the  Clergy ;  yet  I  know  that  fort  of  Men  do's  more  harm 
than  good,  in  Voyages  of  this  nature;  and  for  that  reafon  I'd 
choofe  to  be  without  their  Company.  The  Perfon  [140]  who 
undertakes  to  go  upon  a  Difcovery,  ought  to  be  very  nice  and 
cautious  in  the  choice  of  his  Men ;  for  every  one  is  not  fit  for 
his  bufinefs.  His  Men  ought  to  be  between  30  and  40  years 
of  Age,  of  a  dry  Conflitution,  of  a  peaceable  Temper,  of  an 
adlive  and  bold  Spirit,  and  inur'd  to  the  fatigues  of  Voyages. 
The  whole  Retinue  muft  confift  of  three  hundred  Men  ;  and 
of  that  number  there  muft  be  fome  Ship-Carpenters,  Gun- 
fmiths,  and  Sawyers  with  all  their  Tools  ;  befides  Huntfmen, 
and  Fiihermen  with  their  Tackling.  You  muft  likewife  have 
Surgeons  among  'em,  but  their  Cheft  ought  to  contain  nothing 
but  Razours,  Lancets,  External  Medicines  for  Wounds,  Or- 
vietan  and  Senna.  All  the  Men  of  the  Detachment,  ought 
to  be  provided  with  BufT-Coats  and  Boots  to  turn  the  Arrows  ; 
for,  as  I  intimated  above,  the  Savages  of  the  unknown  Coun- 
tries are  ftrangers  to  Fire-Arms.  They  muft  be  arm'd  with  a 
double  barrel'd  Gun,  a  double  barrel'd  Piftol,  and  a  good  long 
Sword.  The  Commanding  Officer  muft  take  care  to  provide 
a  fufficient  quantity  of  the  Skins  of  Deer,  Elks,  and  Beeves, 
in  order  to  be  few'd  together,  and  hung  round  his  Camps 


214  Some  New  Voyages 

upon  certain   Stakes  fix'd  at  convenient  diftances  from  one 
another.     I  had  as  many  as  would  go  round  a  fquare  of  thirty 
Foot  every  way  ;    for  each  Skin  being  five  Foot  deep,  and 
almoft  four  Foot  broad,  I  made  two  pieces  of  eight  Skins  a 
piece,  which  were  rais'd  and  extended  in  a  Minute.     Befides 
thefe,  he  ought  to  carry  with  him  fome  Pot-Guns  of  eight 
Foot  in  length,  and  fix  in  breadth ;  with  two  Hand-Mills  for 
grinding  the  Indian  Corn,  Nails  of  all  fizes.  Pickaxes,  Spades, 
Hatchets,   Hooks,   Soap,   and   Cotton  to  make  Candles  of. 
Above  all,  he  muft  not  forget  to  take  in  good  flore  of  Pow- 
der, Brandy,  Brafil  Tobacco,  and  fuch  things  as  he  muft  pre- 
fent  to  the  Savages  whofe  Country  he  difcovers.    Add  to  this 
Cargo,  an  Aftrolabe,  a  Semicircle,  feveral  [141]  Sea-Compaffes, 
fome  Simple,  and  fome  of  Variation,  a  Load-ftone,  two  large 
Watches  of  three   Inches   Diameter;    Pencils,   Colours,  and 
Paper,  for  making  Journals  and  Maps,  for  the  defigning  of 
Land-Creatures,  Fowl,  Fifh,  Trees,  Plants,  Grain,  and  in  a 
word,  whatever  feems  worthy  of  his  Curiofity.     I  would  like- 
wife  advife  him  to  carry  with  him  fome  Trumpeters  and  Fid- 
lers,  both  for  animating  his  Retinue,  and  raifmg  the  admira- 
tion of  the  Savages.    With  this  Equipage,  Sir,  a  Man  of  Senfe, 
Condud,  and  Adion,  I  mean,  a  Man  that's  Vigilant,  Prudent, 
Cautious,  and  above  all.  Patient  and  Moderate,  and  qualify'd 
for  contriving  Expedients  upon  all  occafions ;  a  Man,  I  fay, 
thus  qualify'd,  and  thus  fitted  out,  may  boldly  go  to  all  the 
Countries  that  lye  to  the  Weft  of  Canada,  without  any  appre- 
henfion  of  danger.     As  for  my  own  part,  I  ferioufly  declare, 


to  North-Am^ncz.  215 

that  if  I  were  poffefs'd  of  all  thefe  qualities,  I  fhould  efteem 
it  my  happinefs  to  be  imploy'd  upon  fuch  an  Enterprife,  both 
for  the  Glory  of  his  Majefty,  and  my  own  Satisfaction :  For 
the  continu'd  diverfity  of  Objedls,  did  fo  charm  me  in  my 
Voyages,  that  I  had  fcarce  time  to  refled  upon  the  fatigue 
and  trouble  that  I  underwent.     I  am, 

SIR, 

Tours,  &c. 


2i6  Some  New  Voyages 


[142]       LETTER    XVII. 

Dated  at  Quebec  September  28.  1689. 
The  Author  Jets  out  from  MifTilimakinac  to  the  Colony,  and  defcribes 
the  Country,  Rivers,  and  Pajjes  that  he  Jaw  by  the  way.  The 
Iroquefe  make  a  fatal  incurfion  into  the  IJland  of  Monreal : 
Fort  Frontenac  is  abandon'd.  Count  Frontenac  is  fent  to 
Canada,  and  the  Marquis  of  Denonville  is  recall'd. 

SIR, 

I  WRIT  to  you  from  Miffilimakinac  on  the  28/^  of  May.  I 
left  that  place  June  the  ^th,  and  fet  out  for  Monreal,  ac- 
company'd  with  twelve  Outaouas,  who  were  divided  into  two 
Canows,  and  row'd  very  hard.  The  23^,  I  overtook  the 
Coureurs  de  Bois  in  the  River  Creufe,  who  had  got  the  ftart 
of  me  for  fome  days.^  Mr.  Dulhut  us'd  his  utmoft  efforts  to 
diffwade  me  from  going  further  with  fo  weak  a  Retinue.  He 
would  have  had  me  to  go  down  along  with  him ;  and  remon- 
ftrated  to  me,  that  if  my  twelve  Conduders  perceiv'd  either  in 
the  Land-carriage  or  upon  the  Rivers,  any  thing  that  might 
call  up  an  apprehenfion  of  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  Iro- 
quefe, they  would  defert  me  and  the  Canows,  and  fly  to  the 

iThe  Riviere  Creuse  — called  by  the  English  Deep  River  — is  not  a  separate 
stream,  but  the  long,  deep,  still  part  of  the  Ottawa  River,  extending  for  many  miles 
above  the  Allumettes  Rapids  and  Islands.  Lahontan  apparently  gives  that  name  to 
all  of  the  Upper  Ottawa  or  to  the  Mattawan.  —  Ed. 


to  N orth- Amtnc2i.  217 

Woods  to  avoid  the  Enemy.  I  rejedled  his  Advice,  though  I 
had  like  to  have  repented  of  my  refolution  not  long  after  ;  for 
according  to  his  Predidion,  my  Canow-Men  threaten'd  to  run 
away  to  the  Forrefts,  at  the  Fall  call'd  Long  Saut'^:  And  indeed 
if  they  had  done  it,  I  had  follow'd  'em,  upon  the  refledion, 
that  of  two  Evils  a  Man  ought  [143]  to  choofe  the  leaft ;  but 
this  Storm  blew  over.  In  the  great  River  of  the  Outaouas,  not 
far  from  the  River  of  Lievre,^  I  met  Mr.  de  St.  Helene  at  the 
Head  of  a  Party  of  the  Coiireurs  de  BoiSf  who  was  bound  for 
Hud/on's  Bay,  in  order  to  retake  fome  Forts  that  the  Engli/h 
had  feiz'd  upon.^  He  acquainted  me  with  the  Prince  of 
Orange's  Expedition  for  England;  and  gave  me  to  underftand, 
that  upon  his  arrival  King  James  retir'd  to  France^  and  that 
the  Prince  was  proclaim'd  King,  which  feem'd  to  prefage  a 
bloody  and  fharp  War  in  Europe.  I  affure  you,  Sir,  this  piece 
of  News  furpriz'd  me  extreamly ;  and  notwithftanding  that  I 


1  This  was  the  Long  Sault  of  the  Ottawa,  not  that  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  for  which 
see  p.  68,  note  i,  ante.  The  former,  about  three  miles  in  length,  is  on  the  Ottawa 
above  the  Lake  of  Two  Mountains,  and  is  now  avoided  by  the  Grenville  Canal.  It 
was  at  the  lower  end  of  these  rapids  that  occurred  the  heroic  defense  of  Canada 
by  Dollard  and  his  companions  (1661).  See  Parkman,  Old  Regime  in  Canada, 
chap.  3.  —  Ed. 

^  Riviere  au  Lievre  descends  from  the  north  and  enters  the  Ottawa  about  three 
miles  above  the  upper  end  of  the  Long  Sault.  —  Ed. 

'  For  Jacques  le  Moyne,  Sieur  de  St.  Helene,  see  p.  118,  note  i,  ante.  He  was 
carrying  supplies  and  despatches  to  his  brother  Iberville,  who  was  in  command  of  the 
forts  which  the  French  had  captured  (1686)  in  Hudson  Bay.  Two  English  ships 
had  been  sent  to  recover  these;  during  St.  Helene's  absence,  Iberville  succeeded  in 
capturing  both  of  these  vessels,  with  their  officers  and  crews.  Iberville  had  sent 
messengers  to  the  governor  of  Canada,  who  left  Fort  Albany  (Fr.,  St.  Anne)  Jan.  5, 
1689,  and  came  overland  on  snowshoes.  See  Charlevoix,  History  of  Ne-a;  France 
(Shea's  trans.),  iv,  pp.  37-40.  —  Ed. 


2i8  Some  New  Voyages 

had  it  from  the  Mouth  of  a  Man,  whofe  word  I  rely  very  much 
upon,  yet  I  had  all  the  difficulty  in  the  World  to  make  my  felf 
believe,  that  a  Revolution  of  fuch  Importance  could  be  accom- 
plifh'd  in  fo  fhort  a  time,  without  the  effufion  of  Blood ;  efpe- 
cially  confidering  what  a  flrid  Alliance  there  was  between  our 
Court,  and  the  Court  of  England^  and  how  much  'twas  the 
intereft  of  both  thefe  Monarchs  to  give  mutual  affiftance  to 
one  another.  July  the  (^th  I  arriv'd  at  Monreal,  after  venturing 
down  feveral  fearful  Catarads  in  the  River  of  the  Outaouas, 
and  induring  the  hardfhips  of  fifteen  or  twenty  Land-carriages, 
fome  of  which  are  above  a  League  in  length. 

The  Navigation  is  prety  fure  from  Mijfilimakinac  to  the 
River  des  Francois;  for  in  coafting  along  the  Lake  of  Hurons, 
we  meet  with  an  infinity  of  Iflands,  which  ferve  for  a  fhelter.^ 
But  in  going  up  that  River,  there's  fome  difficulty,  for  it  has 
five  Cataradls  which  oblige  us  to  turn  out  and  carry  all  over- 
land for  thirty,  fifty,  and  a  hundred  Paces.  Having  pafs'd 
that  River,  we  enter'd  the  Lake  of  the  Nepicerinis,  from 
whence  we  are  forc'd  to  tranfport  our  Canows  and  Baggage 
two  Leagues  over-land,  to  another  River  which  has  fix  or  feven 
Water-falls  that  we  commonly  fhoot.^     From  that  River  we 


^  The  distance  from  Mackinac  to  the  mouth  of  French  River,  in  Georgian  Bay,  is 
nearly  200  miles,  taking  as  direct  a  course  as  possible  among  the  islands  of  the  North 
Channel.  French  River  (River  des  Franfais)  was  so  called  because  it  was  the 
accustomed  waterway  of  the  French  voyageurs,  who  on  account  of  the  hostility  of  the 
Iroquois,  found  the  difficult  route  via  the  Ottawa,  Lake  Nipissing,  and  French  River 
more  practicable  than  the  Great  Lakes.  —  Ed. 

2  French  River  is  fifty-five  miles  long,  and  filled  with  rapids  and  falls.  Lake 
Nipissing  was  named  from  the  tribe  of  Algonquian  Indians  first  encountered  on  its 
banks,  some  of  whose  descendants  still  live  on  a  reservation  on  the  north  bank  of  the 


to  iVor^/&- America.  219 

have  another  [144]  Land-carriage  to  the  River  Creiife,  which 
falls  with  rapid  Currents  into  the  great  River  of  the  Outaouas, 
near  a  place  call'd  Mataotian}  We  continue  our  courfe  upon 
this  great  River,  till  we  come  to  the  point  of  the  Ifland  of 
Monreal,  where  'tis  loft  in  the  great  River  of  St.  Laurence. 
Thefe  two  Rivers  joyn  one  another  with  very  gentle  Streams, 
and  quitting  their  fearful  Channels  form  the  little  Lake  of 
St.  Louis.  I  thought  to  have  loft  my  Life  at  the  fall,  call'd  the 
fall  of  St.  Louis,  about  three  Leagues  from  Monreal,  for  our 
Canow  having  overfet  in  the  Eddy,  I  was  carry'd  by  the  Cur- 
rent to  the  foot  of  that  Cataradl,  from  whence  the  Chevalier 
de  Vaudreuil  drag'd  me  out  by  a  great  chance.^  The  Canows 
and  the  Skins  belonging  to  the  fix  Savages  were  loft ;  and  one 
of  the  Savages  was  drown'd.  This  is  the  only  time  I  was  in 
danger,  through  the  whole  courfe  of  my  Voyages.  As  foon  as 
I  landed  here,  I  repair'd  with  diligence  to  a  Tavern  to  refrefh 
my  felf,  and  to  make  up  the  loffes  I  had  fuftain'd  by  a  neceffary 
Abftinence.     The  next  day  I  waited  upon  Mr.  de  Denonville, 

lake.  From  the  eastern  end  of  this  lake,  the  route  lay  for  a  mile  and  a  half  along 
Riviere  de  Vase  (Muddy  River) ,  whence  the  Portage  au  Vase,  of  about  four  miles,  led 
over  the  watershed  to  Trout  Lake,  the  source  of  River  Mattawan.  This  river  flows 
east  into  the  Ottawa,  is  about  thirty-four  miles  long,  and  has  in  it  fourteen  rapids, 
some  of  which  are  very  difficult.  For  details  of  this  route,  see  Alexander  Henry, 
Travels  and  Ad'ventures  (Bain  ed.),  pp.  28-37;  Mackenzie,  Voyages  through  the 
Continent  of  North  America  (London,  1801),  pp.  xxix-xxxvii.  —  Ed. 

1  Mattawan  is  now  a  town  at  the  junction  of  River  Mattawan  with  the  Ottawa  ; 
it  is  three  hundred  miles  from  Montreal.  Champlain  utilized  this  route  in  his  voyage 
to  the  Hurons  (1615).  —  Ed. 

2  For  Lake  St.  Louis  and  the  fall  of  the  same  name,  see  p.  66,  note  i,  ante. 
Lachine  Rapids  were  frequently  dangerous  to  the  returning  voyageur,  who  had 
escaped  all  the  perils  of  the  upper  country.  Joiliet  here  lost  his  papers  on  his  return 
from  the  famous  exploration  of  1673.  —  E^- 


220  Some  New  Voyages 

and  Mr.  de  Champigni^  to  whom  I  gave  an  account  of  my 
Voyages,  and  withal,  gave  in  the  News  that  a  great  company 
of  the  Coureurs  de  Bois  and  Savages  would  arrive  very  fpeedily ; 
which  they  did  accordingly  after  fifteen  days.  The  Rat  I 
mention'd  above  came  down  hither,  and  return'd  home  not- 
withftanding  the  threats  that  were  levell'd  againft  him.  By 
this  Adventure,  he  fhew'd  that  he  laugh'd  at  their  Intrigues. 
But  now  that  I  have  mention'd  his  name,  I  cannot  forbear 
mentioning  a  mahcious  Stratagem  that  this  cunning  Savage 
made  ufe  of  laft  year,  to  prevent  the  conclufion  of  a  Peace 
between  Mr.  de  Denonville  and  the  Iroquefe. 

This  Savage  is  the  general  and  chief  Counfellour  of  the 
Hurons  ;  he  is  a  Man  of  forty  years  of  Age,  and  brave  in  his 
way.  When  he  found  himfelf  [145]  prefs'd  and  importun'd 
by  Mr.  de  Denonville^  to  enter  into  the  Alliance  concluded  in 
the  year  1687,  that  I  took  notice  of  before  ;  he  at  laft  comply'd 
with  his  defire,  with  this  referve,  that  the  War  fhould  not 
be  put  to  an  end  till  the  Iroquefe  were  totally  routed.  This 
claufe  the  Governour  promis'd  to  make  good,  and  gave  him 
affurances  to  that  purpofe  on  the  3^  of  September^  in  the  fame 
year,  which  happen'd  about  two  days  before  I  fet  out  from 
Niagara^  upon  my  Voyage  to  the  great  Lakes.  This  Savage- 
General  relying  upon  Mr.  de  Denonville^s  promife,  march'd 
from  Mijfiliinakinac  at  the  Head  of  an  hundred  Warriours  as 
I  infinuated  in  my  i^th  Letter,  in  order  to  invade  the  Iroquefe 
Country,  and  atchieve  fome  glorious  feats  among  'em.  In  the 
mean  time,  to  carry  on  his  defign  the  more  cautioufly,  he 
thought  it  proper  to  pafs  by  the  way  of  Fort  Frontenac,  where 


to  iVor^y^- America.  221 

he  might  receive  fome  intelligence.     Upon  his  arrival  at  this 
Fort,   the   Governour  told   him   that  Mr.   de  Denonville  was 
negotiating  a  Peace  with  the  five  Iroquefe  Nations,  whofe  Em- 
baffadors  and  Hoftages  he  expeded  in  a  (hort  time,  in  order 
to  conclude  and  ratifie  the  Peace,  he  having  orders  to  condud 
'em  to  Monreal:  And   that   upon  that  Confideration,  'twas 
moft  proper  for  him  and  his  Warriours  to  return  home,  and 
to  pafs  no  further.     The  Savage  General  was  mightily  fur- 
pris'd  with  this  unexpeded  piece  of  News ;  efpecially  confid- 
ering  that   by  the  means  of  that  Peace,  he  and  his  Nation 
would   be   given  up  as  a  Sacrifice   for  the  Wellfare  of  the 
French.     When  the  Governor  had  made  an  end  of  his  Re- 
monftrance,  the  Rat  acknowledg'd,  that  what  he  ofl^er'd  was 
very   reafonable,    but   withal,    that   inftead   of   following   his 
Advice,  he  would  go  and  tarry  for  the  Iroquefe  Embaffadours 
and  Hoftages  at  the  Catarads,  by  which  they  were  oblig'd  to 
pafs.     He  had  not  tarry'd  there  above  five  or  fix  days,  before 
the  unhappy  Deputies  [146]  arriv'd  with  a  Train  of  forty 
young  Men,  who  were  all  either  kill'd  or  taken  as  they  difem- 
barqued.      The  Prifoners  were  no  fooner  fetter'd,  than  this 
crafty   General  of  the  Hurons  reprefented   to   'em,  that  the 
French  Governour  had  fent  him  notice  to  take  up  that  Poft, 
in  order  to  lie  in  wait   for  a  Party  of  fifty  Warriours,  that 
were  to  pafs  that  way  at  a  certain  fet  time.    The  Iroquefe  being 
much  furpris'd  with  the  apprehenfion  of  the  perfidioufnefs 
that  he  charg'd  upon  Mr.  de  Denonville,  acquainted  the  Rat 
with  the  defign  upon  which  they  came.     Upon  that  the  Rat 
counterfeited  a  fort  of  Rage  and  Fury ;  and  to  play  his  Cards 


222  Some  New  Voyages 

the  better,  flew  out  in  invedives  againft  Mr.  de  Denonville^ 
declaring,  that  fome  time  or  other  he  would  be  reveng'd  upon 
that  Governour,  for  making  him  the  Inftrument  of  the  moft 
barbarous  Treachery  that  ever  was  a6led.  Then  he  fix'd  his 
Eyes  upon  all  the  Prifoners,  among  whom  was  the  chief  Em- 
baffadour  call'd  Theganeforens,^  and  fpoke  to  this  purpofe ;  Go 
my  Brethren,  though  I  am  at  PFar  with  you,  yet  I  releafe  you,  and 
allow  you  to  go  home.  'Tis  the  Governour  of  the  French  that  put 
me  upon  this  black  AElion,  which  I  /hall  never  be  able  to  digeft, 
unlefs  your  five  Nations  revenge  themfelves,  and  make  their  juft 
Reprifals.  This  was  fufRcient  to  convince  the  Iroquefe  of  the 
fmcerity  of  his  words ;  and  they  affur'd  him  upon  the  fpot, 
that  if  he  had  a  mind  to  make  a  feparate  Peace,  the  five 
Nations  would  agree  to  it:  However,  the  Rat  having  loft 
one  Man  in  this  Adventure,  kept  an  Iroquefe  Slave  to  fupply 
the  place  of  the  Man  he  had  loft:  And  after  furnifhing  the 
Prifoners  with  Guns,  Powder,  and  Ball,  in  order  to  their 
return  homeward,  march'd  to  Miffilimakinac,  where  he  pre- 
fented  the  French  Governour  with  the  Slave  that  he  brought 
off.  The  poor  wretch  was  no  fooner  dehver'd,  than  he  was 
condemn'd  to  be  ftiot ;  for  at  that  time  the  French  Garrifon 
did  not  know  that  [147]  Mr,  de  Denonville  defign'd  to  clap  up 
a  Peace  with  the  Iroquefe.     The  condemn'd  Prifoner  gave  an 

1  Teganissoren  (Dekanissore)  was  a  famous  Onondaga  chief  who  for  many  years 
took  a  prominent  part  in  the  councils  of  the  Iroquois,  and  in  the  French  and  English 
wars.  Being  much  attached  to  Frontenac,  during  his  rule  he  was  regarded  by  the 
English  as  a  French  spy.  Later,  he  became  attached  to  the  English;  but  in  171 1 
notified  Vaudreuil  of  an  intended  British  attack.  For  his  negotiations  with  the  two 
powers,  see  A'^.  Y.  Colon.  Docs.,  index.  — Ed. 


to  iVor^Z'- America.  223 

account  of  his  Adventure,  and  that  of  the  Ambaffadours ; 
but  the  French  thought  that  the  fear  of  Death  made  the  fellow 
talk  idly,  and  were  confirm'd  in  that  thought,  by  hearing  the 
Rat  and  his  Men  fay  that  he  was  Light-headed :  Infomuch, 
that  the  poor  Fellow  was  put  to  death,  notwithftanding  all 
the  reafons  he  could  offer.  The  fame  day  that  he  was  fhot, 
the  Rat  call'd  an  old  Iroqueje  Slave  that  had  ferv'd  him  a  long 
while,  and  told  him  he  had  refolv'd  to  allow  him  the  liberty 
of  returning  to  his  own  Country,  and  fpending  the  refl  of  his 
days  among  his  Friends  and  Country-men.  At  the  fame  time 
he  gave  him  to  know,  that  fince  he  had  been  an  Eye-witnefs  of 
the  barbarous  ufage  that  his  Countrymen  had  met  with  from 
the  French,  notwithftanding  what  he  offer'd  in  his  own  defence, 
it  behov'd  him  to  acquaint  his  Countrymen  with  the  blacknefs 
of  that  A6tIon.  The  manumitted  Slave  obey'd  his  orders  fo 
pundually,  that  foon  after  the  Iroqueje  made  an  Incurfion,  at  a 
time  when  the  Governour  did  not  dream  of  any  fuch  thing, 
for  he  had  us'd  the  Precaution  of  giving  the  Iroqueje  to  under- 
ftand,  that  he  difailow'd  of  the  Rat's  Treachery ;  Infomuch, 
that  he  had  a  mind  to  have  him  hang'd ;  and  upon  this  prof- 
pe6l,  expedled  hourly  ten  or  twelve  Deputies  to  conclude  the 
Peace  he  fo  much  defir'd.^ 

In  effedt  the  Deputies  did  come,  but  neither  their  Number 
nor  their   Defign  v/as   fuitable  to  what   the   Governour  had 


^Parkman,  after  careful  comparison  with  other  original  documents  bearing  on 
this  story  of  the  Rat's  treachery,  accepts  the  account  of  Lahontan  as  substantially  cor- 
rect. He  thinks  the  weight  of  evidence,  however,  would  place  the  site  of  the  ambus- 
cade at  La  Famine,  rather  than  the  Cascades  of  the  St.  Lawrence.  See  Frontenac, 
p.  176,  note.  —  Ed. 


224  Some  New  Voyages 

promifed  to  himfelf.  Twelve  hundred  Warriours  landed  at 
the  Lands-end  of  the  Ifland  of  Monreal^  and  burnt  and  fack'd 
all  the  Plantations  in  that  Quarter:  They  maffacred  Men, 
Women,  and  Children ;  and  Madam  de  Denonville,  who  was 
then  at  Monreal  with  her  Husband,  did  not  think  her  felf  fafe 
in  that  place.  A  general  Confternation  was  fpread  all  about; 
for  the  Barbarians  were  not  above  [148]  three  Leagues  from 
MonreaL  They  burnt  all  the  adjacent  Settlements,  and  block'd 
up  two  Forts. ^  Mr.  de  Denonville  fent  out  a  Detachment  of 
a  hundred  Soldiers  and  fifty  Savages  to  oppofe  'em,  being 
unwilling  to  fpare  a  greater  number  out  of  the  City :  but  all 
the  Men  of  the  Detachment  were  either  taken  or  cut  in  pieces, 
excepting  twelve  Savages,  one  Soldier,  and  Mr.  de  Longueil 
who  commanded  the  Party,  and  was  carried  oflF  by  the  twelve 
Savages  after  his  Thigh  was  broke  :  The  other  Officers,  namely, 
the  Sieurs  de  la  Raberre,  Denis,  la  Plante,  and  Filledene,  were  all 
taken  Prifoners.^     In  a  word,  the  Barbarians  laid  almoft  the 


^  Lahontan  must  have  been  in  Montreal  at  the  time  of  this  massacre  at  Lachine, 
which  occurred  August  5,  1689,  and  was  the  most  appalling  in  the  history  of  New 
France.  There  are  several  other  reports  of  eye-witnesses,  which  correspond  in  the 
main  to  this  account.  The  two  forts  were  block-houses  known  as  Forts  Rolland  and 
Remy.  For  a  detailed  account,  with  full  list  of  the  victims,  see  Girouard,  Lake  St. 
Louis,  pp.  117-139.  —  Ed. 

2  Charles  Le  Moyne,  first  baron  de  Longueuil,  later  governor  of  New  France 
(1725-26),  was  eldest  son  of  Charles,  seigneur  de  Longueuil,  for  whom  seep.  74,  note  i, 
ante.  Longueuil  distinguished  himself  in  the  Iroquois  wars,  was  for  many  years  gov- 
ernor of  Montreal,  and  one  of  the  most  distinguished  Canadians.     He  died  in  1729. 

Of  the  other  officers,  all  were  finally  rescued  from  the  Iroquois,  except  Lieutenant 
de  la  Rabeyre,  who  was  burned  at  the  stake.  La  Plante  did  not  return  to  the  colony 
until  1692.  After  his  release,  Etienne  de  Villedonne  led  troops  against  the  Mohawk 
(1692-93},  and  distinguished  himself  in  Acadia  (1705).     He  died  in  1726.  —  Ed. 


to  7Vor^/6-America.  225 

whole  Ifland  wafte,  and  loft  only  three  Men,  who  having  drank 
to  excefs  of  the  Wine  they  found  in  the  Plantations,  were 
decoy'd  into  a  Fort  by  a  Canadefe  Cow-keeper,  that  had  been 
their  Slave  for  fome  Years.  As  foon  as  the  three  unfortunate 
Iroquefe  arriv'd  in  the  Fort,  they  were  thrown  into  a  Cellar  to 
fleep  themfelves  fober  ;  and,  queftionlefs,  as  foon  as  they  wak'd 
they  repented  of  their  excefTive  drinking.  When  they  wak'd, 
they  fell  immediately  a  finging  ;  and  when  the  Garrifon  offer'd 
to  fetter  'em,  and  carry  'em  to  Monreal^  they  flew  to  fome 
Clubs  that  lay  in  the  Cellar,  and  made  fuch  a  vigorous  and 
brave  defence,  that  the  Garrifon  was  forc'd  to  fhoot  'em  upon 
the  fpot.  The  Cow-keeper  being  brought  before  Mr.  de 
Denonville,  he  told  him.  That  the  Breach  made  by  the  Rat^s 
Contrivance  was  irreparable ;  that  the  five  Iroquefe  Nations 
refented  that  Adventure  with  fo  much  warmth,  that  'twas 
impofTible  to  difpofe  'em  to  a  Peace  in  a  fhort  time ;  that  they 
were  fo  far  from  being  angry  with  that  Huron  for  what  he 
did,  that  they  were  willing  to  enter  into  a  Treaty  with  him, 
owning  that  he  and  his  Party  had  done  nothing  but  what 
became  a  brave  Man  and  a  good  Ally.  Doubtlefs  this  fatal 
Incurfion  was  a  great  Surprifal  to  Mr.  de  Denonville,  and 
afforded  him  a  copious  Field  for  Refledion.  'Twas  already 
impofTible  [149]  to  continue  the  PoffefTion  of  Fort  Frontenac^ 
where  they  began  to  want  Provifions,  and  which  could  not  be 
relieved  without  expofing  a  great  many  Men  to  the  danger 
of  the  Paffes  or  Cataradls,  which  I  have  mention'd  fo  often. 
There  was  a  downright  neceflity  of  calling  out  the  Garrifon, 

16 


226  Some  New  Voyages 

and  blowing  up  the  Fort ;  but  the  difficulty  lay  in  finding  a 
Man  to  carry  Orders  for  that  efifed  to  the  Governour,  for  no 
body  durft  undertake  it,  till  the  ^i^xxr  Peter  d'Arpentigni  offer'd 
to  go  all  alone  through  the  Forefts ;  and  accordingly  he  went, 
and  did  his  Bufinefs  fuccefsfully.  The  Orders  were  extream 
welcome  to  Mr.  de  Valrenes,  the  Governour  of  the  Fort  for 
the  time ;  who,  upon  the  receiving  of  'em,  run  a  Mine  under 
the  four  Baftions,  which,  with  the  Powder  he  put  in,  was 
reckon'd  fufficient  to  blow  it  up.^  This  done,  he  embark'd, 
and  came  down  the  River  through  the  Catarads  to  Monreal, 
where  he  found  Mr.  de  Denonville,  and  accompany'd  him 
hither.  That  Officer  did  not  only  abdicate  the  Fort  of  Fron- 
tenac,  but  fet  fire  to  three  great  Barques  that  they  us'd  to  ply 
with  upon  the  Lake,  both  to  awe  the  Iroquefe  in  time  of  War, 
and  to  convey  Commodities  to  'em  in  time  of  Peace.  Mr.  de 
Denonmlle  aded  a  prudent  part  in  relinquifhing  both  this  Fort 
and  that  of  Niagara  ;  for,  in  earneft  thefe  two  Pofts  are  inde- 
fenfible,  by  reafon  of  the  inacceffible  Catarads,  upon  which 
an  Ambufcado  of  ten  Iroquefe  may  repulfe  a  thoufand  French- 
men by  the  throwing  of  Stones.  But  after  all  I  muft  own,  that 
the  Welfare  and  Prefervation  of  our  Colonies  had  an  abfolute 
dependance  upon  thefe  two  Forts,  which  feem'd  to  infure  the 
utter  Deftrudion  of  the  Iroquefe;   for  they  could  not  ftir  out 


1  Philippe  Clement  Duvault,  sieur  de  Valrennes,  was  already  a  veteran  officer 
when  he  arrived  in  Canada  in  1685.  In  that  year,  he  led  one  division  of  La  Barre's 
forces,  and  performed  prodigies  of  valor  in  the  relief  of  La  Prairie  de  la  Madeleine 
(1691) ,  for  which  he  received  high  praise  from  Frontenac.  See  N.  Y.  Colon.  Docs., 
ix,  pp.  522,  523.  —  Ed. 


to  North- A.m^nc2i.  227 

of  their  Villages  to  Hunt,  or  to  Fifh,  without  running  the 
rifque  of  having  their  Throats  cut  by  the  Savages  in  Alliance 
with  us,  who  being  then  affur'd  of  a  fafe  Retreat,  would  have 
made  continual  Incurfions  into  the  Country  of  thofe  Bar- 
barians: [150]  And  by  this  means  the  Iroquefe  being  unpro- 
vided with  Beaver-skins  to  be  given  in  exchange  for  Guns, 
Powder,  Ball,  and  Nets,  would  be  fbarv'd  to  death,  or  at  leaft 
be  oblig'd  to  depart  their  Country. 

In  the  end  of  September  Mr.  de  Bonaventiire^  Captain  and 
Owner  of  a  Merchant  Ship,  arriv'd  in  this  Port,  and  brought 
the  News  of  Mr.  de  Frontenac's  Reinftallment  in  the  place 
of  Governour-General  of  Canada,^  and  of  the  Re-calling  of 
Mr.  de  Denonville,  whom  the  Duke  de  Beauvilliers  has  recom- 
mended to  the  King,  for  the  place  of  Sub-Governour  to  the 
Princes  his  Grandfons.^  Some  People  are  uneafie  at  the 
re-calling  of  this  Governour;  and  'tis  faid,  that  the  Rever- 
end Fathers  the  Jefuits,  fall  under  the  number  of  the  Male- 
contents  :  For  if  we  may  credit  the  reports  of  the  Country, 
they  contributed  in  a  great  meafure,  to  the  re-calling  of  Mr, 
de  Frontenac  feven  or  eight  years  agoe,  by  adling  in  concert 


^  Claude  Denis,  sieur  de  Bonaventure,  belonged  to  one  of  the  oldest  Canadian 
families,  and  afterwards  rose  to  the  rank  of  admiral  in  the  navy.  In  1691  he  co- 
operated in  driving  the  English  from  Acadia,  and  v?as  aid  to  Iberville  in  the  latter's 
expeditions.  —  Ed. 

2  Paul,  Duke  de  Beauvilliers,  was  one  of  the  noted  figures  of  the  court  of  Louis 
XIV,  and  famous  for  his  probity  and  piety.  For  many  years  he  had  served  as  first 
gentleman  of  the  bedchamber  and  chief  of  the  council  of  finance,  and  in  1670  was 
chosen  governor  of  the  royal  princes.  He  died  in  1714,  on  which  occasion  St.  Simon 
drew  the  remarkable  portrait  of  him  which  appears  in  his  Memoirs.  —  Ed. 


228  Some  New  Voyages 

with  the  Intendant  of  Cbefneau,  and  the  fupreme  Council, 
and  drawing  up  Accufations  againft  him  which  had  the  de- 
fired  eflFed;  though  now  the  King  fhews  that  he  is  unde- 
ceiv'd,  by  reinftating  that  Gentleman  once  more  in  this  Gov- 
ernment.^ In  the  mean  time  the  Statefmen  of  the  Country 
that  are  moft  guilty,  know  not  how  to  drefs  this  kettle  of 
Fifh ;  for  they  make  no  queftion  but  the  New  Governour  will 
retain  a  juft  refentment  of  what's  pad.  But  the  Gentlemen, 
Merchants,  and  other  Inhabitants,  are  making  preparations 
for  folemnifing  his  Arrival,  which  they  expedl  with  as  much 
impatience,  as  the  Jews  do  the  Mejfias.  The  very  Savages 
that  live  in  the  skirts  of  the  Colony,  fhew  an  uncommon  Joy 
upon  the  hopes  of  his  return:  And  indeed,  we  need  not  think 
it  ftrange,  for  that  Governour  drew  Efteem  and  Veneration, 
not  only  from  the  French^  but  from  all  the  Nations  of  this  vaft 
Continent,  who  look'd  upon  him  as  their  Guardian  Angel, 
Mr.  de  Denonville  begins  to  pack  up  his  Baggage,  and  that  in 
effedt,  [151]  is  all  I  can  fay  of  him.  'Tis  none  of  my  bufinefs 
to  meddle  with  an  infinity  of  Affairs,  that  relate  to  the  Gentle- 
man's private  Intereft.  As  to  the  queftion,  whether  he  has 
manag'd  well  or  ill,  during  the  courfe  of  his  Government,  or 
whether  he  was  lov'd  or  hated,  I  know  nothing  of  the  matter. 


^Jacques  Duchesneau,  sieur  de  la  Doussiniere,  was  chosen  (1675)  successor 
of  Talon  in  the  Canadian  intendancy.  Almost  from  the  first  he  maligned  Count 
Frontenac,  and  supported  the  Jesuit  party  in  opposition.  The  king,  losing  patience 
at  their  complaints,  recalled  both  Frontenac  and  Duchesneau  May  10,  1682.  In 
the  crisis  of  affairs  in  New  France,  Frontenac  was  sent  back  (1689)  as  the  one  man 
capable  of  meeting  the  difficulties.  — Ed. 


to  North- Avci^vicdi,  229 

I  am  at  a  lofs  to  know  whether  he  kept  a  good  or  a  forry 
Table,  for  indeed  I  was  never  at  It.     Adieu. 

I  make  account  to  fet  out  for  Rochel,  when  the  Veffel  that 
brings  our  new  Governour,  returns  for  France.     I  am, 

SIR, 

Yours,  &c. 


230  Some  New  Voyages 


LETTER    XVIII. 

Dated  at  Quebec  November  15.  1689. 

Givbig  an  Account  of  Mr.  de  Frontenac'j  Arrival^  his  Reception^ 
his  Voyage  to  Monreal,  and  the  repairing  of  Fort  Frontenac. 

SIR, 

THE  Intelligence  you  give  me  of  the  adjudging  of  the 
Lands  of  Lahontan,  would  have  drove  me  to  defpair ;  if 
you  had  not  affur'd  me  at  the  fame  time,  that  I  might  recover 
it  after  a  Century  of  years,  (if  I  had  the  misfortune  to  live  fo 
long)  upon  the  condition  of  reimburfing  to  the  Poffeffour, 
the  Sum  that  he  pay'd  for  it,  and  of  proving  that  I  was 
adlually  in  the  Kings  Service  in  the  remote  parts  of  the 
World,  when  that  Eftate  was  fold.  To  fpeak  to  the  purpofe, 
Mr.  de  Frontenac  has  [152]  countermanded  the  leave  I  had  to 
go  for  France,  and  has  ofiFer'd  me  a  free  accefs  to  his  Pocket 
and  his  Table.  All  the  Arguments  I  offer'd,  have  no  Influence 
upon  him,  and  fo  I  am  bound  to  obey. 

This  new  Governour  arriv'd  at  Quebec  the  i^th  of  O^ober. 
He  came  on  fhoar  at  eight  a  Clock  at  Night,  and  was  receiv'd 
by  the  Supreme  Council,  and  all  the  Inhabitants  in  Arms, 
with  Flambeau's  both  in  the  City,  and  upon  the  Harbour, 
with  a  triple  Difcharge  of  the  great  and  fmall  Guns,  and 
Illuminations  in  all  the  Windows  of  the  City.     That  fame 


to  North-hxntnc^..  231 

Night  he  was  complimented  by  all  the  Companies  of  the 
Town,  and  above  all,  by  the  Jefuits,  who  upon  that  occafion 
made  a  very  pathetick  Speech,  though  the  Heart  had  lefs 
hand  in  it,  than  the  Mouth.  The  next  day  he  was  vifited  by 
all  the  Ladies,  whofe  inward  joy  appear'd  in  their  Counte- 
nances, as  much  as  in  their  Words.  Several  Perfons  made  Fire- 
works, while  the  Governour  and  his  Retinue  fung  Te  Deum  in 
the  great  Church.  Thefe  folemn  Demonftrations  of  Joy, 
increas'd  from  day  to  day,  till  the  new  Governour  fet  out  for 
Monreal;  and  the  Condu(5l  of  the  People  upon  this  Head, 
afforded  fignal  proofs  of  the  fatisfadlion  they  had  in  his  re- 
turn, and  of  their  refling  affur'd,  that  his  wife  Condudl,  and 
noble  Spirit,  would  preferve  the  Repofe  and  Tranquility  that 
he  always  kept  up,  during  his  firft  ten  years  Government.  All 
the  World  ador'd  him,  and  ftyl'd  him  Redemptor  Patriae ;  to 
which  Title  he  had  a  juft  claim,  for  all  the  Inhabitants  of  thefe 
Colonies  agree,  that  when  he  came  firft  to  Canada^  he  found 
all  things  in  Confufion  and  Diftrefs.  At  that  time  the  Iroquefe 
had  burnt  all  the  Plantations,  and  cut  the  Throats  of  fome 
thoufands  of  the  French ;  the  Farmer  was  knock'd  on  the 
Head  in  his  Field ;  the  Traveller  was  murder'd  upon  the 
Road,  and  the  Merchant  ruin'd  for  want  of  Commerce :  All 
the  Planters  were  pinch'd  with  Famine,  [153]  the  War  ren- 
der'd  the  Country  defolate ;  and  in  a  word,  New-France  had 
infallibly  perifh'd,  if  this  Governour  had  not  made  that  Peace 
with  the  Barbarians,  that  I  fpoke  of  in  my  fifth  Letter.  The 
bringing  of  that  Peace  to  bear,  was  an  adlion  of  greater 
Importance,  than  you  can  well  imagine ;  for  thefe  Barbarians 


232  Some  New  Voyages 

grounded  all  their  Wars  upon  a  perfonal  Enmity,  whereas  the 
European  Ruptures  depend  more  upon  Intereft  than  upon 
pure  Revenge. 

Mr.  de  St.  Falters  the  Bifnop  of  Quebec,  arriv'd  likewife  on 
the  15//J  at  the  fame  Port.  He  had  imbarqu'd  in  the  preced- 
ing Spring,  on  board  of  a  Bark  that  he  had  hir'd  to  tranfport 
him  to  Acadia,  to  Newfound-land,  and  to  the  other  Countries 
of  his  Diocefe.  Mr.  de  Frontenac  our  Governour,  fet  out  for 
Monreal  in  a  Canow,  four  or  five  days  after  his  Arrival;  and 
I  had  the  honour  to  accompany  him.  All  Indeavours  were 
us'd  to  diffwade  him  from  undertaking  that  Voyage,  when  the 
feafon  was  fo  cold,  and  fo  far  advanc'd :  For,  as  I  inform'd 
you  before,  the  Ice  is  thicker  and  ftronger  here  in  O^ob.  than 
'tis  at  Paris  in  January;  which,  is  very  ftrange.  Notwith- 
ftanding  all  the  Remonftrances  drawn  from  the  Hardfhips  and 
Inconveniences  of  the  Voyage,  he  flighted  the  Fatigues  of  the 
Water,  and  threw  himfelf  into  a  Canow  in  the  fixty  eighth 
year  of  his  Age.  Nay,  he  took  the  abdication  of  Fort  Fron- 
tenac fo  much  to  Heart,  that  he  had  gone  ftraight  thither,  if 
the  Nobility,  the  Priefts,  and  the  Inhabitants  of  Monreal,  had 
not  intreated  him  with  joynt  Supplications,  not  to  expofe  his 
Perfon  to  the  danger  of  the  Falls  and  Cataradls  that  lie  in 
that  Paffage.  In  the  mean  time  fome  Gentlemen  of  Canada, 
follow'd  by  a  hundred  Coureurs  de  Bois,  under  the  command  of 
Mr.  Mantel,  ventur'd  upon  the  Voyage,  with  intent  to  learn 
the  State  of  the  Fort.  I  acquainted  you  in  my  laft  Letter, 
that  Mr.  de  Valrenes  had  blown  up  the  Walls  of  the  Fort,  when 
[154]  he  made  his  Retreat ;  but  by  good  luck,  the  damage  was 


to  iVor^/i- America.  233 

not  fo  great  as  'twas  took  to  be ;  for  the  Party  commanded 
by  Mr.  Mantet,  have  already  rear'd  up  the  ruinous  Wall  to 
the  height  of  fome  Fathoms,  and  will  continue  to  work  upon 
the  repair  of  the  Fort  all  this  Winter.^  This  News  Mr.  de 
Frontenac  receiv'd  laft  Night,  which  was  the  fixth  after  his 
return  to  this  City. 

I  had  forgot  to  tell  you  that  he  brought  with  him  out 
of  France^  fome  of  thofe  Iroquefe  that  Mr.  de  Denonville  had 
fent  to  the  Galleys,  as  I  intimated  in  my  thirteenth  Letter ; 
the  reft  having  perifh'd  in  their  Chains.  Of  all  thefe  unfor- 
tunate Barbarians  that  he  has  brought  back,  the  moft  con- 
fiderable  is  one  that  goes  by  the  name  of  Oreouahe.  He  was 
not  us'd  as  a  Galley  Slave,  in  regard  that  he  was  the  Leader 
of  the  Goyoguaus^  and  the  Governour  has  lodg'd  him  in  the 
Caftle,  in  confideration  of  the  efteem  he  fhews  both  for  Mr. 
de  Frontenac^  and  for  the  French  Nation.  Some  flatter  them- 
felves  with  the  hopes,  that  fome  Accommodation  with  the  five 
Iroquefe  Nations  may  be  effedled  by  his  Mediation ;  and  for 
that  end  propofals  of  Peace  are  now  in  agitation :  But  I  have 
three  good  reafons  for  prediding,  that  fuch  a  Defign  will 
prove  abortive.^    I  have  already  laid  thefe  Reafons  before  Mr. 


1  Nicholas  d'Ailleboust,  sieur  de  Mantet  (Mantz,  Manteht) ,  belonged  to  a  prom- 
inent Canadian  family,  being  grandson  of  one  of  the  founders  of  Montreal.  Like 
other  promising  young  men  he  took  to  wood-ranging ;  becoming  an  associate  of 
DuLuth,  he  acquired  much  influence  with  the  Indians  of  the  Northwest.  Frontenac 
employed  him  upon  raiding  parties,  and  he  was  first  to  enter  Schenectady  (1690). 
His  latter  years  were  spent  in  trading  in  the  upper  country,  where  he  is  last  mentioned 
in  1709.  —  Ed. 

^Oureahe  (Ourehaoue)  was  a  Cayuga  war  chief,  who  had  been  sent  to  France 
through  Denonville's  treachery.     Frontenac  had  won  his  good  will  on  the  return 


234  Some  New  Voyages 

de  FrontenaCy  who  gave  me  to  know,  that  after  the  departure 
of  the  Ships,  he  would  difcourfe  me  upon  that  Head.  I  fhall 
not  offer  at  the  particulars  of  his  Interview,  with  Monfieur 
and  Madam  de  Denonville ;  till  fuch  time  as  you  and  I  have 
an  opportunity  of  talking  under  the  Rofe.  Some  Officers 
accompany  Mr.  Denonville  and  his  Lady  to  France^  in  hopes 
of  being  prefer'd.  In  all  probability  the  Ships  will  fet  fail  to 
Morrow,  for  we  have  now  a  fair  and  gentle  Wefterly  Gale  ; 
befides,  that  the  feafon  for  quitting  this  Port,  is  almoft  fpent. 

I  am, 

SI R^       Tours,  &c. 


voyage,  and  employed  him  in  negotiations  with  the  Iroquois.  On  the  ill-success  of 
these  first  efforts  see  Parkman,  Frontenac,  pp.,  194-207.  The  chief,  however, 
continued  to  serve  the  French,  and  was  rewarded  with  the  pay  of  a  captain  until  his 
death  in  the  early  eighteenth  century.  —  Ed. 


to  iVor^/6- America.  235 


[155]       LETTER    XIX. 

Dated  at  Monreal  October  2.  1690. 

Relating  the  Attempts  upon  A^^w-England  and  New-York;  a 
fatal  Embajfy  fent  by  the  French  to  the  Iroquefe  ;  and  an  ill- 
concerted  Interprife  of  the  Englifh  and  the  Iroquefe,  in  march- 
ing by  Land  to  Attack  the  French  Colony. 

SIR, 

ABOUT  fifteen  days  fince  a  Ship  of  Rochel  laden  with  Wine 
and  Brandy,  arriv'd  in  this  Harbour;  and  the  Captain 
took  care  to  convey  a  Letter  from  you  to  my  Hands.  As  to 
your  defire  of  having  a  circumflantial  Account  of  the  Trade 
of  Canada,  I  cannot  fatisfie  it  at  prefent,  for  I  am  not  as  yet 
fo  thoroughly  acquainted  with  all  its  Branches.  But  I  affure 
you,  that  fome  time  or  other  I  fhall  fend  you  fuch  Memoirs, 
as  will  give  you  fatisfadlion  upon  that  Head.  In  the  mean 
time,  I  hope  you'll  be  contented  with  an  account  of  what 
pafs'd  in  this  Country  fince  the  date  of  my  laft. 

As  foon  as  Mr.  Denonville  fet  out  from  Quebec,  upon  his 
return  to  France,  Mr.  de  Frontenac  took  poffefHon  of  the 
Fort,  which  is  the  common  Refidence  of  our  Governour- 
General ;  and  order'd  one  of  our  beft  Archite6ls  to  make 
preparations  for  rebuilding  it  as  foon  as  he  could. 

In  the  beginning  of  this  year,  Mr.  d'Iberville  attempted  to 


236  Some  New  Voyages 

pillage  a  fmall  Village  in  New-ror^,  call'd  by  the  Iroquefe 
Corlar;  which  name  they  likewife  give  to  all  the  Governours 
of  that  EngUfli  Colony.  [156]  This  Gentleman,  who  is  a 
Canadefe,  was  attended  by  five  hundred  Coureiirs  de  Bois,  and 
the  like  number  of  Savages ;  and  the  whole  Party  made  the 
Expedition  over  Snow  and  Ice,  notwithftanding  they  had  three 
hundred  Leagues  to  march  backward  and  forward,  and  that 
the  Roads  were  very  rugged  and  troublefome.  Mr.  d'Iberville 
met  with  wonderful  Succefs,  for  after  he  had  pillag'd,  burnt, 
and  fack'd  that  little  Village,  with  the  adjacent  Cantons,  he 
fell  in  with  a  Party  of  an  hundred  Iroquefe,  and  defeated  'em 
intirely.^  Much  about  the  fame  time  Mr.  dePortneiif,  another 
Canada  Gentleman,  march'd  out  at  the  Head  of  three  hundred 
Men,  one  half  Savages,  and  the  other  half  Coureiirs  de  Bois,  with 
intent  to  poffefs  himself  of  a  Fort  belonging  to  the  Engli/h, 
call'd  Kenebeki,  which  ftands  upon  the  Sea-Coaft  of  New- 
England,  towards  the  Frontiers  of  Acadia.  The  Garrifon  of 
this  Fort  made  a  brave  defence :  But  there  being  great  quan- 
tities of  Granado's  and  other  Fire-works  thrown  in  upon  'em, 

1  St.  Helene  and  Mantetwere  the  leaders  of  this  expedition,  which  numbered  only 
about  two  hundred  men,  not  a  thousand.  Iberville  was  one  of  the  officers.  See 
N.  Y.  Colon.  Docs.,  ix,  pp.  466-469.  The  Iroquois  party  who  pursued  the  victors 
were  not  routed,  but  defeated  the  rear  of  the  French  forces. 

Pierre  Le  Moyne,  sieur  d'Iberville,  was  one  of  the  most  remarkable  of  early 
Canadians,  and  has  been  called  "  The  Cid  of  Canada."  Born  in  1661,  the  third  son 
of  Charles  le  Moyne,  sieur  de  Longueuil  (see  p.  74,  note  i,  ante),  he  early  joined  the 
French  navy.  His  first  exploits  were  in  Hudson  Bay,  where  he  captured  the  English 
forts  and  vessels.  In  1692  he  served  against  the  English  in  Acadia  and  Newfound- 
land. After  the  Peace  of  Ryswick  (1697)  he  turned  his  attention  to  the  Mississippi, 
and  led  the  expedition  which  founded  Louisiana  (1699).  He  attacked  the  English 
fleet  in  the  West  Indies  (1706),  dying  in  July  of  the  same  year  at  Havana.  — Ed, 


to  North' h.vci^nc2i,  237 

while  the  Savages  (contrary  to  their  Cuftom)  fcal'd  the  Palif- 
fadoes  on  all  hands,  the  Governour  was  oblig'd  to  furrender 
upon  Difcretion.  'Tis  faid,  that  in  this  Action  the  Coureurs 
de  Boh  did  their  duty  very  bravely,  but  the  Enterprife  had 
prov'd  fuccefslefs  without  the  affiftance  of  the  Savages.^ 

As  foon  as  the  Rivers  were  navigable,  Mr.  de  Frontenac 
offer'd  to  fend  me  with  Propofals  of  Peace  to  the  Iroquefe. 
But  I  made  anfwer,  that  fince  his  Pocket  and  his  Table  had 
been  free  to  me  during  the  Winter,  I  could  not  imagine  that 
he  had  a  mind  to  be  rid  of  me  fo  foon.  Being  oblig'd  by  this 
reply  to  unfold  my  meaning,  I  remonftrated  to  him.  That,  the 
King  of  England  having  loft  his  Crown,  and  War  being  pro- 
claim'd,  the  Governours  of  New-England  and  l^ew-Tork,  would 
infallibly  ufe  their  utmoft  Efforts  to  excite  thefe  Bandito's  to 
redouble  their  Incurfions  ;  that  for  that  end  they  would  furnifh 
[157]  'em  with  Ammunition  ^r^r/i,  and  even  joyn  'em  in  order 
to  attack  our  Towns;  and  above  all,  that  the  Intrigue  of  the 
Rat  had  fo  provok'd  'em,  that  in  my  opinion,  'twas  impofTible 
to  appeafe  'em.  Upon  thefe  Confiderations,  I  humbly  be- 
feech'd  him  to  have  fome  other  Perfon  in  his  view,  in  cafe  he 


^  The  French  version  of  this  attack  upon  Fort  Loyal,  on  the  present  site  of  Port- 
land, Maine,  is  found  in  A'^.  T.  Colon.  Docs.,  ix,  pp.  472,  473.  Lahontan  has,  as 
usual,  exaggerated  the  number  of  the  attacking  party.  For  the  narrative  of  the  British 
captain,  Sylvanus  Davis,  see  Mass.  Hist.  Colls.,  3d  series,  i,  pp.  101-112. 

Jacques  Robineau,  sieur  de  Portneuf,  belonged  to  the  early  Canadian  noblesse, 
and  was  employed  as  an  officer  in  the  Indian  and  English  wars.  In  1687  he  acted  as 
lieutenant  under  Denonville.  After  this  attack  on  Fort  Loyal,  he  served  in  Acadia, 
where  his  brother  Villebon  was  governor,  and  for  several  years  led  raiding  parties 
against  the  Maine  settlements.  He  died  at  Quebec  in  1715.  The  flag  captured  at 
Fort  Loyal  hung  for  many  years  in  the  basilica  at  Quebec.  —  Ed. 


238  Some  New  Voyages 

perfifted  in  his  defign  of  making  a  Trial  of  that  Nature.^  The 
Chevalier  Do  was  fingled  out  for  this  fatal  Embaffy,  being 
attended  by  one  CoUn^  as  Interpreter  of  the  Iroquefe  Lan- 
guage, and  two  young  Canadans.  They  fet  out  in  a  Canow, 
and  when  they  came  in  fight  of  the  Village  of  the  Onnontagnes^ 
were  receiv'd  with  the  honourable  Salvo  of  feveral  good 
blows,  and  conduced  with  the  fame  Ceremony  to  the  Village. 
Such  a  Retinue  could  not  but  be  difagreeable  to  the  Gentle- 
man that  came  to  make  offers  of  a  Peace.  The  ancient  Men 
being  quickly  affembled,  thought  it  moft  proper  to  fend  'em 
back  with  a  favourable  Anfwer,  and  in  the  mean  time  to 
ingage  fome  of  the  Agnies  and  Onnoyotes^  to  lye  in  wait  for  'em 
at  the  Cataradls  of  the  River,  and  there  kill  two,  fending  the 
third  back  to  Quebec^  and  carrying  the  fourth  to  their  Village, 
where  there  would  be  found  fome  Engli/Ji  that  would  fhoot 
'em,  that  is,  that  would  give  'em  the  fame  ufage  as  the  Rat  did 
to  their  Ambaffadours :  So  true  it  is,  that  that  Adlion  fticks 
in  their  ftomachs.  This  Projedl  had  actually  been  put  in  exe- 
cution, if  it  had  not  been  for  fome  of  the  Planters  of  New- 
Tork,  who  were  then  among  the  Barbarians,  having  come 
thither  on  purpofe  to  animate  'em  againft  us.  Thefe  Plant- 
ers knew  fo  well  how  to  influence  the  Barbarians  that  were 
already  bent  upon  Revenge;  that  a  Company  of  young  Barba- 
rians burnt  'em  all  alive,  excepting  the  Chevalier  Do,  whom 
they  tied  Hand  and  Foot,  and  fent  him  bound  to  Bojlon,  with 
a  defign  to  pump  out  of  him,  a  view  of  the  condition  of  our 


1  The  French  version  indicates  that  Lahontan  had  been  ill,  and  used  his  weakness 
as  a  plea  to  be  excused  from  this  hazardous  embassy.  —  Ed. 


to  North- hn\Qr\c2i.  239 

Colonies  and  Forces.^  This  piece  of  News  [158]  we  receiv'd 
two  Months  after,  by  fome  Slaves  that  made  their  efcape 
from  the  Iroquefe ;  and  Mr.  de  Frontenac^  when  furpris'd  with 
fuch  difmal  News,  declar'd,  that  out  of  twenty  Captains  that 
offer'd  to  execute  that  Commiilion,  and  would  have  taken  the 
Imployment  for  an  Honour,  I  was  the  only  one  that  had  been 
capable  of  forefeeing  its  bad  Succefs. 

June  the  24/^,  I  imbarqu'd  for  this  place  in  a  fluggifh 
Brigantine,  that  the  Captain  of  the  Governour's  Guards  had 
caus'd  to  be  built  the  foregoing  Winter.  This  venerable 
Veffel  had  the  honour  to  lodge  the  Intendant  and  his  Lady  ; 
and  all  of  us  being  in  no  hafte,  fpent  ten  or  twelve  days  by 
the  way,  and  feafted  like  Kings  every  Night.  Mr.  de  Frontenac 
mark'd  out  a  Fort  in  his  paffage  to  the  City  of  Trois  Rivieres^ 
which  I  fpoke  of  before.  Fifteen  days  after  our  arrival  in 
this  place,  a  certain  Savage  whofe  name  was  Plake,  came  and 
gave  us  notice,  that  he  had  difcover'd  a  Body  of  a  thoufand 
Engli/ky  and  five  hundred  Iroquefe  that  march'd  up  to  attack 
us.^     Upon  this  Intelligence,  all  our  Troops  crofs'd  over  to 


^This  account  of  the  embassy  of  Chevalier  Pierre  d'Aux  (Do),  sieur  de  Jolliet, 
is  substantially  correct.  He  was  a  prisoner  both  in  Boston  and  New  York  until 
August,  1692,  when  having  escaped  he  made  his  way  to  Canada  in  time  to  furnish 
Count  Frontenac  with  useful  information  relative  to  the  English  plans.  The  governor 
thereupon  sent  him  to  France  to  give  an  account  of  the  situation  of  Boston  and  New 
York,  "  and  how  easily  they  may  be  taken."  He  returned  to  New  France  the  fol- 
lowing year,  and  then  disappears  from  history.  —  Ed. 

2  La  Plaque,  nephew  of  the  Great  Mohawk  (called  by  the  Dutch,  Kryn) ,  chief  of 
the  praying  Indians  of  Sault  St.  Louis  mission,  was  useful  to  the  French  during 
Frontenac's  War  (1689-97).  After  having  given  notice  of  this  intended  invasion, 
he  set  out  the  following  year  (1691)  to  capture  prisoners  and  secure  information, 
which  undertaking  proved  so  successful  that  he  was  sent  to  France  to  report.     After 


240  Some  New  Voyages 

the  Meadow  of  Madelaine,  oppofite  to  this  City,  and  there 
incamp'd,  in  conjundllon  with  three  or  four  hundred  Savages 
that  were  our  Allies,  in  order  to  give  the  Enemy  a  warm 
Reception.^  Our  Camp  was  no  fooner  form'd,  than  Mr.  de 
Frontenac  detach'd  two  or  three  fmall  Parties  of  the  Savages 
to  obferve  the  Enemy.  Thefe  Parties  came  foon  back,  after 
having  furpris'd  fome  ftragling  Iroquefe  at  hunting  on  the 
Confines  of  Champlaine  Lake :  The  Prifoners  inform'd  us, 
that  the  Engli/h  being  unable  to  encounter  the  fatigues  of  the 
march,  and  unprovided  with  a  fufficient  ftock  of  Provifions, 
both  they  and  the  Iroquefe  were  return'd  to  their  own  Coun- 
try.2  This  account  being  confirm'd  by  other  Savages,  our 
Troops  decamp'd,  and  march'd  back  to  this  place,  from 
whence  I  was  detach'd  [159]  fome  days  after  to  command  a 
Party  that  was  to  cover  the  Reapers  of  Fort  Roland,  which  lies 
in  this  Ifland.^      When  the  Harveft  was  over  I  return'd  to 


his  return  he  continued  to  serve  the  French,  on  two  occasions  (1692,  1693)  leading 
war  parties  nearly  to  the  gates  of  Albany.  — Ed. 

^  La  Prairie  de  la  Madeleine  is  six  miles  above  Montreal,  on  the  opposite  side  of 
the  river.  This  was  supposed  to  be  the  point  at  which  the  expedition  would  emerge, 
coming  by  way  of  Lake  Champlain  and  Richelieu  River.  A  small  division  did  attack 
this  point  after  Frontenac's  return  to  Quebec,  carrying  off  several  prisoners.  —  Ed. 

2  This  was  part  of  the  expedition  fitted  out  by  the  British  colonies  for  the  capture 
of  Canada.  The  troops  of  New  York  and  Connecticut  rendezvoused  at  Wood  Creek, 
on  Lake  Champlain,  under  command  of  General  Winthrop  of  Connecticut ;  but  ill- 
ness, lack  of  provisions,  and  the  lukewarm  attitude  of  their  Iroquois  allies,  made  it 
necessary  to  abandon  the  attack.  See  Winthrop's  "Journal,"  in  N.  Y.  Colon.  Docs., 
iv,  pp.  193-197-  —  Ed. 

3  Fort  Rolland  was  built  (1670)  on  the  site  of  the  present  Lachine,  to  protect  the 
trading  houses  of  Fran9ois  le  Noir,  ciit  Rolland,  who  carried  on  a  large  traffic  with 
the  Western  Indians.  During  Frontenac's  War,  it  was  regularly  garrisoned  by  detach- 
ments of  soldiers.     For  full  details,  see  Girouard,  Lake  St.  Louis,  pp.  70-75.  —  Ed. 


to  iVor^/>- America.  241 

this  place,  along  with  the  Hurons  and  the  Oiitaoiias,  who  had 
come  down  from  their  own  Country,  in  purfuit  of  their  ufual 
Trade  in  Skins,  an  account  of  which  you  had  in  my  eight 
Letter.  Thefe  Traders  continued  here  fifteen  days,  and  then 
march'd  home.^ 

This,  Sir,  is  a  Summary  of  all  our  Occurrences  of  Moment 
fmce  the  laft  year.  About  fifteen  days  hence,  I  think  to  fet 
out  for  Quebec,  in  Mr.  de  Frontenac's  Brigantin.  I  conclude 
with  my  ufual  Complement, 

SIR, 

Yours,  &c. 


^  The  descent  of  the  Northwest  Indians  for  trade  this  year  (1690)  was  an  encour- 
aging circumstance  for  New  France.  See  N.  Y.  Colon.  Docs.,  ix,  pp.  478-490; 
Parkman,  Frontenac,  pp.  252-255.  —  Ed. 


16 


242  Some  New  Voyages 


LETTER    XX. 

Dated  at  Rochel  January  12.  1691. 
Being  a  Relation  of  a  fecond  and  very  important  Expedition  of  the 
Englifh  by  Sea;  in  which  is  contain' d  a  Letter  written  by  the 
Englifh  Admiral  to  the  Count  of  Frontenac,  with  this  Gov- 
ernour's  Verbal  Answer.  As  alfo  an  account  of  the  Authour's 
departure  for  France. 

SIR, 

I  AM  arriv'd  at  laft  at  Rochel,  from  whence  I  now  tranfmit 
you  a  Relation  of  all  that  pafs'd  in  Canada,  fince  the  date 
of  my  laft  Letter.  In  the  fpace  of  a  few  days  after  that  date, 
Mr.  de  Frontenac  receiv'd  advice  that  a  ftrong  Fleet  of  Englifh 
[160]  Ships,  amounting  to  thirty  four  Sail,  was  feen  near 
Tadoiiffac}  Immediately  he  got  on  board  of  his  Brigantine, 
and  order'd  all  the  Troops  to  imbarque  in  Canows  and  Boots, 
and  to  row  Night  and  Day  to  prevent  the  Enemy ;  all  which 
was  happily  put  in  execution.  At  the  fame  time  he  gave 
orders  to  Mr.  de  Callieres,  to  bring  down  as  many  of  the 
Inhabitants  as  pofTibly  he  could.  We  row'd  with  fuch  expedi- 
tion, and  diligence,  that  we  arriv'd  the  3^  day  at  Quebec.    As 


1  The  first  report  of  the  approach  of  the  English  Fleet  reached  Frontenac  through 
an  Abenaki  Indian,  who  had  travelled  overland  with  the  tidings.  The  governor  gave 
this  news  scant  credence  until  ffshing  vessels  announced  the  progress  of  the  fleet  as 
far  up  as  Tadoussac.  For  a  brief  but  succinct  account,  see  Jes.  Rel.,  Ixiv,  pp.  4.1- 
53— Ed. 


to  7Vor^Z>-America.  243 

foon  as  Mr.  de  Frontenac  debarqued,  he  view'd  the  weakeft 
Pofts,  and  order'd  'em  to  be  fortified  without  lofs  of  time : 
He  rais'd  Batteries  in  feveral  places,  and  though  in  that  capital 
City  we  had  but  twelve  great  Guns,  and  but  little  Ammuni- 
tion, yet  he  feem'd  to  be  refolutely  bent  upon  an  obftinate 
Refiftance  to  the  efforts  of  the  Enemy's  Fleet,  which  in  the 
mean  time  ftood  catching  of  Flies,  at  the  diftance  of  two 
Leagues  from  Quebec.  We  took  the  advantage  of  their  flow 
approaches,  and  work'd  incefifantly  to  put  our  felves  in  a 
pofture  of  defence.  Our  Troops,  our  Militia,  and  our  con- 
federate Savages,  came  up  to  us  on  all  hands.  'Tis  certain, 
that  if  the  Englifi  Admiral  had  made  his  Defcent  before  our 
arrival  at  Quebec^  or  even  two  days  after,  he  had  carry'd  the 
place  without  ftriking  a  blow ;  for  at  that  time  there  was  not 
two  hundred  French  in  the  City,  which  lay  open,  and  expos'd 
on  all  hands. ^  But  inftead  of  doing  that,  he  caft  Anchor 
towards  the  point  of  the  Ifland  of  Orleans,  and  loft  three  days 
in  confulting  with  the  Captains  of  the  Ships,  before  they  came 
to  a  Refolution.  He  took  the  Sieur  JoUet  with  his  Lady  and 
his  Mother-in-Laws  in  a  Bark  in  the  River  of  St.  Laurence} 
Three  Merchant-men  from  France,  and  one  laden  with  Beaver- 


1  All  authorities  apparently  agree  with  Lahontan's  judgment,  that  the  capital 
fault  of  the  English  commander  was  his  waste  of  time.  —  Ed. 

2  Lahontan  is  the  only  contemporary  authority  who  includes  JoUiet  himself  in  the 
list  of  prisoners.  Probably  it  was  only  his  wife  and  mother-in-law,  who  were  cap- 
tured on  their  way  to  their  seigniory  of  Anticosti,  with  M.  de  Grandville.  Louis 
Jolliet,  the  famous  explorer,  was  born  in  Quebec  in  1645.  Losing  his  father  at  an 
early  age,  he  was  reared  by  the  Jesuits.  In  1667  he  visited  France,  and  the  following 
year  organized  his  first  trading  and  exploring  expedition  to  the  Great  Lakes,  whither 
he  again  went,  1670-71.      His  success  brought  him  a  commission  to  discover  the 


244  Some  New  Voyages 

Skins  from  Hiidfon  Bay,  enter'd  the  River  of  Saguenay,  by  the 
way  of  Tadouffac,  where  they  fculk'd,  and  after  hauling  their 
Guns  afhoar,  rais'd  very  good  Batteries.  [i6i]  To  be  (hort, 
the  Officers  of  the  Enemy's  Fleet  came  to  a  Refolution  after 
the  lofs  of  three  or  four  days  in  ufelefs  Confultations,  during 
which  time  we  were  joyn'd  on  all  hands  by  great  numbers  of 
Inhabitants  and  Soldiers.  Purfuant  to  the  refolution  of  the 
Councils  of  War,  the  Engli/h  Admiral,  namely,  Sir  TFilliam 
Phips,  fent  out  his  Sloop  with  a  French  Flag  upon  its  Prow, 
which  made  up  to  the  City  with  found  of  Trumpet.^     Upon 

Mississippi,  which  he  accomplished  in  company  with  the  Jesuit  missionary  Marquette 
(1673).  Upon  his  return  in  July,  1674,  JoHiet  lost  all  of  his  papers  by  having  his 
canoe  swamped  in  the  descent  of  Lachlne  Rapids.  The  following  year  he  married 
Claire  Franfoise  Bissot,  who  brought  him  property  on  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence, 
where  in  1679,  he  acquired  Isles  Mingan,  and  Anticosti  a  year  later.  In  the  former 
year,  he  visited  Hudson  Bay,  via  the  Saguenay  and  Lake  St.  John,  and  was  cordially 
received  by  the  English.  Labrador  was  explored  by  him  in  1694,  his  death  occurring 
six  years  later.  For  the  latest  research  concerning  Jolliet,  see  Gagnon,  "Louis 
Jolliet,"  in  La  Rei'ue  Canadienne,  1900-1902. 

Jolliet's  mother-in-law  was  Marie  Couillard,  who  after  the  death  (1675)  o^ 
Bissot,  her  first  husband,  married  Jacques  de  Lalande.  She  was  a  woman  of  much 
force  and  ability,  and  according  to  other  authorities  suggested  to  Phips  the  exchange 
of  prisoners,  and  to  effect  it  went  in  person  to  Frontenac.  She  was  a  sister-in-law  of 
Jean  Nicolet,  the  explorer,  and  one  of  her  sons  was  Sieur  de  Vincennes,  an  officer  of 
note  in  the  Western  country.  — Ed. 

^Sir  William  Phips  was  born  in  Pemaquid  (Bristol),  Maine,  in  1651.  He  was 
the  son  of  a  poor  colonist,  and  tended  sheep  until  he  was  eighteen  years  of  age,  then 
learned  the  trade  of  a  ship  carpenter.  Going  to  Boston,  he  there  married  a  wealthy 
widow,  who  taught  him  to  read  and  write.  On  a  visit  to  England,  he  secured  a 
commission  to  search  for  wrecked  Spanish  treasure-ships  in  the  West  Indies.  After 
one  unsuccessful  attempt  (1684),  he  raised  in  1687  silver  and  plate  amounting  to 
^^300,000.  For  this  service  knighthood  was  conferred  upon  him,  and  he  returned  to 
Massachusetts  to  lead  an  expedition  which  captured  Port  Royal  (May,  1690).  After 
the  failure  of  the  Quebec  investment,  Phips  was  somewhat  discredited,  but  in  1692 
he  was  appointed  governor  of  Massachusetts,  which  office  he  held  until  his  death  in 
London,  in  1695.  —  Ed. 


to  North-hmmc2i.  245 

this,  Mr.  de  Frontenac  fent  out  another  with  a  French  Officer  to 
meet  it,  who  found  an  Englifli  Major  in  the  Sloop,  who  gave 
him  to  underftand,  that  he  had  the  charge  of  a  Letter  from 
his  General,  to  the  Governour  of  Canada^  and  hop'd  he  might 
be  allow'd  to  deliver  it  himfelf.  Upon  that  the  Fj'ench  Officer 
took  him  into  his  Sloop,  and  having  blindfolded  him,  con- 
ducted him  to  the  Governour's  Chamber;  where  his  Face 
being  uncover'd,  he  deliver'd  him  a  Letter,  the  fubftance  of 
which  was  this. 

'  I    Sir  William  Phips,   General   of   the    Forces   of   New- 

^  England,  by  Sea  and  Land,  to  Count  Frontenac,  Governour 

'  General  of   Quebec,   by  Orders   from,   and   in  the  name  of 

'  William  III  and  Mary  King  and  Queen  of  England ;  am  come 

*  to  make  my  felf  Mafter  of  this  Country.     But  in  regard  that 

'  I  have  nothing  fo  much  in  view,  as  the  preventing  of  the 

'  effufion  of  Blood,  I  require  you  to  furrender  at  difcretion, 

'  your  Cities,  Caftles,  Forts,  Towns,  as  well  as  your  Perfons ; 

'  affuring  you  at  the  fame  time,  that  you  fhall  meet  with  all 

'  manner  of  good  Ufage,  Civility  and  Humanity.     If  you  do 

'  not  accept  of  this  Propofal  without  any  Reftridlion,  I  will 

'  indeavour,  by  the  affiftance  of  Heaven,  on  which  I  rely,  and 

'  the  force  of  my  Arms,  to  make  a  Conqueft  of  'em.     I  expedl 

'  a  pofitive  anfwer  in  writing  in  the  fpace  of  an  Hour,  and  in 

'the  mean  time  give  you  notice,  that  after  [162]  the  com- 

'  mencement  of  Hoftilities,  I  fhall  not  entertain  any  thoughts 

'  of  Accommodation. 

Sign'd,  William  Phips. 


246  Some  New  Voyages 

After  the  Interpreter  had  tranflated  the  Letter  to  Mr.  de 
Frontenac,  who  was  then  furrounded  with  Officers ;  he  order'd 
the  Captain  of  his  Guards  to  make  a  Gibbet  before  the  Fort, 
in  order  to  hang  the  poor  Major,  who  in  all  appearance 
underftood  French;  for  upon  the  pronouncing  of  this  fatal 
Sentence,  he  was  like  to  fwoon  away.  And  indeed  I  muft  fay, 
the  Major  had  fome  reafon  to  be  affeded,  for  he  had  certainly 
been  hang'd,  if  the  Bifhop  and  the  Intendant,  who  to  his  good 
luck  were  then  prefent,  had  not  interceded  on  his  behalf. 
Mr.  de  Frontenac  pretended,  that  they  were  a  Fleet  of  Pyrates, 
or  of  Perfons  without  CommifTion,  for  that  the  King  of 
England  was  then  in  France.  But  at  laft  the  Governour  being 
appeas'd,  order'd  the  Major  to  repair  forthwith  on  board  of 
his  Admiral,  againft  whom  he  could  defend  himfelf  the  better, 
for  not  being  attack'd.  At  the  fame  time  he  declar'd,  that 
he  knew  no  other  King  of  Great  Britain^  than  James  II,  that 
his  rebellious  Subjeds  were  Pyrates,  and  that  he  dreaded 
neither  their  Force  nor  their  Threats.  This  faid,  he  threw 
Admiral  Phips^s  Letter  in  the  Major's  face,  and  then  turn'd 
his  Back  upon  him.  Upon  that  the  poor  Ambaffadour  took 
frefh  courage,  and  looking  upon  his  Watch,  took  the  Hberty 
to  ask  Mr.  de  Frontenac,  if  he  could  not  have  his  Anfwer  in 
Writing  before  the  hour  elaps'd.  But  the  Governour  made 
anfwer  with  all  the  haughtinefs  and  difdain  imaginable,  that 
his  Admiral  deferv'd  no  other  anfwer,  than  what  flew  from 
the  Mouth  of  Cannons  and  Muskets.  Thefe  words  were  no 
fooner  pronounc'd    than  the  Major  was  forc'd  to  take  his 


to  A^o/tZj-Amerlca.  247 

Letter  again,  and  being  blind-folded,  was  recondu6ted  to  his 
Sloop,  in  which  he  row'd  towards  the  Fleet  with  all  expedition. 
[163]  The  next  day  about  two  in  the  Afternoon,  fixty 
Sloops  were  fent  aihoar  with  ten  or  twelve  hundred  Men, 
who  ftood  upon  the  Sand  in  very  good  order.  After  that 
the  Sloops  went  back  to  the  Ships,  and  brought  afhoar  the 
like  Compliment  of  Men,  which  was  afterwards  joyn'd  by  a 
third  Complement  of  the  fame  number.  As  foon  as  thefe 
Troops  were  landed,  they  began  to  march  towards  the  City 
with  Drums  beating,  and  Colours  flying.  This  Defcent  was 
made  over  againft  the  Ifle  of  Orleans^  about  a  League  and  a 
half  below  Quebec ;  but  'twas  not  fo  expeditious,  but  that  our 
Confederate  Savages,  with  two  hundred  Coureurs  de  Bois,  and 
fifty  Officers,  had  time  to  pofl:  themfelves  in  a  Copfe  of  thick 
Brambles,  which  lay  half  a  League  oflF  the  place  of  Landing. 
It  being  impoffible  for  fo  fmall  a  Party  to  come  to  an  open 
Battle  with  a  numerous  Enemy,  they  were  forc'd  to  fight 
after  the  manner  of  the  Savages,  that  is,  to  lay  Ambufcadoes 
from  place  to  place  in  the  Copfe,  which  was  a  quarter  of  a 
League  broad.  This  way  of  waging  War  prov'd  wonderfully 
fuccefsful  to  us,  for  our  Men  being  pofted  in  the  middle  of 
the  Copfe,  we  fuflPer'd  the  Englifli  to  enter,  and  then  fir'd 
upon  'em,  lying  flat  upon  the  ground  till  they  fir'd  their 
pieces ;  after  which  we  fprung  up,  and  drawing  into  knots 
here  and  there,  repeated  our  fire  with  fuch  fuccefs,  that  the 
Englifli  Militia  perceiving  our  Savages  fell  into  confufion  and 
diforder,   and   their   Battalions  were   broke ;    infomuch,   that 


248  Some  New  Voyages 

they  betook  themfelves  to  flight,  crying  out,  Indians^  Indians^ 
and  gave  our  Savages  the  opportunity  of  making  a  bloody 
flaughter  among  'em,  for  we  found  three  hundred  Men  left 
upon  the  fpot,  without  any  other  lofs  on  our  fide,  than  that 
of  ten  Coiireiirs  de  Boisy  four  Officers,  and  two  Savages. 

The  next  day  the  Engli/h  landed  four  pieces  of  brafs 
Cannon  mounted  like  Field-pieces,  and  fought  [164]  very 
bravely,  though  they  were  very  ill  difciplin'd.  'Tis  certain 
there  was  no  want  of  Courage  on  their  fide,  and  their  want 
of  Succefs  muft  be  imputed  to  their  unacqaintednefs  with 
Military  Difcipline,  to  their  being  infeebled  by  the  fatigues 
of  the  Sea,  and  to  the  ill  conduit  of  Sir  William  Phips,  who 
upon  this  Enterprife  could  not  have  done  more  than  he  did, 
if  he  had  been  ingag'd  by  us  to  ftand  fl;ill  with  his  hands  in 
his  Pockets.  This  day  pafs'd  over  more  peaceably  than  the 
next :  For  then  the  Engli/h  made  a  frefh  attempt  to  force  their 
paffage  through  the  Copfe,  by  the  help  of  their  Artillery; 
but  they  loft  three  or  four  hundred  more  in  the  attempt,  and 
were  forc'd  to  retire  with  all  diligence  to  the  Landing-place : 
On  our  fide  we  loft  Mr.  de  St.  Helene,  who  dy'd  of  a  wound 
in  his  Leg,  and  about  forty  French-men  and  Savages.  This 
Vi6tory  animated  us  fo  much,  that  we  purfued  the  Englifli  to 
their  Camp,  and  lay  all  Night  flat  upon  the  ground  juft  by  it, 
with  a  defign  to  attack  it  by  the  break  of  day:  But  they  fav'd 
us  the  labour,  for  they  imbarqued  about  Midnight  with  fuch 
confufion,  that  we  kill'd  fifty  more  of  'em,  rather  by  chance, 
than  by  dexterity,  while  they  were  getting  into  their  Boats. 
When  day  came,  we  tranfported  to  Quebec  their  Tents  and 


to  North' Kmtnc2i,  249 

their  Cannon,  which  they  had  left  behind  'em  ;  the  Savages 
being  in  the  mean  time  imploy'd  in  dripping  the  dead  in  the 
Wood. 

The  fame  day  that  the  Defcent  was  made,  Sir  WilUam 
Phips  weigh'd  and  came  to  an  Anchor  with  four  great  Ships, 
at  the  diftance  of  a  Musket-fhot  from  the  lower  City,  where 
we  had  only  one  Battery  of  fix  or  eight  Pounders.  There  he 
Cannonadoed  for  twenty  four  hours  fo  handfomly,  that  the 
fire  of  the  great  Guns  equal'd  that  of  the  fmall  Arms.  The 
dammage  they  did  to  the  roofs  of  the  Houfes,  amounted  to 
five  or  fix  Piftoles  ;  for  as  I  inform'd  you  in  my  firft  Letter,  the 
Walls  of  the  Houfes  are  fo  hard,  that  a  Ball  cannot  pierce  'em. 

[165]  When  Sir  JFilliam  Phips  had  made  an  end  of  thefe 
glorious  Exploits,  he  fent  to  demand  of  Mr.  de  Frontenac  fome 
Englipi  Prifoners  in  exchange  for  the  Sieur  Joliet,  with  his 
Wife  and  his  Mother,  and  fome  Seamen  ;  which  was  forthwith 
put  in  execution.  This  done,  the  Fleet  weigh'd  Anchor  and 
flieer'd  homeward.^  As  foon  as  the  three  Merchantmen  that 
lay  fculking  in  the  River  of  Sagtienay,  faw  the  Fleet  running 
below  Tadouffac  with  full  Sail  before  a  Wefterly  Gale,  they  put 
their  Guns  aboard,  and  purfuing  their  Voyage  with  great  fat- 
isfadion,  arriv'd  at  Quebec  on  the  iith  of  November.  They  had 
fcarce  put  their  Cargoe  on  fhoar,  when  the  bitter  cold  cover'd 
the  River  with  Ice,  which  dammag'd  their  Ships  fo  much,  that 


1  There  exist  many  contemporaneous  accounts  of  Phips's  expedition.  Myrand, 
Sir  William  Phips  devant  ^lebec  (Quebec,  1893),  has  collected  nineteen  from 
archives,  with  all  the  details  of  participants.  He  accuses  Lahontan  of  exaggerating 
the  numbers  of  English  taking  part  and  wounded  in  the  land  battles,  op.  cit. ,  pp.  267- 
276.     For  the  rest,  however,  Lahontan's  account  is  substantially  correct.  —  Ed. 


250  Some  New  Voyages 

they  were  forc'd  to  run  'em  afhoar.  This  troublefom  Froft  was 
as  uneafie  to  me,  as  to  Mr.  de  Frontenac;  for  I  then  faw  that  I 
was  oblig'd  to  pafs  another  Winter  in  Canada^  and  Mr.  de 
Frontenac  was  at  a  lofs,  to  contrive  a  way  of  fending  the  King 
advice  of  this  Enterprife.  But  by  good  luck,  there  came  all 
of  a  fudden  a  downfal  of  Rain,  which  was  follow'd  by  a  Thaw, 
and  was  equally  acceptable  to  us  both.  Immediately  the 
Governour  order'd  an  unrigg'd  Frigat  to  be  rigg'd  and  fitted 
out ;  which  was  done  accordingly  with  fuch  difpatch,  that  the 
Ballaft,  Sails,  Ropes,  and  Mafts,  were  all  in  order  almoft  as 
foon  as  the  Orders  were  given  out.  When  the  Frigat  was 
ready  to  fail,  the  Governour  told  me,  that  the  making  of 
France  as  foon  as  ever  I  could,  would  be  a  piece  of  important 
Service ;  and  that  I  ought  rather  to  perifh,  than  to  fuffer  my 
felf  to  be  taken  by  the  Enemy,  or  to  put  in  at  any  Port  what- 
foever  by  the  way.  At  the  fame  time  he  gave  me  a  particular 
Letter  to  Mr.  de  Seignelay,  the  purport  of  which  was  much  to 
my  advantage. 

I  put  to  Sea  the  20th  of  November^  the  like  of  which  was 
never  feen  in  that  place  before.  At  the  Ifle  of  Coudres  we 
'fcap'd  luckily,  for  there  the  [166]  North-Eaft  Wind  blew 
fo  hard  upon  us,  that  after  we  had  drop'd  Anchor,  we  thought 
to  have  been  fplit  in  pieces  in  the  Night-time.  The  reft  of 
our  paffage  was  good  enough,  for  we  encounter'd  but  one 
Storm  till  we  arriv'd  at  this  place.  Indeed  we  met  with 
contrary  Winds,  about  150  Leagues  off  the  coaft  of  France^ 
which  oblig'd  us  to  traverfe,  and  lye  by  for  a  long  time,  and 
'twas  for  this  reafon  that  our  paffage  was  fo  long. 


to  N orth- Am^nc^.,  251 

I  hear  you  are  now  in  Provence,  and  that  Mr.  de  Seignelai  is 
gone  upon  a  Voyage  to  the  other  World,  which  is  of  a  quite 
different  nature  from  that  I  have  juft  perform'd.  In  earneft, 
Sir,  his  Death  is  the  laft  misfortune  to  the  Navy  of  France,  to 
the  Colonies  of  the  two  America's^  and  to  me  in  particular, 
fince  Mr.  de  Frontenac's  Recommendatory  Letter  is  thereby 
render'd  ufelefs  to  me.     I  am, 

SIR,  Yours,  &c. 


252  Some  New  Voyages 


LETTER    XXI. 

Dated  at  Rochel  July  26.  1691. 
Containing  a  Defcription  of  the  Courts  or  Offices  of  the  Miniflers 
of  State,  and  a  view  of  fome  Services  that  are  ill  rewarded  at 
Court. 

SIR, 

THE  Letter  you  writ  to  me  two  Months  agoe  came  to  my 
Hands  at  Paris;  but  I  could  not  give  you  an  anfwer 
there,  becaufe  I  had  not  then  done  my  bufinefs.  Now  that  I  am 
return'd  to  Rochel,  I  have  leifure  time  enough  to  inform  you 
of  all  that  befell  me  fince  my  return  to  France.  As  foon  as  I 
arriv'd  at  Ferfailles,  I  waited  upon  Mr.  de  Pontchartrain,  [167] 
who  fucceeded  Mr.  de  Seignelai.  I  reprefented  to  him,  that 
Mr.  de  Frontenac  had  given  me  a  Letter  to  his  Predeceffour, 
in  which  he  took  notice  of  the  Services  I  had  done.  I  remon- 
ftrated  to  him,  that  my  Eftate  being  'feiz'd  upon,  and  there 
being  feveral  Law-fuits  to  be  adjufted,  where  my  prefence  was 
neceffary,  I  hop'd  his  Majefl:y  would  give  me  leave  to  quit  his 
Service.  He  made  anfwer,  that  he  had  been  inform'd  of  the 
ftate  of  my  Affairs,  and  that  I  was  allow'd  to  purfue  the  man- 
agement of  'em,  till  the  departure  of  the  laft  Ships  that  are 
bound  this  year  for  Quebec,  to  which  place  he  mean'd  I  fhould 
return.    Having  receiv'd  this  anfwer,  I  went  from  Verfailles  to 


to  iVor^/6-America.  253 

Paris,  where  my  Relations  drew  me  into  a  confultation  of  fev- 
eral  Counfellors,  who  declar'd  that  my  Affairs  were  fo  per- 
plex'd,  that  in  their  opinion,  I  could  not  have  'em  adjufted  in 
fo  fhort  a  time.  In  the  mean  time,  the  Crowns  I  was  forc'd 
to  lug  out  for  this  Confultation,  turn'd  my  Stomach  againfl 
the  going  to  Law  with  Perfons  that  had  fo  much  intereft  in 
the  Parliament  of  Paris;  infomuch,  that  I  was  almofl  in  the 
mind  of  lofing  my  Right,  rather  than  to  enter  upon  the  Law- 
fuit.  However,  I  did  not  fail  to  put  in  for  a  provifion  upon 
my  confifcated  Eftate,  by  vertue  of  my  being  adlually  in  the 
Service.  But  the  folliciting  of  that,  coft  me  fo  much  trouble 
and  charges,  that  though  my  powerful  Adverfaries  had  not 
been  able  to  prevent  the  obtaining  of  my  requeft,  yet  the 
Sum  adjudg'd  thereupon,  would  not  be  fufficient  to  anfwer  the 
charges  I  was  at.  Mejfieiirs  de  Bragelone^  are  very  honourable 
Gentlemen,  as  you  know  very  well.  'Tis  true,  they  love  Pif- 
toles  better  than  their  Relations,  and  upon  that  Principle 
contented  themfelves  in  doing  me  the  honour  of  their  good 
Advice,  for  their  Generofity  do's  not  go  much  further ;  and 
if  I  had  no  other  refuge  than  theirs,  I  fhould  be  but  in  a  forry 
condition.  The  Abbot  of  Ecouttes,^  who  is  more  liberal,  [168] 
tho'  not  fo  rich  as  they,  made  me  a  Prefent  of  a  hundred 
Louis  d'ors,  which  I  applied  to  the  payment  of  the  Fees,  for 
being  receiv'd  into  the  Order  of  St.  Lazarus.    The  Ceremony 


1  Lahontan  belonged  to  the  Gascon  family  of  Bragelonne,  one  member  of  which 
had  been  of  the  Company  of  One  Hundred  Associates,  that  founded  the  colony  of 
New  France.  —Ed. 

2 The  Abbe  de  Couttes,  who  was  an  uncle  of  Lahontan,  being  a  brother  of  his 
mother,  was  an  ecclesiastic  well  known  at  the  court  of  Louis  XIV.  —  Ed. 


254  Some  New  Voyages 

of  that  Inftallment  was  perform'd  in  Mr.  de  Louvois  his  Cham- 
ber, and  did  not  laft  fo  long  as  the  telling  of  the  Money.^ 
I  was  in  hopes  that  this  generous  Abbot  would  have  beftow'd 
upon  me  fome  fimple  Benefice  that  he  might  have  thrown  in 
my  way,  without  injuring  himfelf :  But  it  feems,  a  fcruple  of 
Confcience  ftood  my  Enemy.  Upon  the  whole,  Sir,  I  was  e'en 
forc'd  at  laft  to  go  to  Ferfailles  to  follicit  for  a  Place,  which  is 
the  moft  cutting  and  vexatious  Office  in  the  World.  Do  but 
confider,  Sir,  that  in  thofe  Royal  Apartments  Crowns  fly,  and 
no  body  knows  where  they  go.  One  muft  patiently  attend 
five  or  fix  hours  a  day  in  Mr.  de  Pontchartrain's  Apartments, 
only  to  fhew  himfelf  every  time  that  that  Minifter  goes  out  or 
comes  in. 

He  no  fooner  appears,  than  every  one  crowds  in  to  prefent 
Memorials  clogg'd  with  fifty  Reafons,  which  commonly  fly  off 
as  light  as  the  Wind.  As  foon  as  he  receives  thefe  Petitions, 
he  gives  'em  to  fome  Secretary  or  other  that  follows  him ;  and 
this  Secretary  carries  'em  to  Meffieurs  de  la  Toiiche^  de  Begon^ 
and  de  Saluberri;  whofe  Footmen  receive  Piftoles  from  moft 
of  the  Officers,  who  without  that  Expedient,  would  be  in 
danger  of  catching  cold  at  the  Door  of  the  Office  of  thefe 
Deputies.  'Tis  from  that  expedient  alone,  that  their  good 
or  bad  deftiny  muft  flow.    Pray  undeceive  your  felf,  as  to  your 


1  St.  Lazare  was  one  of  the  military  orders  founded  in  the  eleventh  century,  during 
the  Crusades.  It  was  rich  and  powerful,  and  had  large  property  in  Paris.  In  the 
seventeenth  century  it  was  amalgamated  with  the  order  of  Mont  Carmel,  and  Lahon- 
tan  is  sometimes  known  as  chevalier  of  Notre  Dame  du  Mont  Carmel. 

Franfois  Michel  le  Tellier,  marquis  de  Louvois,  was  the  great  war  minister  of 
the  reign  of  Louis  XIV.  Among  other  honors,  he  received  in  1673  the  office  of  vicar 
general  of  the  orders  of  St.  Lazare  and  Mont  Carmel.  —  Ed. 


=^ 


%^>^ 


io^ 


^  Qh 


./, 


M     k 


Q*"^  Qi..  IS'* 


O^  OKI 


A'^\     *»■'■' 


4^  ^''^jun 


.f 


C>  "^^  O^    O' 


^i 


to  North'A.mQnc^,  255 

notion  of  the  protedion  of  great  Lords  :  The  time  is  gone  in 
which  the  Minlfters  granted  whatever  they  ask'd  for  their 
Baftards,  their  Footmen,  and  their  Vaffals.  There  is  but  two 
or  three  Princes  or  Dukes,  who  being  great  Favourites,  will 
meddle  in  protecting  thofe  that  have  no  immediate  depen- 
dance  upon  'em:  And  if  thefe  do  it,  'tis  very  [169]  feldom ; 
for  you  know  that  the  Gentry  of  France  is  in  no  great  Circum- 
ftances,  and  thefe  great  Lords  have  oftentimes  poor  Friends 
of  their  own,  for  whom  they  are  oblig'd  to  ask  places,  in  order 
to  their  Subfiftence.  As  the  World  goes  now,  the  Minifters 
are  upon  fuch  a  foot,  that  they'll  refufe  any  thing  to  Perfons 
of  the  higheft  Dignity  about  Court,  by  replying,  the  King 
will  have  it  fo,  or  the  King  will  have  it  otherwife.  And  as 
for  the  Topick  of  Merit ;  that's  fuch  a  frightful  Monfter,  that 
it  can  have  no  Reception  in  the  Minifters  Offices,  nay,  moft  of 
the  Minifters  are  ftruck  with  horrour  when  they  think  of  it. 
'Tis  the  Minifters,  in  effed,  that  difpofe  of  all  places,  though 
it  appears  as  if  'twere  the  King.  They  do  what  they  pleafe, 
without  being  accountable  to  him,  for  he  puts  all  upon  the 
affedion  and  zeal  they  ought  to  have  for  his  Service.  They 
carry  Extrads  to  him,  in  which  the  merit  of  the  Officers  they 
mean  to  prefer,  is  either  fuppos'd  or  extoll'd.  But  the  Me- 
morials of  thofe  they  do  not  like,  are  far  from  appearing. 

I'm  forry  I  fliould  be  oblig'd  to  lay  this  truth  before  you ; 
however,  I  mention  no  particular  Minifter,  for  they  are  not 
all  of  that  kidney.  I  know  fome  of  'em  that  would  fcorn  to 
do  the  leaft  injuftice  to  any  Man  whatfoever ;  and  would  not 
fuffer  their  Suiffes,  or  their  Lackeys,  or  even  their  Deputies 


256  Some  New  Voyages 

or  Clerks,  to  intrigue  for  the  preferment  of  fuch  and  fuch 
Perfons  by  the  means  of  Piftoles.  Thefe  dexterous  Intriguers, 
do  by  indire6l  means  make  more  Officers,  than  you  have  hairs 
on  your  Head  ;  and  'tis  for  that  reafon  they  are  faluted  a 
League  off,  and  dignify'd  as  ferioufly  with  the  Title  of  Mon- 
fieur,  as  their  Matters  are  with  that  oi  M  on  feign  eur  ot  Grandeur. 
Thefe  laft  Titles  have  been  acquir'd  by  our  Minifters  and 
Secretaries  of  State,  with  as  much  glory,  as  by  our  Bifhops. 
We  muft  not  think  it  ftrange  therefore,  that  even  our  General 
Officers  [170]  have  the  words  Monfeigneur  and  Grandeur  fo 
frequently  in  their  Mouths,  provided  it  be  accompany'd  with 
that  of  your  Excellency.  I  fwear,  Sir,  I  could  find  matter  for  a 
Book  of  three  hundred  Pages  in  Folio,  if  I  had  a  mind  to  be 
particular  upon  the  intrigues  of  the  Officers  and  Minifters 
of  State  ;  upon  the  means  by  which  the  Sollicitors  compafs 
their  ends,  the  notorious  Knavery  of  a  certain  fort  of  People, 
and  the  patience  with  which  the  Officers  muft  be  fortified  ; 
upon  the  contempt  that  thofe  meet  with,  who  have  no  other 
Recommendation  than  Merit,  and  in  a  word,  upon  all  the 
inftances  of  Injuftice,  that  are  pradlis'd  without  the  King's 
knowledge. 

Let  it  be  as  it  will,  I  muft  acquaint  you  that  after  a  fruitlefs 
Sollicitation  for  what  I  thought  I  had  fome  Title  to,  in  confid- 
eration  of  my  Services,  I  receiv'd  this  Anfwer,  that  the  King 
would  order  Mr.  de  Frontenac  to  provide  for  me  as  handfomly 
as  he  could,  when  an  occafion  offer'd :  So  that  I  was  forc'd 
to  reft  fatisfi'd  with  my  Anfwer,  and  refolve  to  continue  a 


to  North- A\\\tnc2i.  257 

Captain  for  ever ;  for  I  know  very  well  that  the  Governour 
of  Canada  can  not  prefer  me  to  a  higher  Pofl:.^ 

Having  left  Verfailles^  I  came  hither  with  all  expedition, 
and  then  went  to  receive  the  commands  of  the  Intendant  of 
Rochefort.  He  acquainted  me  that  the  Ship  call'd  Honori 
was  fitting  up,  and  that  I  might  fail  as  foon  as  'twas  ready. 
He  recommended  to  me  the  Chevalier  de  Meaiipou^  Madam 
Ponchartrain' s  Nephew,  who  is  to  go  along  with  me.^  This 
Gentleman  having  the  curiofity  to  fee  Canada^  is  come  hither 
from  PariSy  with  a  handfom  Retinue.  'Tis  in  vain  to  fet  forth 
to  him  the  tedioufnefs  of  the  Paffage,  the  inconveniencies  of 
the  Sea,  and  the  difagreeablenefs  of  the  Country ;  for  all  thefe 
Arguments  ferve  only  to  inflame  his  Curiofity.  The  Count 
d'  Aunay  is  to  convoy  us  to  the  Latitude  of  Cape  Finijierre, 
at  which  place  [171]  he  is  to  take  leave  of  us,  and  return  to 
Rochefort.    We  only  fl:ay  for  a  fair  Wind  to  put  to  Sea.     I  am, 

SIR, 

Tours y  &c. 


1  The  king,  in  addition  to  the  bestowal  of  a  military  order,  had  already  pro- 
moted Lahontan  to  a  captaincy.  See  Collecion  de  Manuscrits  de  la  Nowvelle  France, 
ii,  p.  62.  The  governor  of  New  France  had  no  higher  appointment  in  his  power. 
Roy  suggests  that  most  young  officers  of  that  time  would,  at  the  age  of  twenty-five, 
have  been  content  with  such  honors.  —  Ed. 

-  Probably  the  Sieur  de  Maupeau,  who  was  later  president  of  inquests  in  the 
Parliament  of  Paris    and  whose  son  was  chancellor,  1763-68.  — Ed. 


W 


258  Some  New  Voyages 


LETTER    XXII. 

Dated  at  Quebec  Nov.  10.  1691. 

Which  contains  an  Account  of  the  Authors  departure  from  Rochel 
to  Quebec,  of  his  Voyage  to  the  Mouth  of  the  River  St.  Lau- 
rence, of  a  Ren-counter  he  had  with  an  Engllfh  Ship  which 
he  fought ;  of  the  flranding  of  his  Ship;  of  his  failing  through 
the  River  St.  Laurence  ;  of  the  News  he  received,  that  a  Party 
of  the  Englifh  and  Iroquefe  had  defeated  a  Body  of  the  French 
Troops, 

SIR, 

TWO  days  after  I  wrote  to  you,  we  fet  fail  from  the  Har- 
bour of  Rochel,  upon  our  great  Voyage  to  Canada.  On 
the  5/Zj  of  Augufl  we  perceiv'd  a  great  Ship,  which  the  Count 
of  Aunay  gave  chafe  to,  who  having  a  better  Sailer,  came  up 
with  her  in  three  hours  time,  whereupon  (he  on  a  fudden  put 
up  Genoefe  Colours.  Some  Guns  were  fir'd  upon  the  Prow,  to 
oblige  her  to  ftrike  ;  but  the  Captain  was  fo  obftinate,  that 
Mr.  d' Aunay  was  forc'd  to  give  her  a  Broadfide,  which  kill'd 
four  or  five  of  the  Seamen,  whereupon  the  reft  were  oblig'd 
to  put  out  their  Long-boat,  and  carry  to  his  Ship  their  Paff- 
ports  and  Bills  of  Lading.  On  the  loth,  after  [172]  they  had 
taken  the  Latitude,  the  Pilots  thinking  that  they  were  even 
with  Cape  Finifler,   Mr.  d'Aunay  fent  out  his  Long-boat,  to 


to  iVor/^-America.  259 

acquaint  me  that  he  was  then  upon  his  return  home,  upon 
which  I  wrote  him  a  Letter  of  thanks.  Father  Bechefer  a 
Jefuit,  who  had  been  many  years  Superior  of  the  College  of 
Quebec,  whither  he  was  now  going  in  the  fame  Capacity,  was 
forc'd  to  throw  himfelf  into  this  Long-boat,  in  order  to  his 
return  into  France,  having  found  himfelf  continually  indifpos'd, 
from  the  firft  day  we  put  to  Sea.^  On  the  23^  of  Auguft  we 
had  a  great  Storm,  of  Wind  from  the  North- Weft,  which  lafted 
about  twenty  four  hours,  being  then  a  hundred  Leagues  off 
the  Bank  of  Newfound-Land.  This  Bank  takes  its  Name  from 
the  Ifland  of  Newfound-Land,  a  Map  of  which  is  here  annex' d. 
When  the  Storm,  was  over,  there  fucceeded  a  Wind  from 
the  North-Eaft,  which  drove  us  in  ten  or  twelve  hours,  to  the 
Mouth  of  the  River  of  St.  Laurence.  On  the  6th  of  September  wo. 
difcover'd  a  Ship  failing  from  the  Coaft  of  Gafpe,  which  bore 
down  upon  us  with  a  full  fail.  We  thought  at  firft  that  they 
were  French  coming  from  Quebec,  but  their  way  of  working 
the  Ship  difcover'd  to  us  within  an  hour  after,  that  they  were 
Enemies.  After  we  knew  them,  we  prepar'd  to  fight  them, 
and  they  being  about  a  League  to  the  Windward  of  us,  came 
quickly  down  upon  us  with  full  Sail,  within  Musket-fhot. 
Prefently  they  put  up  Engli/h  Colours,  and  gave  us  a  Broad- 
fide  ;  and  we  put  up  our  own  Colours,  and  paid  them  home 
in  their  own  Coyn,     The  Fight  lafted  two  hours,  and  both 


^Thierry  Beschefer,  Jesuit  missionary,  came  to  Canada  in  1665,  and  was  for 
several  years  stationed  among  the  Iroquois.  He  had  been  superior  of  the  Canadian 
missions  since  i68o,  and  in  1688  was  prefect  of  the  College  of  Quebec.  After  this 
mention  by  Lahontan,  he  disappears  from  Canadian  history,  but  is  thought  to  have 
died  at  Rheims  in  171 1.  —  Ed. 


26o  Some  New  Voyages 

fides  fir'd  continually  one  upon  another,  but  the  Sea  being 
tempeftuous,  we  were  oblig'd  to  fhear  off  as  Night  came  on, 
without  fuffering  any  other  lofs,  than  the  wounding  of  two 
Seamen,  and  the  receiving  of  twenty  eight  or  thirty  fhot  in 
our  Mafts,  Sails,  and  Rigging.  Two  days  after  we  met  Mr. 
Diita^  Captain  of  the  Hazardous,  who  was  homeward  bound 
for  [173]  France,  being  a  Convoy  to  ten  or  twelve  Merchant 
Ships.  He  gave  me  fome  Refrefhments,  and  told  me  fome 
news  of  Canada,  which  were  very  acceptable.  We  purfu'd 
our  courfe  in  fpight  of  the  South-Eaft  Wind,  which  oblig'd 
us  to  tack  about  feveral  ways,  till  we  came  to  Portneiif,  near  to 
Tadoujfac}  In  this  place  we  were  ftranded  by  the  fault  of  the 
Coafting-Pilot,  who  being  obftinate  for  calling  Anchor  near 
the  Land,  was  like  to  have  been  the  caufe  of  a  Shipwrack. 
At  Midnight  the  Ship  was  fo  dafh'd  againft  the  Sand,  that 
I  thought  fhe  was  fplit  in  pieces,  but  the  Tide  ebbing  by 
degrees,  fhe  was  left  lying  upon  the  Coaft,  without  any 
apparent  Damage.  I  prefently  caus'd  a  Kedger  to  be  dropt 
in  the  deep  Water  belag'd  with  feveral  Ropes  call'd  Grelins 
Eptjfes  (fee  the  Explication  Table, )^  and  the  next  Morning  the 
Tide  returning  fet  the  Ship  afloat,  and  then  we  haul'd  it  in 
with  the  Capefcan.     On  the  I'T^th  we  call  anchor  near  the  Red 

^The  seigniory  of  Portneuf  lay  a  league  and  a  half  along  the  St.  Lawrence  River 
northeast  of  Tadoussac,  in  the  present  County  of  Chicoutimi,  where  is  now  Portneuf 
River.  The  fief  was  founded  in  1636,  in  favor  of  the  family  of  Le  Neuf  de  la  Poterie  ; 
in  1671  it  passed  by  marriage  to  the  Robineau  family,  who  remained  barons  de  Portneuf 
until  the  conquest  (1760).  —  Ed. 

2 In  the  French  edition  of  1728,  this  term  is  explained  as  follows  :  Grelins  episses, 
cables  made  fast  end  to  end,  interlaced  and  joined,  one  to  the  end  of  the  other  by  means 
of  iron  bolts  which  are  called  "  cornets  d'episse  "  Cspiked  horns).  —  Ed. 


to  iVor^/6- America.  261 

IJland,  and  the  next  day  being  the  14/Z7,  we  pafs'd  that  Chan- 
nel without  danger,  by  the  favour  of  a  frefh  Gale  from  the 
North-Eaft. 

On  the  15//J  we  caft  Anchor  at  the  IJle  of  Hares  ^ :  On  the 
i6th  we  pafs'd  the  Tp  of  Coudres :  On  the  i']th  we  weather'd 
the  Cape  of  Toiirmente,  and  the  next  day  we  anchor'd  in  this 
Port.  From  the  Mouth  of  the  River  to  this  place,  we  had 
the  fineft  Sunfhine  days  that  ever  were  feen  :  During  which 
time,  I  had  both  leifure  and  opportunity  to  view  the  Coafts 
on  the  right  Hand  and  the  left,  while  we  tack'd  about  and 
about  as  the  wind  ferv'd.  When  I  faw  a  great  many  Rivers 
on  the  South  fide,  I  ask'd  the  Pilots  why  the  Ships  us'd  to 
fteer  their  courfe  on  the  North  fide,  where  there  is  no  Anchor- 
age to  be  found,  but  at  Papinachefe^  the  feven  IJles^  and  Port- 
neiif.^  They  anfwer'd  me,  that  the  ordinary  Breezes  of  the 
rough  North-Weft  Wind,  which  blows  upon  this  River  for 
three  quarters  of  a  year,  were  [174]  the  true  caufe  why  they 
durft  not  go  far  from  the  North  fide  ;  and  that  no  body  could 
enfure  a  Ship  that  ftiould  fteer  on  the  South  fide,  except  it 
were  in  the  Months  of  Jtine^  July^  and  Aiigufl.  If  it  were  not 
for  that,  I  believe  it  would  be  more  pleafant,  more  eafie,  and 
lefs  dangerous  to  fail  on  the  South,  than  on  the  North  fide, 


1  Hare  Island  (Isle  au  Lievres)  lies  in  the  River  St.  Lawrence  west  of  Tadoussac. 
It  was  so  named  by  Cartier  (1545),  because  many  hares  were  there  captured  on  his 
voyage  of  discovery.  —  Ed. 

2  Seven  Islands  is  a  group  lying  near  the  northerly  shore  of  the  St.  Lawrence, 
protecting  a  harbor  now  known  as  Seven  Islands  Bay.  Papinachois  is  a  small 
bay  at  the  entrance  of  a  river  of  that  name,  in  Saguenay  County,  Quebec.  It  was 
named  from  a  tribe  of  Montagnais  Indians,  and  is  said  to  signify,  "  I  like  to  laugh  a 
little."  — Ed. 


262  Some  New  Voyages 

becaufe  one  might  caft  Anchor  every  Night  at  the  entrance 
of  thofe  Rivers  which  difcharge  themfelves  all  along  that  Coaft, 
and  would  not  be  oblig'd  to  be  veering  about  continually 
Night  and  Day,  as  he  is  forc'd  to  do,  when  he  fteers  his 
courfe  on  the  North  fide.  This,  Sir,  is  all  I  had  to  fay  at 
prefent  about  our  failing  in  this  River,  which  I  fhall  have 
occafion  to  mention  to  you  again.  After  our  Ship  caft  Anchor 
before  Quebec,  I  landed  with  the  Chevalier  Meaupou,  whom  I 
conduced  to  the  Houfe  of  Mr.  Frontenac,  who  offer'd  to  him 
as  well  as  to  me,  the  ufe  of  his  Table  and  Houfe.  I  am  in- 
form'd  that  300  Engli/hy  and  200  Ircquefe,  approach'd  about 
two  Months  agoe  to  the  Ifle  of  Monreal;  That  the  Governour 
of  that  Ifie  tranfported  15  Companies  from  the  other  fide  of 
the  River,  to  watch  their  motions ;  That  a  Detachment  of  the 
Enemy  having  furpriz'd  our  Out-Guards,  attack'd  the  whole 
Body  of  themx,  and  our  Camp  at  the  fame  time  with  fo  much 
Vigour  and  Courage,  that  they  kill'd  upon  the  fpot  more  than 
three  hundred  Soldiers,  befides  two  Captains,  fix  Lieutenants, 
and  five  Enfigns  ;  and  that  after  this  fatal  Expedition,  Mr. 
Falrenes,  a  Captain  of  the  Marines,  fet  out  for  Monreal,  with 
a  Detachment  of  French  and  Savages,  to  go  to  Fort  Chambli, 
(for  fear  the  Iroquefe  fliould  attack  that  Poft)  who  having  met 
in  their  paffage  a  party  of  Engli/h  and  Iroquefe,  attack'd  them 
vigouroufly,  and  defeated  them.^ 


^This  account  refers  to  the  raiding  party  sent  out  from  Albany  under  Peter 
Schuyler  in  August,  1691.  Schuyler's  report  is  in  A''.  Y.  Colon.  Docs.,  iii,  pp.  800- 
805  ;  that  of  the  French  ibid,  ix,  pp.  520-524.  Parkman  gives  a  good  resume  in 
hrontenac,  pp.  289-294.  Lahontan  has  greatly  exaggerated  the  numbers  of  the  slain 
• — in  all,  about  a  hundred  French  v.ere  killed  and  wounded.  —  Ed. 


to  North- Kvntnc2i.  263 

All  thefe   different  Adventures  give  me   ground  to  con- 

je6lure,  that  it  will  be  much  more   difficult  [175]  than  'tis 

imagin'd,  to  make  a  good  Peace  with  the  five  Nations  of  the 

Iroqiieje.     Mr.  Frontenac  has  given  the  neceffary  Orders  to  all 

the  neighbouring  Habitations,  that  they  fhould  tranfport  a 

great  quantity  of  Stakes  and  Lime  in  the  Winter  time  to  the 

Neighbourhood  of  this  City.    Farewel  Sir,  the  laft  Ships  which 

are  to  depart  hence  for  France,  will  fail  in  three  or  four  days. 

I  am, 

SIR,  Yours,  Sic. 


264  Some  New  Voyages 


LETTER    XXIII. 

Dated  at  Hants  O^ob.  25.  1692. 
Containing  an  Account  of  the  taking  of  feme  Englifh  Veffeb^  of 
defeating  a  Party  of  the  Iroquefe,  of  an  Iroquefe  burnt  alive 
at  Quebec;  of  another  Party  of  thefe  Barbarians^  who  having 
furpriz'd  fome  Coureurs  de  Bois,  were  afterwards  furpriz'd 
themfelves.  Of  the  Project  of  an  Enterprize  proposed  by  Mr. 
Frontenac  to  the  Author.  Of  the  Authors  departure  in  a 
Frigat  for  France,  and  his  flopping  at  Placentia,  which  was 
attacked  by  an  Englifh  Fleet  that  came  to  take  that  Pofl  from 
us.  How  the  Englifh  faiVd  in  their  Defign,  and  the  Author 
purfu'd  his  Voyage. 

SIR, 

THIS  Letter  comes  from  Britany,  and  not  from  Canada, 
from  whence  I  parted  fuddenly  to  return  into  France, 
about  two  Months  after  I  receiv'd  your  Letter,  which  I  could 
not  then  anfwer  for  want  of  an  opportunity.  You  tell  me, 
that  you  are  fatisfi'd  with  the  Defcription  I  have  fent  you  of 
[176]  the  River  St.  Laurence,  and  that  you  would  be  very  glad 
to  have  as  exad  an  account  of  the  whole  Country  of  Canada. 
I  can  fcarce  fatisfie  your  defire  at  prefent,  becaufe  I  have  not 
yet  had  time  to  fort  all  my  Memoirs,  and  therefore  you  mufl 
not  take  it  amifs,  that  I  pray  you  to  fufpend  your  curiofity 


to  North- Km^nc2i,  265 

for  fome  time.  In  the  mean  time,  here  follows  the  Relation 
of  fome  things  that  happen'd  in  Canada,  which  may  be  accept- 
able to  you. 

Immediately  after  the  Ships  parted  from  Quebec  the  laft 
year,  Mr.  Frontenac  order'd  a  Plan  to  be  drawn  of  a  Wall  to 
encompafs  the  City,  and  having  tranfported  thither  all  the 
Materials  neceffary  for  building  fome  Redoubts  of  Stone, 
he  took  care  to  fortifie  it  during  the  Summer.^  Some  days 
agoe  a  Gentleman  of  New-England  call'd  Nelfon,  was  brought 
prifoner  to  Quebec,  who  was  taken  in  the  River  of  Kenebeki, 
upon  the  Coaft  of  Acadia,  together  with  three  Ships  belonging 
to  him,  and  becaufe  he  was  a  very  gallant  Man,  Mr.  Frontenac 
gave  him  a  Lodging  at  his  own  Houfe,  and  treated  him  with 
all  manner  of  Civility.^     About  the  beginning  of  this  year. 


1  The  plans  for  fortifying  Quebec  were  made  by  Levasseur  and  Beaucourt,  two 
young  engineers  from  France.  The  walls,  which  were  the  first  permanent  fortifica- 
tions of  Quebec,  were  about  three-quarters  of  a  mile  in  extent,  stretching  from  Cape 
Diamond  to  St.  Charles  River.  —  Ed 

2John  Nelson,  a  prominent  Boston  merchant,  was  great-nephew  of  Sir  Thomas 
Temple  from  whom  he  had  inherited  rights  to  Nova  Scotia  grants.  During  the 
Andros  revolution  (1689),  beheaded  the  party  that  secured  surrender  of  the  fort  in 
Boston  harbor,  and  used  all  his  influence  against  the  tyrannical  government.  Being 
an  Episcopalian  and  "of  gay  and  free  temper,"  he  was  accorded  no  place  in  the 
provisional  government,  but  opposed  Phips  and  his  plans.  In  1691,  he  was  captured 
in  St.  John's  River  on  his  way  to  Port  Royal.  Frontenac  treated  him  with  marked 
courtesy,  as  a  reward  for  his  kindness  to  French  prisoners  in  Boston.  Having  found 
means  to  send  information  to  Boston  of  an  expected  attack  on  Pemaquid,  Nelson  was 
deported  to  France,  where  he  was  kept  in  solitary  confinement  for  two  years.  Re- 
moved to  the  Bastille,  he  made  propositions  for  an  adjustment  between  the  crowns, 
and  was  sent  to  England  on  parole  (1696).  Refusing  to  break  his  parole,  though 
the  king  forbade  his  return  to  Paris,  he  went  back  and  remained  prisoner  until  the 
peace  of  Ryswick  (1697).  Upon  his  release,  he  had  trouble  with  the  English  author- 
ities because  of  his  disobedience,  but,  after  an  absence  of  ten  years,  was  finally  allowed 
to  return  to  Boston.     In  1707,  he  supported  the  king's  party  in  the  colony.  —  Ed. 


266  Some  New  Voyages 

this  Governour  gave  the  command  of  a  Party  confifting  of 
150  Soldiers,  to  Chevalier  Beaucour,  with  whom  fifty  of  the 
Savages  that  were  our  Friends  were  joyn'd,  in  order  to  march 
on  the  Ice  towards  Fort  Frontenac.  About  thirty  or  forty 
Leagues  from  Monreal,  they  met  a  Company  of  fixty  Iroquefe, 
who  were  difcover'd  by  the  Foot-fteps  of  fome  of  their 
Hunters,  that  had  ftragled  out  of  their  Cottages,  and  the  next 
day  they  were  all  furpriz'd,  and  either  had  their  Throats  cut, 
or  were  made  Prifoners.  The  Sieur  de  la  Plante  who  liv'd 
in  Shvery  with  thefe  Wretches,  had  the  good  fortune  to  be 
prefent  in  their  Company  when  they  were  defeated,  and  he 
had  certainly  been  kill'd  with  his  Mailers,  if  he  had  not  cry'd 
out  with  all  his  Might,  Spare  me,  I  am  a  Frenchman :  He  was 
one  of  [177]  the  four  Officers,  who  had  the  misfortune  to  be 
taken  in  that  fatal  Incurfion,  which  thefe  Tygers  made  into 
Monreal,  as  I  told  you  in  my  ijth  Letter.^  The  Chevalier 
Beaucour  return'd  again  to  the  Colony  with  his  Party,  and 
brought  along  with  him  twelve  Prifoners  of  the  Iroquefe,  who 
were  immediately  conduced  to  Quebec:  After  they  arriv'd, 
Mr.  Frontenac  did  very  judicioufly  condemn  two  of  the  wicked- 
eft  of  the  Company,  to  be  burnt  alive  with  a  flow  Fire.  This 
Sentence  extreamly  terrified  the  Governour's  Lady,  and  the 
Jesuits ;  the  Lady  us'd  all  manner  of  fupplication  to  procure 
a  moderation   of  the  terrible   Sentence,  but  the  Judge  was 


ijosue  Dubois  de  Berthelot,  sieur  de  Beaucourt,  a  young  engineer,  was  the 
second  officer  on  this  expedition,  and  took  command  when  his  superior  became  dis- 
abled. Later,  he  served  the  colony  in  many  capacities,  planning  the  Quebec  fortifica- 
tions of  1712  ;  acting  as  army  officer  in  Newfoundland  in  1705  ;  and  as  governor  of 
Three  Rivers  in  1730.  —  Ed. 


to  iVor^Z>- America.  267 

inexorable,  and  the  Jefuits  employ'd  all  their  Eloquence  in 
vain  upon  this  occafion.  The  Governour  anfwered  them, 
*'  That  it  was  abfolutely  neceffary  to  make  fome  terrible  ex- 
*'  amples  of  Severity  to  frighten  the  Iroquefe  ;  That  fince  thefe 
"  Barbarians  burnt  almoft  all  the  French^  who  had  the  mis- 
"  fortune  to  fall  into  their  Hands,  they  muft  be  treated  after 
"  the  fame  manner,  becaufe  the  Indulgence  which  had  hitherto 
"  been  fhown  them,  feem'd  to  authorize  them  to  invade  our 
"  Plantations,  and  fo  much  the  rather  to  do  it,  becaufe  they 
"  run  no  other  hazard,  than  that  of  being  taken,  and  well  kept 
"  at  their  Mailer's  Houfes  ;  but  when  they  {hould  underftand 
"  that  the  French  caus'd  them  to  be  burnt,  they  would  have 
"  a  care  for  the  future,  how  they  advanc'd  with  fo  much 
"  boldnefs  to  the  very  Gates  of  our  Cities ;  and  in  fine.  That 
"  the  Sentence  of  Death  being  paft,  thefe  two  wretches  muft 
"  prepare  to  take  a  Journey  into  the  other  World.  This 
obftinacy  appear'd  furprizing  in  Mr.  Frontenac^  who  but  a 
little  before  had  favour'd  the  efcape  of  three  or  four  Perfons 
liable  to  the  Sentence  of  Death,  upon  the  importunate  prayer 
of  Madam  the  Governefs ;  but  though  fhe  redoubled  her 
earneft  Supplications,  fhe  could  not  alter  his  firm  Refolution 
as  [178]  to  thefe  two  Wretches.^  The  Jefuits  were  thereupon 
fent  to  Baptize  them,  and  oblige  them  to  acknowledge  the 
Trinity,  and  the  Incarnation,  and  to  reprefent  to  them  the 


^  The  lady  who  plead  for  the  Iroquois  must  have  been  the  intendant's  wife, 
Madame  de  Champigny,  as  the  Countess  de  Frontenac  never  came  to  New  France. 
The  Jesuits  later  reported  that  t'le  terrible  example  made  of  this  Iroquois  prisoner  had 
a  good  effect,  in  causing  that  nation  to  cease  or  mitigate  the  tortures  of  the  captured 
French.  —  Ed. 


268  Some  New  Voyages 

Joys  of  Paradife,  and  the  Torments  of  Hell,  within  the  fpace 
of  eight  or  ten  hours.  You  will  readily  confefs,  Sir,  that  this 
was  a  very  bold  way  of  treating  thefe  great  Myfteries,  and 
that  to  endeavour  to  make  the  Iroquefe  underftand  them  fo 
quickly,  was  to  expofe  them  to  their  Laughter.  Whether 
they  took  thefe  Truths  for  Songs,  I  do  not  know ;  but  this  I 
can  affure  you,  that  from  the  Minute  they  were  acquainted 
with  this  fatal  News,  they  fent  back  thefe  good  Fathers  with- 
out ever  hearing  them ;  and  then  they  began  to  fing  the  fong 
of  Death,  according  to  the  cuftom  of  the  Savages.  Some 
charitable  Perfon  having  thrown  a  Knife  to  them  in  Prifon, 
he  who  had  the  leaft  Courage  of  the  two,  thruft  it  into  his 
Breaft,  and  died  of  the  Wound  immediately.  Some  young 
Hiirons  of  Lorette,  aged  between  fourteen  and  fifteen  years, 
came  to  feize  the  other,  and  carry  him  away  to  the  Diamant 
Cape,  where  notice  was  given  to  prepare  a  great  pile  of 
Wood.  He  ran  to  death  with  a  greater  unconcernednefs, 
than  Socrates  would  have  done,  if  he  had  been  in  his  cafe. 
During  the  time  of  Execution  he  fung  continually;  "That 
"  he  was  a  Warriour,  brave  and  undaunted ;  that  the  moft 
"  cruel  kind  of  Death  could  not  fhock  his  Courage,  that 
"  no  Torments  could  extort  from  him  any  Cries,  that  his 
"  Companion  was  a  Coward  for  having  kill'd  himfelf  through 
"the  fear  of  Torment;  and  laftly,  that  if  he  was  burnt,  he 
"had  this  Comfort,  that  he  had  treated  many  French  and 
"  Hurons  after  the  fame  manner.  All  that  he  faid  was  very 
true,  and  chiefly  as  to  his  own  courage  and  firmnefs  of  Soul; 


to  North-Kmtnc2i,  269 

for  I  can  truly  fwear  to  you,  that  he  neither  fhed  Tears,  nor 
was  ever  perceiv'd  to  Sigh ;  but  on  the  contrary,  during 
all  the  time  that  he  fufFer'd  [179]  the  moft  horrible  Tor- 
ments that  could  be  invented,  and  which  lafted  about  the 
fpace  of  three  hours,  he  never  ceas'd  one  Minute  from 
finging.  The  foles  of  his  Feet  were  roafted  before  two 
great  Stones  red  hot,  for  more  than  a  quarter  of  an  hour; 
the  tops  of  his  Fingers  were  fcorch'd  in  a  Stove  of  lighted 
Pipes ;  during  which  Torture  he  did  not  draw  back  his 
Hand.  After  this  the  feveral  joynts  of  his  Body  were  cut 
off,  one  after  another  :  The  Nerves  of  his  Limbs  and  Arms 
were  diftorted  with  a  little  Iron  Wand,  after  fuch  a  manner, 
as  cannot  poffibly  be  exprefs'd.  In  fine,  after  many  other 
Tortures,  the  hair  of  his  Head  was  taken  off  after  fuch  a  man- 
ner, that  there  remain'd  nothing  but  the  Skull,  upon  which 
thefe  young  Executioners  were  going  to  throw  fome  burning 
Sand,  when  a  certain  Slave  of  the  Hurons  of  Lorette^  by  the 
order  of  Madam  the  Governefs,  knock'd  him  on  the  head 
with  a  Club,  which  put  an  end  to  his  Martyrdom.  As  to  my 
felf,  I  vow  and  fwear,  that  the  Prologue  of  this  Tragedy,  cre- 
ated in  me  fo  great  a  Horror,  that  I  had  not  the  curiofity  to 
fee  the  end  of  it,  nor  to  hear  this  poor  Wretch  fing  to  the  laft 
moment  of  his  Life.  I  have  feen  fo  many  burnt  againft  my 
Will,  amongft  thofe  People  where  I  fojourn'd,  during  the 
courfe  of  my  Voyages,  that  I  cannot  think  of  it  without 
trouble.  'Tis  a  fad  Spedtacle,  at  which  every  one  is  obliged 
to  be  prefent,  when  he  happens  to  Sojourn  among  thefe  Sav- 


270  Some  New  Voyages 

age  Nations,  who  inflI6t  this  cruel  kind  of  Death  upon  their 
Prifoners  of  War ;  for  as  I  have  told  you  in  one  of  my  Let- 
ters, all  the  Savages  pradife  this  barbarous  Cruelty.  Nothing 
is  more  grating  to  a  civil  Man,  than  that  he  is  oblig'd  to  be  a 
Witnefs  of  the  Torments  which  this  kind  of  Martyrs  fuffer ; 
for  if  any  one  fhould  pretend  to  {hun  this  Sight,  or  exprefs 
any  CompafTion  for  them,  he  would  be  efteem'd  by  them  a 
Man  of  no  Courage. 

[180]  After  the  Navigation  was  open  and  free,  the  Sieur 
St.  Michel  a  Canadan,  fet  out  from  Monreal  for  the  Beaver 
Lakes,  at  the  Head  of  a  Party  of  the  Coreurs  de  Bois,  with 
feveral  Canows  laden  with  fuch  Goods  as  are  proper  for  the 
Savages.  In  their  paffage  from  Long-Saut^  to  the  River  of  the 
Outaoiias,  they  met  fixty  Iroquefe,  who  furpriz'd  them,  and  cut 
all  their  Throats  except  four,  that  had  the  good  fortune  to 
efcape,  and  carry  the  news  to  Monreal.^  As  foon  as  this  fatal 
accident  was  known,  the  Chevalier  Vaudreuil^  put  himfelf  in  a 
Canow  with  a  Detachment,  and  purfu'd  this  party  of  h'oqueje^ 
being  follow'd  by  a  hundred  Canadans,  and  fome  confederate 
Savages.  I  know  not  by  what  chance  he  had  the  good  fortune 
to  overtake  them,  but  fo  it  was,  he  furpriz'd  them,  and  at- 
tack'd  them  with  Vigour,  upon  which  they  fought  defperately, 
but  at  laft  they  were  defeated.  This  Vidlory  coft  us  the  lives 
of  many  of  our  Savages,  and  of  three  or  four  of  our  Officers. 


1  St.  Michel,  the  leader,  was  carried  captive  to  Onondaga,  whence  he  escaped  in 
1693,  just  as  he  was  to  be  burned  at  the  stake.  Nearly  naked,  without  food  or 
weapons,  he  made  his  way  in  twenty-four  days  to  Quebec,  where  he  gave  warning  of 
an  approaching  Iroquois  raid.  — Ed. 


to  N orth- Kvn^xicdi,  271 

The  Iroq^ueje  that  were  taken,  were  carried  to  the  City  of 
Monreal,  near  which  place  they  were  regal'd  with  a  Salvo  of 
Baftinadoes.^ 

About  the  beginning  of  the  Month  of  July,  Mr.  Frontenac 
having  receiv'd  fome  News  from  the  Commander  of  the 
Lakes,^  fpoke  to  me  of  a  certain  Projedl,  which  I  had  formerly 
fhown  him  to  be  of  great  Importance  :  But  becaufe  he  did  not 
fufficiently  confider  all  the  advantages  that  might  be  reap'd 
from  it,  and  on  the  contrary,  apprehended  a  great  many 
difficulties  would  attend  the  putting  it  in  execution,  he  had 
altogether  negleded  this  AflFair,  of  which  I  fhall  give  you  the 
following  account. 

I  obferv'd  to  you  in  my  17/^  Letter,  the  great  Importance 
and  Advantage  of  the  Forts  of  Frontenac  and  Niagara^  and 
that  in  the  conjuncture  of  Circumftances  wherein  Mr.  Denon- 
ville  then  found  them,  it  was  impoflible  to  preferve  them. 
You  have  alfo  [181]  remarqu'd  the  advantages  which  the 
Savages  have  over  the  Europeans,  by  their  way  of  fighting  in 
the  Forrefts  of  this  vaft  Continent.  Since  we  cannot  deftroy 
the  Iroqiiefe  with  our  own  fingle  Forces,  we  are  neceffarily 
oblig'd  to  have  recourfe  to  the  Savages  that  are  our  Allies  : 
And  'tis  certain,  as  they  themfelves  forefee,  that  if  thefe  Bar- 


^  For  an  account  of  Vaudreuil's  pursuing  party,  see  N.  Y.  Colon.  Docs.,  ix,  pp. 
531,  536.  —  Ed. 

2  This  was  Louis  de  la  Porte,  sieur  de  Louvigny,  who  was  commandant  at  Mack- 
inac 1690-94.  He  was  an  able  officer,  who  saw  much  sen'ice  in  the  colony;  was 
major  of  Quebec  in  1703  ;  led  several  expeditions  to  the  upper  country,  notably  that 
of  1716  to  Wisconsin  ;  and  was  drowned  in  a  shipwreck  (1725).  For  fuller  details 
see  Wis.  Hist.  Colls.,  v,  pp.  67-77,  108-no;  xvi,  index.  —  Ed. 


272  Some  New  Voyages 

barians  could  compafs  the  Deftrudllon  of  our  Colonies,  they 
would  be  fubdued  by  them  fooner  or  later,  as  it  has  happen'd 
to  many  other  Nations,  fo  they  know  it  to  be  their  Intereft  to 
joyn  with  us  to  deftroy  thefe  BanditVs,.  Now  fince  they  are 
well  affedted  to  this  defign,  we  muft  endeavour  to  faciliate  to 
them  the  means  of  putting  it  in  execution,  for  you  may  eafily 
believe  that  thefe  People,  as  favage  as  they  are,  are  not  fo 
void  of  Senfe,  as  to  travel  two  or  three  hundred  Leagues  from 
their  own  Country,  to  fight  againft  their  Enemies,  without 
being  fure  of  a  place  of  retreat,  where  they  may  repofe  them- 
felves,  and  find  Provifions.  There  is  no  queftion  therefore, 
but  we  fhould  build  Forts  upon  the  Lands  of  the  Iroquefe,  and 
maintain  them  in  fpite  of  their  Teeth.  This,  Sir,  is  what  I 
propos'd  above  a  year  agoe  to  Mr.  Frontenac,  and  it  is  what 
he  would  have  me  flill  to  undertake.  I  projedl  therefore,  to 
build  and  maintain  three  Forts  upon  the  courfe  of  the  Lakes, 
with  fome  Veffels  that  fhall  go  with  Oars,  which  I  will  build 
according  to  my  Fancy ;  but  they  being  light,  and  of  great 
carriage,  may  be  manag'd  either  with  Oars  or  a  Sail,  and  will 
alfo  be  able  to  bear  the  fhocks  of  the  Waves.  I  demand  fifty 
Seamen  of  the  French  Bifcay,  for  they  are  known  to  be  the 
moft  dexterous  and  able  Mariners  that  are  in  the  World.  I 
muft  alfo  have  two  hundred  Soldiers,  chofen  out  of  the  Troops 
of  Canada.  I  will  build  three  little  Caftles  in  feveral  places, 
one  at  the  mouth  of  the  Lake  Errie,  which  you  fee  in  my  Map 
of  Canada,  under  the  name  of  Fort  Suppofe,  befides  two  [182] 
others.  The  fecond  I  will  build  in  the  fame  place  where  It 
was  when  I  maintaln'd  it.  In  the  years  1687,  and  1688,  whereof 


to  North- Axntncdi,  273 

I  have  wrote  to  you  in  my  14/Z?  and  i^tb  Letter:  and  the  third 
at  the  Mouth  of  the  Bay  of  Toronto^  upon  the  fame  Lake.^ 
Ninety  Men  will  be  fufficient  to  Garrifon  thefe  three  Re- 
doubts, and  perhaps  a  fmaller  number;  for  the  Iroquefe  who 
never  favv  a  Canon,  but  in  a  Pidlure,  and  to  whom  an  ounce 
of  Powder  is  more  precious  than  a  Lewis-D'or,  can  never  be 
perfwaded  to  attack  any  kind  of  Fortification.  I  defire  of  the 
King  for  putting  this  Projedl  in  execution,  15000  Crowns  a 
year,  for  the  Maintenance,  Entertainment,  Subfiftance,  and 
pay  of  thefe  250  Men.  It  will  be  very  eafie  for  me  to  tranf- 
port  with  the  abovemention'd  Veffels  400  Savages,  into  the 
Country  of  the  Iroqnefe,  whenever  I  have  a  mind.  I  can  carry 
Provifions  for  2000,  and  tranfport  as  many  Sacks  of  Indian 
Corn,  as  are  neceffary  for  maintaining  thefe  Forts  both  in 
Winter  and  Summer.  'Tis  eafie  to  have  plenty  of  Hunting 
and  Shooting  in  all  the  Ifles,  and  to  contrive  ways  for  crofTmg 
the  Lakes ;  and  it  will  be  fo  much  the  more  eafie  to  purfue 
the  Iroquefe  in  their  Canows,  and  fink  them,  that  my  Veffels 
are  light,  and  my  Men  fight  under  a  Cover.  In  fine,  if  you 
faw  the  Memorial  which  I  am  to  prefent  to  Mr.  PontchartraiUy 
you  would  find  that  this  Enterprize  is  the  fineft  and  moft 
ufeful  that  can  be  invented,  to  diftrefs  the  h-oquefe  in  time  of 
War,  and  confine  them  within  bounds  in  time  of  Peace.     Mr. 


1  Toronto  Lake  was  the  early  name  of  Lake  Simcoe.  Lahontan  appears  to  apply 
it  to  the  entire  Georgian  Bay,  whence  the  Toronto  portage  led  through  the  peninsula 
to  Lake  Ontario.  His  intended  fort  was  to  control  this  passage  to  Canada,  as  that  on 
Lake  Erie  commanded  the  route  by  the  Great  Lakes.  A  contemporary  document  ap- 
pears to  be  concerned  with  that  part  of  Lahontan's  project  that  related  to  the  post  at 
Detroit.  See  Roy,  Lahontan,  pp.  94,  95.  —  Ed. 
13 


274  Some  New  Voyages 

Frontenac  has  joyn'd  to  it  a  private  Letter  to  Mr.  Pontchartrain, 
wherein  he  obferves  to  him,  that  if  this  Projedi;  were  well  put 
in  execution,  thefe  terrible  Enemies  would  be  oblig'd  in  two 
years  time,  to  abandon  their  Country.  After  this  he  adds, 
that  he  judges  me  fufficiently  qualified  to  go  upon  fuch  an 
Interprife;  and  believes  I  will  make  my  point  good.  Perhaps 
he  might  have  light  on  others  that  know  the  Country  and 
Cuftoms  of  the  Savages  better  than  [183]  I  do :  But  by  an 
accident  which  do's  not  tend  much  to  my  advantage,  I  have 
purchas'd  the  Efteem  and  Friendfhip  of  thefe  Savages,  which 
in  my  opinion  was  the  only  reafon  that  mov'd  Mr.  de  Fron- 
tenac to  fmgle  out  me  for  this  Service. 

July  the  2^th  the  Governour  having  given  me  his  Packet  for 
the  Court,  and  the  St.  Ann  Frigat  being  rigg'd  and  fitted  out 
according  to  his  Orders,  I  imbarqu'd  in  the  Port  of  Quebec, 
and  after  five  days  failing,  we  met  in  the  River  of  St.  Laurence, 
over  againft  Monts  notredame,  twelve  Merchantmen  bound  from 
France  for  Quebec,  under  the  Convoy  of  Mr.  d'Iberville,  Cap- 
tain of  the  Poll}  Auguft  the  %th,  we  got  clear  of  the  Bay  of 
St.  Laurence,  by  the  help  of  a  Wefterly  Gale,  and  that  in  fuch 
fair  and  clear  Weather,  that  we  defcry'd  the  Iflands  of  Cape 
Breton  and  Newfound-Land,  as  diftindly,  as  if  we  had  been 
within  a  Musket-fhot  of  'em.  The  nine  or  ten  following  days 
were  fo  far  of  a  different  ftamp,  that  we  could  fcarce  fee  from 

1  Iberville  was  to  continue  to  the  coast  of  Acadia  and  attack  Fort  Pemaquid. 
The  plan  proved  abortive,  because  the  English  authorities  were  notified  by  the 
prisoner  Nelson.  The  "  Poll  "  was  wrecked  the  following  year  off  the  coast  of  New- 
foundland. —  Ed. 


to  North- PsATitnc2i,  275 

the  Prow  to  the  Poop  of  the  Ship,  for  all  of  a  fudden  there 
fell  the  thickeft  and  darkeft  Fog  that  ever  I  faw.  At  the  end 
of  thefe  days  the  Horlfon  clearing  up,  we  flood  in  for  New- 
found-Land, defcrying  Cape  St.  Mary;  and  by  making  all  the 
fail  we  could,  arriv'd  that  very  day  in  the  Port  of  Placentia} 

In  that  Port  I  found  fifty  Filhermen,  moft  of  which  were 
of  French  Bifcay,  and  thought  to  have  fet  out  for  France  along 
with  them  in  a  few  days :  But  they  were  longer  in  getting 
ready  than  I  thought  for,  and  when  we  were  juft  ready  to 
break  ground,  we  were  inform'd  by  fome  Fifhermen,  that  five 
large  EngliJJi  Ships  were  come  to  an  Anchor  near  Cape  St. 
Mary.  This  Intelligence  prov'd  very  true,  for  on  the  i^th  of 
September  they  caft  Anchor  in  fight  of  Placentia.  The  16th  they 
weigh'd,  and  came  to  an  Anchor  in  the  Road,  out  of  the  reach 
of  our  Guns.  Upon  this  the  Governour  was  not  a  little  per- 
plex'd,  for  he  had  but  fifty  Soldiers  in  his  Fort,  and  a  very 
[184]  fmall  moiety  of  Ammunition.  Befides,  the  Fort  was 
commanded  by  a  Mountain,  from  whence  he  might  be  gall'd 
with  Stones  flung  out  of  Slings;  and  'twas  to  be  fear'd,  the 
EngUfli  would  poffefs  themfelves  of  that  high  Ground.  I 
march'd  with  fixty  of  the  Seamen  belonging  to  the  Fifhermen, 
to  prevent  their  Landing,  in  cafe  they  attempted  to  make  a 

1  Placentia,  the  French  post  upon  Newfoundland,  possessed  an  excellent  harbor. 
Together  with  a  portion  of  the  southern  shore  of  the  island,  it  had  been  sold  (1662) 
by  Charles  II  to  Louis  XIV,  who  immediately  erected  a  fortification  at  this  point. 
Before  King  William's  War,  the  defences  had  fallen  into  ruin,  and  the  place  become 
the  resort  of  privateers  who  sallied  forth  to  attack  Engiiih  fishing  and  trading  vessels. 
Since  1690  the  French  had  been  occupied  in  restoring  the  stronghold,  and  rebuilding 
the  fort,  named  St.  Louis.  —  Ed. 


276  Some  New  Voyages 

Defcent  at  a  certain  place  call'd  la  Fontaine;  and  I  compafs'd 
my  end  without  firing  a  Gun.  In  effecft,  fix  or  feven  hundred 
Englijh  put  in  to  the  Land  in  twenty  Sloops,  with  a  defign  to 
have  landed  at  that  place  ;  upon  which  my  vigorous  Canta- 
brians  being  full  of  fire  and  forwardnefs,  appear'd  too  foon 
upon  the  fhoar,  in  fpite  of  my  Teeth,  and  by  that  means  oblig'd 
the  EngUfli  to  take  another  courfe,  and  row  with  all  their  might 
to  the  back  of  a  little  Cape,  where  they  threw  in  a  Barrel  of 
Pitch  and  Tar  that  burnt  two  arpents  of  Thickets.  The  i%th 
about  Noon,  perceiving  that  a  little  Sloop  put  off  from  the 
Admiral  with  a  white  Flag  on  its  Prow,  and  made  towards  the 
Fort,  I  run  in  thither  immediately.  The  Governour  had  took 
care  to  fend  out  one  of  his  own  Sloops  with  the  fame  Flag,  to 
meet  the  other,  and  was  furpris'd  when  fhe  return'd  with  two 
Englijh  Officers  on  board.  Thefe  Officers  gave  the  Governour 
to  underftand,  that  the  Admiral  defir'd  he  would  fend  an 
Officer  on  board  of  him,  which  was  done  accordingly;  for 
Mr.  de  Cofte-belle^  and  I,  went  on  board  of  the  Admiral,  who 
receiv'd  us  with  all  Refpe(5t  and  Civility,  and  regal'd  us  with 
Sweet-meats,  and  feveral  forts  of  Wines,  with  which  we  drank 
the  Healths  of  the  Admirals  of  France^  and  England.  He 
fhew'd  us  his  whole  Ship,  to  the  very  Carriages  of  the  Guns, 


^  Sieur  Pastour  de  Costabelle  was  sent  to  Placentia  in  1687  in  command  of  a 
detachment  of  troops.  Upon  the  retirement  of  the  govermr,  he  assumed  control  until 
superseded  by  De  Brouillon  (1690) ,  under  whom  he  became  second  in  command,  and 
with  whom  he  was  a  confederate  in  enriching  himself  from  the  profit  of  the  public 
service.  In  1701  Costabelle  succeeded  De  Brouillon  as  governor  of  Placentia — an 
office  he  held  for  about  twelve  years,  when  he  was  sent  to  take  charge  of  Isle  Royal 
(Cape  Breton) .  —  Ed. 


to  7Vor^Z>-America.  277 

and  then  gave  the  Sieur  de  Coflebelle  to  know,  that  'twould  be 
a  great  trouble  to  him  to  be  oblig'd  to  take  Placentia  by  the 
force  of  Arms,  in  regard  that  he  forefaw,  fuch  an  Enterprife 
would  prove  fatal  to  the  Governour,  to  the  Garrifon,  and  all 
the  [185]  Inhabitants,  upon  the  account  that  he  would  find  a 
great  deal  of  difficulty  in  preventing  the  Pillaging  and  other 
Diforders;  That  in  order  to  avoid  this  Misfortune,  'twould 
be  a  prudential  part  in  the  Governour  to  come  to  a  Compofi- 
tion.  Our  Officer  being  fully  acquainted  with  the  Governour's 
Mind,  made  anfwer  in  his  name,  that  he  was  refolv'd  upon  a 
vigorous  defence,  and  would  rather  fpring  the  place  in  the 
Air,  than  furrender  it  to  the  Enemies  of  the  King  his  Mafter. 
After  a  mutual  exchange  of  Compliments,  we  took  leave  of 
him,  and  being  ready  to  get  into  our  Sloop,  he  told  us  with 
embraces,  that  he  was  infinitely  forry  he  could  not  falute  us 
with  his  Guns,  in  the  room  of  which  he  order'd  five  or  fix 
Huzza's,  with  a  Long  live  the  King.  When  we  went  into  the 
Boat,  we  return'd  him  the  fame  number  of  fhouts,  to  which 
he  return'd  a  feventh  that  finifh'd  the  Ceremony.  Upon  our 
return  to  the  Fort,  Mr.  de  Coflebelle  gave  the  Governour  an 
account  of  the  force  of  the  Admiral's  Ship.  The  St.  Albans 
(fo  the  Ship  was  call'd)  carried  fixty  fix  Guns  mounted,  and 
fix  hundred  Men  Complement,  but  the  other  Ships  appear'd 
to  be  of  lefs  force. 

The  next  day,  which  was  the  19/i?,  they  advanc'd  within 
Canon-fhot  of  the  Fort,  where  they  lay  bye,  while  a  Sloop 
row'd  up  to  the  Batteries.     The  Governour  fent  out  another 


278  Some  New  Voyages 

Sloop  to  know  what  the  matter  was,  and  was  anfwer'd,  that  if 
he  had  a  mind  for  a  Parley  in  the  time  of  the  Ingagement, 
he  fhould  put  up  a  red  Flag  for  a  Signal.  I  was  then  pofted 
at  la  Fontaine^  to  oppofe  a  Defcent ;  for  that  was  the  only 
place  that  could  be  ferviceable  to  the  Engli/h^  in  order  to 
mafter  Placentia.  The  EngUjh  ought  to  have  confider'd,  that 
their  Cannon  would  do  no  fervice  againft  an  impenetrable 
Rampart,  and  that  they  would  lofe  their  labour  in  fhooting 
againft  Flints  and  Earth.  But  it  feems,  they  were  oblig'd  by 
exprefs  Orders  from  the  Prince  of  Ora?ige,  to  do  [186]  it,  and 
at  the  fame  time  to  expofe  themfelves  to  the  danger  of  being 
funk,  which  had  certainly  been  effedled,  if  we  had  had  Powder 
and  Ball  enough  for  the  Canonading  lafted  almoft  five  hours. 
The  20th  a  French  Pilot  who  was  Prifoner  on  board  of  the 
Admiral,  made  his  efcape  by  throwing  himfelf  into  the  Sea  in 
the  Night-time.  He  landed  at  the  place  where  I  lay  in  Am- 
bufcade;  and  after  he  had  given  me  an  account  of  what  pafs'd 
in  the  Fleet,  I  fent  him  to  the  Governour's  Houfe.  He 
inform'd  me,  that  they  had  defign'd  a  Defcent  with  feven  or 
eight  hundred  Men,  but  alter'd  their  Refolution,  upon  the 
apprehenfion,  that  there  were  fourteen  or  fifteen  hundred 
Seamen  ready  to  oppofe  them  ;  that  they  were  of  the  opinion, 
that  my  fixty  Bijcayans  who  difcover'd  themfelves  upon  the 
fhoar  at  la  Fontaine^  in  fpite  of  all  I  could  do,  had  no  other 
view  but  to  draw  'em  into  an  Ambufcade,  by  tempting  'em 
to  come  up.  The  21ft  they  fet  fail  with  a  North-Eaft  Gale, 
after  having  burnt  all  the  Houfes  at  Pointe  Verte^  where  the 
Governour  had  fent  a  Detachment  by  way  of  Precaution  that 


to  iV(??t^- America.  279 

fame  very  day ;  but  the  ways  were  fo  impradiicable,  that  the 
Detachment  could  not  get  there  in  time  to  oppofe  the  Enemy. 
This  one  may  juftly  fay,  that  if  it  had  not  been  for  the  Cap- 
tains of  the  Bifcay  Ships  that  were  then  at  Placentia^  that  place 
had  undoubtedly  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  Englifh  :  And 
this  I  can  convince  you  of,  when  you  and  I  meet.  In  this 
bloody  Expedition,  the  Englifi  loft  fix  Men ;  and  on  our  fide 
the  Sieur  Boat^  Lieutenant  of  a  Nayites  Vefifel,  had  his  Arm 
fhot  off.  In  fine,  the  Ef7gli/h  did  all  that  Men  could  do,  fo 
that  nothing  can  be  faid  againft  their  Condu6l.^ 

October  the  6th^  I  took  fhipping  in  purfuit  of  my  Voyage 
to  France^  being  accompany'd  with  feveral  other  Veffels.  The 
Wefterly  Winds  were  fo  favourable  to  us  in  our  paffage,  that 
we  came  to  an  Anchor  [187]  on  the  23^  at  St.  Nazere^  which 
lies  but  eight  or  nine  Leagues  for  this  place. ^  I  am  to  fet  out 
immediately  for  Ferfailles;  in  the  mean  time,  I  am, 

SIR, 

Yours,  &c. 


^The  English  ships  were  commanded  by  Commodore  Williams,  whose  manage- 
ment of  the  attack  was  later  criticized.  Comparison  with  the  documentary  reports  of 
this  expedition,  proves  that  Lahontan  was  accurate  in  this  account.  Charlevoix  drew 
from  it  largely  in  his  History,  iv,  pp.  222-226.  The  governor  represented  to  the  court 
the  services  of  Lahontan  on  this  occasion.     See  Roy,  Lahontan,  p.  97.  —  Ed. 

2  St.  Nazaire  is  a  harbor  at  the  mouth  of  the  Loire  River.  — Ed. 


28o  Some  New  Voyages 


LETTER    XXIV. 

Dated  ?it  Nantes  May  lo.  1693. 

Containing  an  Account  of  Mr.  Frontenac'i  Proje5i,  which  was 
reje^ed  at  Courts  and  the  reafon  why  it  was  rejected.  The 
King  gives  the  Author  the  Lieutenancy  of  the  Ifle  of  New- 
found Land,  ^c.  together  with  a  free  Independent  Company. 

SIR, 

I  AM  now  once  more  at  Nantes,  from  whence  I  wrote  to  you 
in  October  lafl.  I  am  now  return'd  from  Court,  where  I 
prefented  to  Mr.  Pontchartrain  Mr.  Frontenac's  Letters,  and 
the  Memorial  I  mention'd  in  my  laft.  I  was  anfwer'd,  that  it 
would  not  be  proper  to  execute  the  Projedt  I  propos'd  be- 
caufe  the  forty  Seamen  which  were  neceffary  for  my  purpofe, 
could  not  now  be  allow'd  me,  and  befides  the  King  had  given 
Orders  to  Mr.  Frontenac,  to  make  Peace  with  the  Iroquefe  upon 
any  terms  whatfoever.  This  Inconveniency  alfo  was  found  to 
attend  the  Projed,  that  after  the  Forts  which  I  intended  to 
build  upon  the  Lakes  were  intirely  finifh'd,  the  Savages  that 
are  our  Friends  and  Confederates,  would  rather  feek  after 
Glory,  by  making  [188]  War  upon  the  Iroquefe,  than  take 
pleafure  in  Hunting  the  Beavers,  which  would  be  a  confider- 
able  damage  to  the  Colonies  of  Canada,  that  fubfift  only  as 
one  may  fay,  by  the  trade  of  Skins,  as  I  fhall  fhew  you  more 


to  iVo;tZ>- America.  281 

particularly  in  a  proper  place.  The  Euglifli  will  by  no  means 
take  it  ill,  that  we  do  not  build  thefe  Forts,  for  befides  that, 
they  are  too  much  concern'd  for  the  prefervation  of  the 
Iroquefc,  they  will  always  be  ready  to  furnifh  with  Merchandize 
the  Savage  Nations,  that  are  our  Allies,  as  they  have  done 
hitherto.  I  muft  own  my  felf  mightily  oblig'd  to  the  EngUjh, 
who  attack'd  us  at  Placentia  the  laft  year ;  they  declar'd  pub- 
lickly,  though  without  any  juft  ground,  after  they  arriv'd  in 
England,  that  they  would  infallibly  have  taken  that  place,  if  I 
had  not  oppos'd  their  Defcent.  I  have  already  inform'd  you, 
that  I  did  not  at  all  hinder  them  from  Landing  at  the  place 
where  I  was  polled  with  fixty  Bifcayan  Seamen :  So  that  they 
attribute  to  me  a  glorious  Adion,  in  which  I  had  no  fhare, 
and  by  that  means  have  done  me  fo  much  Honour,  that  his 
Majefty  hath  beftow'd  upon  me  the  Lieutenancy  of  the  Ifle  of 
Newfound-Land  and  Acadia,  which  I  never  deferv'd  upon  that 
fcore.  Thus  you  fee.  Sir,  that  many  times  fuch  Perfons  are 
preferr'd,  who  have  no  other  Patrons  in  the  World,  but  pure 
Chance.  However,  I  fhould  have  been  better  pleas'd,  if  I 
could  have  put  the  abovemention'd  Projedl  in  execution,  for 
a  folitary  Life  is  moft  grateful  to  me,  and  the  manners  of  the 
Savages  are  perfedly  agreeable  to  my  Palate.  The  corrup- 
tion of  our  Age  is  fo  great,  that  it  feems  the  Europeans  have 
made  a  Law,  to  tear  one  another  in  pieces  by  cruel  Ufage  and 
Reproaches,  and  therefore  you  muft  not  think  it  ftrange,  if  I 
have  a  kindnefs  for  the  poor  Americans,  who  have  done  me  fo 
many  favours.  I  am  to  fet  out  the  next  day  after  to  Morrow, 
from  this  [189]  place,  in  order  to  embark  at  St.  Nazere.    The 


282  Some  New  Voyages 

Mejfieurs  d'Angui,  two  Nantes  Merchants,  have  taken  upon 
them  to  maintain  the  Garrifon  of  Placenlia,  upon  condition  of 
certain  Grants  made  by  the  Court,  who  furnifhes  them  with  a 
Ship,  wherein  I  am  to  have  my  Paffage.  Pray  fend  me  your 
News  by  fome  Ships  of  S.  John  de  Luz,  which  are  to  fail  from 
this  place  within  two  Months,  in  order  to  truck  with  the 
Inhabitants  of  Placentia. 

I  cannot  conclude  this  Letter,  without  giving  you  fome 
account  of  a  Difpute  I  had  very  lately  at  my  Inn,  with  a 
Portugueze  Phyfician,  who  had  made  many  Voyages  to  Angola^ 
Brezil,  and  Goa.  He  maintain'd,  that  the  People  of  the  Con- 
tinent of  America,  Afia,  and  Africa,  were  defcended  from  three 
different  Fathers,  which  he  thus  attempted  to  prove.  The 
Americans  differ  from  the  Afiatics,  for  they  have  neither  Hair 
nor  Beard ;  the  features  of  their  Face,  their  colour  and  their 
cuftoms  are  different;  befi-des  that,  they  know  neither  meum 
nor  tuum,  but  have  all  things  in  common,  without  making  any 
property  of  Goods,  which  is  quite  contrary  to  the  Afiatic  way 
of  living.  He  added,  that  America  was  fo  far  diftant  from  the 
other  parts  of  the  World,  that  no  body  can  imagine,  how  a 
Voyage  fhould  be  made  into  this  New  Continent,  before  the 
ufe  of  the  Compafs  was  found  out ;  That  the  Africans  being 
black  and  flat  Nos'd,  had  fuch  monftrous  thick  Lips,  fuch  a 
flat  Face,  fuch  foft  woolly  Hair  on  their  Head,  and  were  in 
their  Conftitution,  Manners,  and  Temper,  fo  different  from 
the  Americans,  that  he  thought  it  impoflible,  that  thefe  two 
forts  of  People  fhould  derive  their  Original  homAda?n,  whom 
this  Phyfician  would  have  to  refemble  a  Turk  or  a  Perfian  in  his 


to  Nortb-Kvcitncdi.  283 

Air  and  Figure.  I  anfwer'd  him  prefently,  that  fuppofing  the 
Scripture  did  not  give  convincing  evidence,  that  all  Men  in 
general  are  defcended  from  one  firft  Father,  yet  his  reafoning 
would  not  be  fufficient  [190]  to  prove  the  contrary,  fince  the 
difference  that  is  found  between  the  People  of  America  and 
Africa^  proceeds  from  no  other  caufe  but  the  different  qual- 
ities of  the  Air  and  Climat  in  thefe  two  Continents  :  That 
this  appears  plainly  to  be  true,  becaufe  a  Negro  Man  and 
Woman,  or  a  Savage  Man  and  Woman,  being  tranfplanted 
into  Europe^  will  produce  fuch  Children  there,  who  in  four  or 
five  Generations,  will  infallibly  be  as  white,  as  the  moft  ancient 
Europeans.  The  Phyfician  deny'd  this  matter  of  Fad,  and 
maintain'd,  that  the  Children  defcended  from  this  Negro  Man 
or  Woman,  would  be  born  there  as  black  as  they  are  in 
Guinea  ;  but  that  afterwards  the  Rays  of  the  Sun  being  more 
oblique  and  lefs  fcorching  than  in  Africa^  thefe  Infants  would 
not  have  that  black  fhining  Luftre,  which  is  fo  eafily  diftin- 
guifhed  upon  the  Skin  of  fuch  Negroes  as  are  brought  up  in 
their  own  Country.  To  confirm  his  Hypothefis^  he  affur'd  me, 
that  he  had  feen  many  Negroes  at  Lisbon^  as  black  as  in  Africa^ 
tho'  their  Great  Grandfather's  Grandfather  had  been  tranf- 
planted into  Portugal  many  years  agoe.  He  added  alfo,  that 
thofe  who  were  defcended  from  the  Portugueze,  that  dwelt  at 
Angola,  Cape  Fert,  (3'g.  about  a  hundred  years  agoe,  are  fo 
little  tawn'd,  that  'tis  impolTible  to  diftinguifh  them  from  the 
Natives  oi  Portugal :  He  further  confirm'd  his  way  of  reafon- 
ing, from  an  unconteftable  matter  of  fad,  for,  fays  he,  if  the 
Rays  of  the  Sun  were  the  caufe  of  the  blacknefs  of  the  Negroes, 


284  Some  New  Voyages 

from  hence  it  would  follow,  that  the  Brazilians  being  fituate 
in  the  fame  degree  from  the  Equator  with  the  Africans^  fhould 
be  as  black  as  they  are  ;  but  fo  they  are  not,  for  'tis  certain 
their  Skin  appears  to  be  as  clear  as  that  of  the  Portuguefe. 
But  this  was  not  all,  he  maintain'd  farther,  that  thefe  who  are 
defcended  from  the  firft  Savages  of  Brazil^  that  were  tranf- 
ported  into  Portugal^  above  an  Age  agoe,  have  as  little  Hair 
and  [191]  Beard  as  their  Anceftors,  and  on  the  contrary,  thofe 
who  are  defcended  from  the  firft  Portiigueze,  who  peopl'd  the 
Colonies  of  Brazil,  are  as  hairy,  and  have  as  great  Beards,  as 
if  they  had  been  born  in  Portugal.  But  after  all,  continued 
he,  though  all  that  I  have  faid  is  abfolutely  true,  yet  there  are 
fome  People,  who  rafhly  maintain,  that  the  Children  of  the 
Africans  and  Americans,  will  by  degrees  degenerate  in  Europe. 
This  may  happen  to  thofe  whofe  Mothers  receive  the  im- 
braces  of  Europeans,  which  is  the  reafon  why  we  fee  fo  many 
Mullaito^s  in  the  Ifles  of  America,  in  Spain,  and  in  Portugal: 
Whereas  if  thefe  Women  had  been  as  clofely  kept  up  in  Eu- 
rope, as  the  Portugueze  Women  are  in  Africa  and  America,  the 
Children  of  the  Brafilians  would  no  more  degenerate  than 
thofe  of  the  Portugueze.  Such  Sir,  was  the  reafoning  of  this 
Do6lor,  who  hits  the  matter  pretty  juftly  towards  the  end  of 
his  Difcourfe ;  but  his  Principle  is  moft  falfe,  and  moft  abfurd, 
for  no  Man  can  doubt,  unlefs  he  be  void  of  Faith,  good  Senfe 
and  Judgment,  but  t\\?it  Adam  was  the  only  Father  of  all  Man- 
kind. 'Tis  certain,  that  the  Savages  of  Canada,  and  all  the 
other  People  of  America,  have  not  naturally  either  Hair  or 
Beard ;  that  the  features  of  their  Face,  and  their  colour  ap- 


1 

'G-X*-A.XJiC    in  uHch  zoo  ttun.  may  rcfw; 
iettilek  ynffjAt  drew  io^  nu  upany3arks  afTreAj  . 


'-^ffil  miJh  h€  ijo  Jwyt  tona  jrom  the  T7rot*>  to  tke  Jtern. . 


^ 


Vol  i.pj-a 

ThtXhallm^   ■RoxxCeiofiht    TA.¥l\IGX,A\!T!l  .u^ij,  art  3t>  poM  in  Unfhth 


Tht-VeCCeli    ujd  tjr  t/u  TAHUCL  AtTK.    m  ««<A  zoo  ,nm  rruty  r 
nravidtA.  tkty  artjluh  ajjhtnafy  Mox  eeznlcL.  ^cpU  drew  1o  rru  upimJSarkj  fffTri 


to  North-A.vc\tv\c2i,  285 

preaching  to  an  Olive,  fhow  a  vaft  difference  between  them 
and  the  Europeans.  What  is  the  caufe  of  thefe  things  I  know 
not,  and  yet  I  cannot  believe  them  to  be  the  effe6l  of  their  Air 
and  Food.  For  at  that  rate,  thofe  who  are  defcended  from 
the  French,  that  firft  fetled  in  Canada  near  a  hundred  years 
agoe,  and  for  the  moft  part  run  up  and  down  in  the  Woods, 
and  live  like  the  Savages,  fhould  have  neither  Beard  nor  Hair, 
but  degenerate  alfo  by  degrees  Into  Savages,  which  yet  never 
happens.  After  this  Phyfician  had  alledg'd  all  thefe  Reafons, 
he  digrefs'd  from  this  Subje6l,  and  having  a  mind  to  difcover 
his  extravagant  Opinions,  ask'd  me  what  I  [192]  thought  of 
the  Salvation  of  fo  many  Americans,  to  whom  in  all  probability 
the  Gofpel  was  never  preach'd.  You  may  very  well  believe, 
that  I  made  no  fcruple  to  condemn  them  by  wholefale  to 
Eternal  Fire,  which  he  took  very  111.  '  How  can  you,  faid  he, 
'  condemn  thefe  poor  People  with  fo  much  affurance :  'Tis 
'  probable  that  their  firft  Father,  having  never  finn'd  as  our 
'■Adam  did,  had  a  good  Soul,  and  an  upright  Heart,  fince  his 

*  Pofterity  do  exadlly  obferve  the  Law  of  natural  Equity, 
'  which  Is  exprefs'd  In  Latine  In  thefe  well  known  words,  Allcri 

*  ne  feceris  quod  tibi  fieri  non  vis  ;  and  allow  no  property  of 
'  Goods,  nor  any  Diftlndtlon  or  Subordination  among  them, 
'  but  live  as  Brethren,  without  Difputes,  without  Suits,  with- 
'  out  Laws,  and  without  Malice.     But  fuppofing,  added  he, 

*  that  they  were  originally  defcended  from  Adam,  we  ought 
'  not  to  believe,  that  they  are  damn'd  for  their  Ignorance  of 

*  the  Chrlftian  Dodtrine,  for  who  can  tell  but  God  may  impute 
'to  them  the  Merits  of  Chrift's  Blood,  by  ways  fecret  and 


286  Some  New  Voyages 

'  incomprehenfible  to  us;  and  befides,  (fuppofing  that  Man 
'  has  a  Free  Will)  his  Divine  Majefty  without  doubt  will  have 
'  a  greater  regard  to  his  moral  Adlions,  than  to  his  Worfhip 
'  and  Belief.  The  want  of  Knowledge,  continued  he,  is  an 
'  Unhappinefs,  but  not  a  Crime,  and  who  can  tell  but  God  has 
'  a  mind  to  be  honoured  by  infinite  ways  of  paying  him  Hom- 
'  age  and  Refpedl,  as  by  Sacriiices,  Dances,  Songs,  and  the 
'other  Ceremonies  of  tho.  Americans?  He  had  fcarce  made 
an  end  of  his  Difcourfe,  when  I  fell  foul  upon  him  with  all  my 
might,  as  to  the  preceding  Points ;  but  after  I  had  given  him 
to  underftand,  that  if  among  the  muld  vocati,  i.  e.  thofe  v/ho 
profefs  the  true  Religion,  who  are  but  a  handful  of  Men,  there 
are  found  but  Pauci  eleEfi,  all  the  Americans  muft  be  in  a  very 
deplorable  condition  :  He  anfwer'd  me  Impudently,  that  I  was 
very  rafh  [193]  to  determine  who  fhould  be  in  the  number  of 
the  Reprobate  at  the  laft  Judgment,  and  to  condemn  them 
without  giving  any  Quarter ;  for,  fays  he,  this  is  to  infult  the 
Wifdom  of  God,  and  to  make  him  deal  as  capricioufly  by  his 
Creatures,  as  St.  PauPs  Potter  did  by  his  two  Veffels.  Never- 
thelefs,  when  he  faw  that  I  treated  him  like  an  impious,  unbe- 
lieving Wretch,  he  to  be  even  with  me,  reply'd  in  thefe  foolifh 
words,  Fidem  ego  hie  qua  adhibetur  Myfteriis  Jacris  interpello,  fed 
fidemillam  qua  bona  mentis  foror  eji,  qiiaq  ;  reSlam  rationem  amat. 
From  hence  you  may  judge,  Sir,  whether  this  fine  Phyfician 
was  able  to  remove  Mountains.     I  am, 

SIR, 

Tours,  &c. 


to  North- AATimcdi,  287 


LETTER    XXV. 

Dated  at  Viana  In  Portugal  January  31.  1694. 
The  Author's  departure  from  France  for  Placentia.  A  Fleet  of 
30  Englifli  Ships  came  to  feize  upon  that  place;  but  is  dif- 
appointed^  and  fheers  off.  The  Reafons  why  the  Englifli  have 
bad  fuccefs  in  all  their  Enterprifes  beyond  Sea.  The  Author's 
Adventure  with  the  Governour  of  Placentia.  His  departure  for 
Portugal.     An  Engagement  zvith  a  Flufliing  Privateer. 

SIR, 

I  DO  not  at  all  doubt  but  you  will  be  fenfibly  affedled  with 
my  fad  and  fatal  Mifadventure,  which  I  am  now  to  give  you 
an  account  of.  And  firft  [194]  you  muft  know,  that  after  we 
had  waited  for  a  fair  Wind  fifteen  or  twenty  days  at  St.  Nazere, 
we  fet  fail  on  the  12th  of  May  laft.  Our  FafTage  was  neither 
long  nor  fhort,  for  we  arriv'd  at  the  Harbour  of  Placentia  the 
20th  of  June^  having  taken  an  Englifli  Ship  laden  with  Tobacco, 
on  the  edges  of  the  Bank  of  Newfound  Land.  After  I  landed, 
I  went  to  falute  Mr.  B?'ouillon,  Governor  of  Placentia,  and 
declar'd  to  him  how  glad  I  was  to  obey  the  Orders  of  fo  wife 
a  Commander.^     He  anfwer'd,  that  he  was   much  furpriz'd 


^  Jacques  Franfois  de  Brouillon  belonged  to  a  good  family  from  Guienne,  France, 
and  had  served  as  an  infantry  officer  since  1670.  Twenty  years  later  he  was  honored 
with  the  appointment  of  governor  of  Placentia,  where  he  arrived  early  in  the  spring 
of  1690.     He  was  an  officer  of  merit,  but  inclined  to  peculation,  and  bolh  merchants 


288  Some  New  Voyages 

to  find,  that  I  had  follicited  to  be  employ'd  there,  without 
acquainting  him  with  it  the  preceding  year ;  and  that  he  now 
plainly  perceiv'd,  that  the  Projed  about  the  Lakes  of  Canada^ 
(which  I  had  mention'd  to  him)  was  a  mere  (ham  pretence. 
I  endeavour'd  in  vain  to  perfwade  him  to  the  contrary ;  for 
it  was  not  pofTible  for  me  to  undeceive  him.^  Neverthelefs,  I 
landed  my  Goods,  and  hir'd  a  private  Houfe,  till  fuch  time  as 
I  could  build  one  for  my  felf,  which  I  carried  on  with  fo  much 
diligence,  that  it  was  finifh'd  in  September,  by  the  affiftance  of 
the  Ship-Carpenters,  who  were  lent  me  gratis,  by  all  the  Bifcay 
Captains.  The  Sieur  Beray  of  St.  John  de  Lnz^  arriv'd  at  Pla- 
centia  on  the  \%th  of  July,  with  one  of  his  Ships,  and  brought 
me  a  Letter,  wherein  you  acquaint  me,  that  in  regard  to  your 
Nephew  defires  to  vifit  Canada  the  next  year,  you  would  be 
very  glad  to  have  a  Didionary  of  the  Language  of  the  Sav- 
ages, together  with  the  Memoirs  which  I  promis'd  you. 

On  the  \^th  of  September  we  perceiv'd  an  Engl'ijh  Fleet  of 
twenty  four  Sail,  which  caft  Anchor  in  the  Road  much  about 
the  time  that  it  was  difcover'd.  It  was  commanded  by  Sir 
Francis  Wheeler,  who   had   gone  to  Martinico  with  a  defign 


and  habitants  made  frequent  complaints  under  his  administration.  He  remained  in 
Placentia  until  1701,  when  he  was  transferred  to  Acadia,  serving  there  as  governor 
until  his  death  in  1705.  Indications  are  not  lacking  from  official  sources  that 
Lahontan's  accusations  against  De  Brouillon  had  some  justification.  See  Roy, 
Lahontan,  pp.  176-179.  —  Ed. 

1  Roy  shows  from  the  letters  of  De  Brouillon  himself,  that  the  arrival  of  Lahontan 
in  the  capacity  of  lieutenant  of  the  king,  not  only  deprived  the  governor  of  certain 
sources  of  profit,  but  also  of  hopes  for  placing  his  brother  in  that  position.  —  Ed. 

2  St.  Jean  de  Luz  is  a  small  port  at  the  southwestern  extremity  of  France  on  the 
Bay  of  Biscay.    It  had  considerable  commerce  with  Placentia  and  its  fisheries.  —  Ed. 


to  North-Kvn^nc2i,  289 

to  feize  that  Ifle,  and  in  his  return  from  thence  had  fail'd 
to  New  England^  to  take  in  fome  Forces  and  Ammunition 
there,  in  order  to  make  himfelf  Mafter  [195]  of  Placentia  ; 
but  when  he  difcover'd  a  Redoubt  of  Stone  lately  built  upon 
the  top  of  the  Mountain,  which  I  mention'd  to  you  in  my 
laft  Letter  but  one,  he  thought  it  more  advifable  to  return 
quietly  into  Europe^  than  to  make  a  fruitlefs  Attempt.  We 
had  planted  four  Canon  upon  this  high  Redoubt,  which  fo 
gaul'd  the  Ships  of  his  Fleet,  that  they  were  forc'd  to  weigh 
Anchor,  and  hoift  Sail  fooner  than  they  intended.^  The  fault 
of  the  Engli/Ji  upon  this  occafion,  was,  that  they  did  not  enter 
the  Harbour  the  fame  day  that  they  appear'd  before  the 
place.  I  have  obferv'd  it  many  times,  that  Attempts  do  com- 
monly mifcarry,  by  delaying  them  for  a  little  while  ;  and  of 
this  I  could  give  you  at  leaft  fifteen  or  fixteen  Inftances  within 
the  compafs  of  my  own  Knowledge.  But  now  I  return  to  the 
Quarrel  the  Governour  had  with  me. 

Fancying  that  I  had  follicited  my  Employments  without 
taking  notice  of  him,  he  treated  me  with  all  manner  of  Re- 
proaches and  Outrages,  from  the  time  of  my  Landing,  to 
that  of  my  Departure,  and  was  not  fatisfy'd  with  appropriat- 


^  Sir  Francis  Wheler,  born  in  1656,  entered  the  navy  when  twenty-two  years  of 
age,  and  by  1680  was  captain  of  a  man  of  war.  The  following  year  he  captured  two 
Algerine  corsairs,  and  was  knighted  by  James  II  in  the  last  year  of  his  reign.  After 
the  Revolution  (1688)  Wheler  was  made  rear-admiral  and  sent  with  a  squadron  to 
the  West  Indies.  There  he  made  an  unsuccessful  attack  on  Martinique  (April,  1692) , 
and  arrived  in  Boston  June  10,  where  he  requested  Phips  to  cooperate  in  a  second 
attack  upon  Quebec.  Finding  that  impracticable,  he  sailed  for  Placentia,  with  the 
results  Lahontan  details.  The  following  year  (1694)  his  flag  ship  foundered  off  the 
coast  of  Gibralter,  and  the  admiral,  with  all  on  board,  was  lost.  — Ed. 
19 


290  Some  New  Voyages 

ing  to  himfelf  the  Profits  and  Advantages  of  the  free  Com- 
pany that  was  given  me,  but  likewife  ftop'd  without  any 
fcruple,  the  pay  of  the  Soldiers  that  were  employ'd  in  the 
Cod-fifhing  by  the  Inhabitants,  and  made  the  reft  work  with- 
out Wages.  I  fhall  take  no  notice  of  his  publick  Extortion ; 
for  tho'  he  has  formally  counteraded  the  ten  Articles  con- 
tain'd  in  the  Orders  of  Lewis  the  10th  y  yet  he  had  fo  many 
Friends  in  all  the  Courts,  that  he  could  not  be  found  guilty : 
There's  fome  pleafure  in  making  Prefents  in  his  way,  for  by 
them  he  has  made  50000  Crowns  per  fas  &  nefas,  in  the  fpace 
of  three  or  four  years.  I  fhould  never  have  done,  if  I  offer'd 
to  give  you  a  particular  account  of  all  the  trouble  and  vexa- 
tion he  gave  me.  I  fhall  only  mention  three  Inftances  which 
crown'd  all  the  reft. 

[196]  On  the  20th  of  November,  i.  e.  a  Month  after  our 
Fifhermen  fet  fail,  while  I  was  entertaining  at  Supper  fome  of 
the  Inhabitants,  he  came  Mask'd  into  my  Houfe,  with  his 
Servants,  and  broke  the  glafs  Windows,  Bottles,  and  Drink- 
ing-Glaffes,  and  threw  down  the  Tables,  Chairs,  Chefts  of 
Drawers,  and  every  thing  that  came  to  hand.  Before  I  had 
time  to  get  into  my  Chamber,  and  take  my  Piftols,  this  info- 
lent  Mob  difappear'd  very  feafonably;  for  I  would  have  loaded 
my  Piftols  and  purfu'd  them,  if  my  Guefts  had  not  hindred 
me.  Next  Morning  his  Servants  fell  upon  mine,  who  expe6led 
nothing  lefs  than  to  be  threfh'd  to  death  with  Clubs.  This 
fecond  infult  having  provok'd  my  Patience  to  the  laft  degree, 
I  was  meditating  fome  Revenge  upon  thefe  AfTaflins,  when  the 
Recollets  came  and  remonftrated  to  me,  that  I  muft  difTem- 


to  iV<?r^/6- America.  291 

ble  my  Refentment,  to  prevent  any  Innovation  in  the  King's 
Affairs.  Then  I  refolv'd  to  fhut  my  felf  up,  and  apply  my 
felf  to  Study,  to  divert  the  vexatious  Thoughts,  of  not  being 
able  to  pull  off  my  Mask.  The  third  trick  which  he  play'd 
me,  at  the  end  of  three  days,  was  this;  he  fent  to  arreft  two 
Soldiers,  whom  I  had  imploy'd  to  cut  down  fome  Grafs  in  the 
Meadows,  about  half  a  League  from  the  Garrifon :  They 
were  feiz'd  while  they  were  Mowing,  bound  and  carried  away 
Prifoners,  under  the  pretence  of  being  Deferters,  becaufe  they 
had  lain  two  Nights  out  of  the  Garrifon,  without  his  leave  ; 
and,  which  would  have  prov'd  yet  more  fatal  to  thefe  innocent 
Men,  he  had  certainly  caus'd  'em  to  be  knock'd  on  the  Head, 
on  purpofe  to  vex  me,  if  the  Recollets,  and  his  own  Miffse, 
had  not  earneftly  interceded  on  their  behalf. 

After  this  Accident,  the  Recollets  advifed  me  to  go  and 
fee  him,  and  to  entreat  him  to  put  an  end  to  all  his  Perfecu- 
tions,  affuring  him  at  the  fame  time,  that  I  was  entirely  his 
Servant  and  Friend.  Diiriis  eft  hie  fermo.  Whatever  reludancy 
I  had  to  yield  to  an  advice  fo  [197]  contrary  to  nature,  which, 
I  muft  confefs,  ftruggled  furioufly  within  me,  yet  I  offer'd  fo 
much  violence  to  my  felf,  that  I  fubmitted  to  it.  I  was  at  his 
Houfe,  went  into  his  Chamber,  and  being  with  him  all  alone, 
I  fpoke  to  him  for  a  quarter  of  an  hour  in  the  moft  fubmiflive 
Terms,  that  any  Slave  could  ufe.  I  am  afham'd  to  make  this 
Confeflion  to  you,  for  I  blufh  to  my  felf  every  time  I  think  of 
fo  mean  a  fubmifTion.  However,  inftead  of  his  liftening  to  my 
Reafons,  and  treating  friendly  with  me,  he  fell  into  a  moft 
furious  Paffion,  and  loaded  me  with  a  torrent  of  moft  bitter 


292  Some  New  Voyages 

Reproaches.  In  this  cafe,  Sir,  I  preferr'd  the  Service  of  the 
King,  before  the  Pun6liHo's  of  Honour,  for  I  did  nothing  but 
retir'd  to  my  own  Houfe,  being  well  fatisfy'd  that  I  was  not 
affafTinated  by  his  Domefticks  :  But  the  diforder  which  this 
Affair  produc'd,  would  require  a  long  Difcourfe.  It  will  be 
more  to  the  purpofe,  to  come  to  matter  of  Fadl ;  I  do  affure 
you,  that  he  would  have  laid  me  up,  if  the  Inhabitants  had 
appear'd  to  be  in  his  Intereft.  He  pretended  that  he  had 
been  infulted,  and  confequently  that  he  was  in  the  right  in 
revenging  himfelf,  whatever  it  coft  him.  But  the  tragical  end 
of  a  Governour,  whofe  Throat  was  cut  in  this  Country  about 
thirty  or  forty  years  agoe,  furnifh'd  him  with  abundant  matter 
of  Reflexion.  He  judg'd  it  therefore  his  fafeft  way  to  diffem- 
ble  his  Anger,  being  perfwaded,  that  if  I  fhould  have  run  him 
through  with  my  Sword,  the  Soldiers  and  Inhabitants  would 
have  favour'd  my  efcape  to  the  Engli/h,  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  Placentia.  In  the  mean  time  the  Recollets,  who  had  a  mind 
to  compofe  thefe  growing  Differences,  found  no  great  trouble 
in  reconciling  us,  for  they  Remonflrated  to  him,  of  what  con- 
fequence  it  would  be  for  us  to  live  in  a  good  Correfpondence, 
and  to  avoid  the  troubles  that  would  enfue  upon  our  quarrels. 
This  propofal  of  an  Accomodation,  was  in  appearance  [198] 
moft  agreeable  to  him,  and  fo  much  the  rather,  becaufe  he 
was  glad  to  diffemble  his  Refentments  by  the  external  figns  of 
Friendfhip.  So  we  faw  and  embrac'd  one  another  with  mutual 
Proteftations  of  forgetting  all  that  had  pafs'd  between  us. 
After  this   Reconciliation,  I  had  reafon  to  believe,  that 


1 


to  North- A.mtv\c3.,  293 

his  Heart  would  not  give  the  lye  to  his  Mouth,  becaufe  I 
thought  he  was  not  fo  imprudent  as  to  inform  the  Court  of 
fome  Trifles,  wherein  he  would  appear  to  have  proftituted  his 
Honour;  but  I  was  deceiv'd,  for  he  took  the  pains  to  add 
afterwards  to  the  Verbal  Procefs  he  had  given  in  before  our 
Accommodation,  fome  falHioods  which  he  ought  to  have  con- 
ceal'd.  'Tis  needlefs  to  acquaint  you,  how  by  chance  his 
Papers  fell  into  my  Hands  ;  that  Indifcretion  might  prove  a 
difadvantage  to  fome  Perfons,  whom  Heaven  blefs.  I  fhall 
only  tell  you,  that  after  the  Recollets  had  feen  and  read  the 
Allegations  contain'd  in  his  Papers,  they  made  no  fcruple  to 
advife  me  to  take  care  of  my  felf,  and  ingeneoufly  declar'd 
to  me,  that  they  never  intended  to  meddle  any  more  in  that 
Affair,  becaufe  they  perceiv'd  that  they  had  innocently  con- 
tributed to  do  me  a  prejudice,  by  reftoring  peace  between  him 
and  me.^  This  wholfom  advice  made  me  perceive  the  danger 
to  which  I  fhould  be  expos'd,  if  I  continued  any  longer  at 
Placentia,  infomuch,  that  the  fear  I  had  of  being  fent  to  the 
BaftiUy  after  the  arrival  of  the  Ships  from  France^  made  me 
refolve  to  abandon  all  hopes  of  making  my  fortune  here,  and 
to  throw  up  my  Places.  After  the  Inhabitants  were  acquainted 
with  this  News,  all  of  'em  except  three  or  four,  came  running 
to  my  Houfe,  to  affure  me  they  were  ready  to  fign  my  Verbal 

^  For  copies  of  De  Brouillon's  accusations  against  his  lieutenant,  taken  from  the 
French  archives,  see  Roy,  Lahontan,  pp.  loo,  loi.  It  is  amusing  reading,  as  cuie 
recognizes  the  unpopularity  of  the  governor  with  the  inhabitants,  and  the  mocking 
spirit  of  Lahontan  who  composed  satiric  songs  concerning  his  superior,  and  sang 
them  in  the  taverns  of  Placentia.  —  Ed. 


294  Some  New  Voyages 

Procefs,  in  cafe  I  would  change  my  Refolution :  But  inftead 
of  accepting  their  offer,  I  gave  them  to  underftand,  having 
thank'd  them  firft  for  their  Good-will,  that  [199]  they  would 
bring  Mifchief  upon  themfelves,  and  be  look'd  upon  at  Court 
as  Seditious  Perfons,  and  Difiiurbers  of  the  publick  Peace; 
fince  by  a  deteftable  principle  of  Politicks,  an  inferior  Perfon 
is  always  judg'd  to  be  in  the  wrong,  whatever  reafon  he  may 
have  on  his  fide.     Indeed  I  would  gladly  have  avoided  this 
fatal  neceffity  of  throwing  up  my  Places,  which  feem'd  infenfi- 
bly  to  lead  me  to  fome  great  Fortune ;  but  at  laft  the  confine- 
ment in  the  Baftile,  made   fuch  a  deep   impreffion  upon  my 
Mind,   after  I   had  ferioufly  refledled  upon  the  troublefom 
Circumftances  of  my  Affairs,  that  I  made  no  fcruple  to  embark 
in  a  little  Veffel,  which  was  the  only  one,  and  the  laft  that  was 
to  go  to  France.      The  Propofal  I  made  to  the  Captain  of 
prefenting  him  with  a  1000  Crowns,  was  fo  well  receiv'd,  that 
he  engag'd  to  land  me  upon  the  Coaft  of  Portugal  for  that 
Sum,  upon  condition  that  I  fhould  keep  the  Secret.     The  beft 
of  the  matter  was,  that  my  Enemy  had  ufed  the  precaution  of 
writing  to  the  Governors  of  Belle  Ifle,  of  the  Ifle  of  Re,  and  of 
Rochelle,  to  feize  me  as  foon  as  I  fhould  land.^     He  reckon'd, 
and  not  without  reafon  indeed,  that  this  Veffel  would  put  into 
one  of  thefe  three  Ports  :  But  three  hundred  Piftoles,  dexter- 
oufly  convey'd  to  the  hands  of  fome  People  that  are  not  much 

1  Three  well-known  harbors  on  the  west  coast  of  France.  Belle  Isle  lies  off  from 
Britanny  opposite  the  hay  of  Quiberon  ;  Isle  de  Re  is  over  against  the  harbor  of  La 
Rochelle  in  the  Bay  of  Biscay.  —  Ed. 


to  North'Kmtnc^i,  295 

accuftom'd  to  finger  Gold,  have  a  wonderful  effedl ;  for  that 
very  Sum,  which  indeed  I  was  loth  to  part  with,  fav'd  me  my 
Liberty,  and  perhaps  my  Life. 

Purfuant  to  this  Refolution,  I  imbarqu'd  the  14//:?  of  the 
laft  Month,  notwithftanding  the  rifque  that  one  runs  by  fail- 
ing in  the  Winter  time,  through  fuch  a  Sea  as  lies  between 
Newfoimd-Land  and  France.  'Tis  needlefs  to  inform  you,  that 
I  left  at  Placentia  a  great  deal  of  Houfhold  Furniture,  which  I 
could  neither  fell  nor  carry  off.  'Twill  be  more  edifying  for 
you  to  hear  the  Journal  of  our  Voyage.  We  incounter'd  three 
terrible  Storms  in  our  PaiTage,  [200]  without  any  damage; 
and  in  the  hift  of  thefe,  which  lafted  three  days,  the  Wind  at 
North-Weft,  we  run  a  hundred  and  fifty  Leagues  without  any 
Sail.  This  laft  Storm  was  fo  violent,  that  the  Seamen  imbrac'd, 
and  bid  an  eternal  adieu  to  one  another ;  for  every  Minute 
they  expedted  to  be  funk  without  relief.  As  this  Storm  alarm'd 
us,  fo  the  contrary  Winds  from  the  Eaft  and  North-Eaft,  that 
fprung  upon  us  a  hundred  Leagues  to  the  Weftward  of  Cape 
Finijlerre^  occafion'd  an  equal  dread  ;  for  we  were  oblig'd  to 
traverfe  the  Sea  for  three  or  four  and  twenty  days,  after  which 
we  defcry'd  the  Cape  by  vertue  of  our  frequent  tackings,  and 
by  a  ftrange  accident,  were  attack'd  by  a  Fliijliiug  Privateer, 
which  could  not  board  us,  becaufe  the  Sea  roll'd  fo  high,  but 
contented  her  felf  with  firing  upon  us,  and  that  with  fo  little 
effe6l,  that  we  did  not  lofe  one  Man.  Our  Mafts  and  Rigging 
indeed  was  fo  dammag'd,  that  after  we  were  parted  from  the 
Privateer,  by  the  help  of  the  Night  and  a  great  Fog,  we  could 


296  Some  New  Voyages 

fcarce  make  ufe  of  our  Sails.  However,  we  refitted  with  all 
pofTible  diligence,  and  the  Captain  of  the  Ship  having  then  a 
fair  pretence  to  luft  out  of  the  diredt  courfe  flood  to  the  South- 
Eaft  in  the  Night-time.  This  feign'd  courfe  did  not  fecure  us 
from  the  Privateer,  which  might  happen  to  fteer  the  fame 
courfe ;  fo  that  in  the  Night-time  we  put  our  felves  in  a  readi- 
nefs  to  renew  the  fight  in  the  Day-time.  In  eflFedl,  he  did  not 
purfue  us,  as  we  apprehended :  But  about  Noon  we  efcap'd 
yet  more  narrowly,  for  we  were  purfu'd  by  a  Sallyman'^  in  fight 
of  the  Coaft  for  four  hours,  and  were  within  a  hairs  breadth 
of  being  taken,  before  we  got  under  the  Canon  of  the  Fort 
of  this  City.  Had  we  been  catch'd,  the  Governour  oi  Placentia 
would  have  had  fome  ground  for  the  joyful  Exclamation,  Incidit 
in  Scillam,  &c.     But  thank  God  we  were  only  frighted. 

[201]  As  foon  as  we  came  to  an  Anchor,  I  paid  down  my 
1000  Crowns  to  the  Captain,  who  has  reafon  to  look  upon  this 
Adlion,  as  one  of  the  beft  he  ever  did  in  his  Life-time.  The 
Long-boat  was  no  fooner  in  the  Water,  than  I  went  afhoar 
with  all  my  Baggage;  and  as  foon  as  I  came  into  this  City,  I 
procur'd  Ammunition  and  Provifions  for  the  Ship  with  that 
Expedition,  that  the  Captain  weigh'd  Anchor  the  very  next 
day,  and  fo  continu'd  his  courfe  to  France. 

As  for  the  Memoirs  of  the  Country  of  Canada^  which  you 
have  fo  often  defir'd,  I  have  addrefs'd  'em  to  the  Rochel  Mer- 
chant, who  convey'd  your  Letters  to  me  all  the  while  I  was  in 


^  A  Salleeman  was  a  Moorish  pirate  ship,  so  called  from  the  port  of  Sallee  on  the 
coast  of  Morocco.  —  Ed. 


to  North'A.mmc?i,  297 

Canada.  To  thefe  I  have  tack'd  a  fmall  Catalogue  of  the  moft 
neceffary  words  of  the  Algonkin  Language ;  which,  as  I  have 
often  told  you,  is  the  fineft  and  the  moft  univerfal  Language 
in  that  Continent.  If  your  Nephew  continues  his  defign  of 
undertaking  a  Voyage  to  that  Country,  I  would  advife  him  to 
learn  thefe  words  in  the  time  of  his  Paffage,  that  fo  he  may  be 
able  to  ftay  five  or  fix  Months  with  the  Algonkins^  and  under- 
fliand  what  they  fay.  I  have  likewife  fent  you  an  explication 
of  the  Sea-Terms,  made  ufe  of  in  my  Letters.  The  making 
of  this  little  Table,  was  a  diverfion  to  me  in  my  Voyage ;  for 
in  perufing  my  Letters,  I  drew  out  fome  remarks  which  I 
defign  to  impart  to  you,  if  I  find  that  the  infuing  Memoirs 
give  you  fatisfadion. 

You  will  readily  guefs,  that  from  the  year  1683,  to  this 
very  day,  I  have  renounc'd  all  manner  of  ties  to  my  Country. 
The  curious  Adventures  that  I  have  related  to  you  in  Writing 
fince  that  time,  will  undoubtedly  afford  an  agreeable  diverfion 
to  your  Friends ;  provided  they  are  not  of  the  number  of  thofe 
unfufferable  Devotees,  who  would  rather  be  crucifi'd,  than  fee 
an  Ecclefiaftick  expos'd.  Pray  be  fo  kind  as  to  write  to  me 
to  Lisbon,  and  inform  [202]  me  of  what  you  hear,  in  reference 
to  my  concern.  You  have  fuch  good  Correfpondents  at 
Paris,  that  you  cannot  mifs  of  knowing  how  things  go.  I 
doubt  not  but  my  Adverfary  feeds  himfelf  with  the  hopes, 
that  his  ufual  Prefents  would  procure  the  apprehending  of  me 
in  France,  where  he  thinks  I  would  be  the  fool  to  land  :  But 
now  to  be  fure  he'll  fret  his  Heart  out,  for  that  he  cannot  gall 


298  Some  New  Voyages 

me  to  his  Wifhes.  However,  'tis  as  much  his  intereft  to  fol- 
licit  my  Death,  (purfuant  to  his  unjuft  Charge  againft  me)  as 
'tis  my  Glory  to  procure  him  a  long  Life.  Upon  this  foot, 
Sir,  the  longer  he  lives,  the  more  revenge  I  fhall  have ;  and 
confequently  I  fhall  have  an  opportunity  of  an  eafie  folace  for 
the  lofs  of  my  Places,  and  the  Difgrace  I  have  met  with  from 
the  King.     I  am, 

SIR, 

Tours,  &c. 


[.03]   MEMOIRS 

OF 

^orth' America; 

Containing  a  Geographical  Defcription  of  that  vaft  Continent ;  the 
Ciiftoms  and  Commerce^  of  the  Inhabitants^  &c. 

SIR, 

IN  my  former  Letters,  I  prefented  you  with  a  view  of  the 
EngUfh  and  French  Colonies,  the  Commerce  of  Canada, 
the  Navigation  upon  the  Rivers  and  Lakes  of  that  Country, 
the  courfe  of  faiHng  from  Europe  to  North-America,  the  feveral 
Attempts  made  by  the  EnglifJi  to  mafter  the  French  Colonies, 
the  Incurfions  of  the  French  upon  New-England,  and  upon  the 
Iroquefe  Country :  In  a  word.  Sir,  I  have  reveal'd  a  great  many 
things,  that  for  reafons  of  State  or  Politicks,  have  been 
hitherto  conceal'd ;  infomuch,  that  if  you  were  capable  of 
making  me  a  Sacrifice  to  your  Refentment,  'tis  now  in  your 
power  to  ruine  me  at  Court,  by  producing  my  Letters. 

All  that  I  writ  in  the  foregoing  Letters,  and  the  whole 
fubftance  of  the  Memoirs  I  now  fend  you,  is  truth  as  plain  as 
the  Sun-fhine.  I  flatter  no  Man,  and  I  fpare  no  body.  I  fcorn 
to  be  partial ;  I  beitow  due  praife  upon  thofe  who  are  in  no 


300  Some  New  Voyages 

capacity  to  ferve  [204]  me,  and  I  cenfure  the  Condud  of 
others,  that  are  capable  of  doing  me  an  injury  by  indired 
Methods.  I  am  not  influenc'd  by  that  principle  of  Intereft 
and  Party-making,  that  is  the  rule  of  fome  folks  words.  I 
facrifice  all  to  the  love  of  Truth,  and  write  with  no  other  view, 
than  to  give  you  a  juft  Reprefentation  of  things  as  they  are. 
'Tis  beneath  me  to  mince  or  alter  the  matter  of  fa6t,  contain'd 
either  in  the  Letters  I  fent  you  fome  ten  or  twelve  years  agoe, 
or  in  thefe  Memoirs.  In  the  courfe  of  my  Voyages  and 
Travels,  I  took  care  to  keep  particular  Journals  of  every 
thing ;  but  a  minute  relation  of  all  Particulars,  would  be  irk- 
fom  to  you,  befides,  that  the  trouble  of  taking  a  copy  of  the 
Journals,  before  I  have  an  opportunity  of  fhewing  you  the 
Original,  would  require  more  time  than  I  can  well  fpare.  In 
thefe  Memoirs  you'll  find  as  much  as  will  ferve  to  form  a 
perfect  Idea  of  the  vaft  Continent  of  North-y/wmV^.  In  the 
courfe  of  our  Correfpondence  from  the  year  1683,  to  this 
time,  I  fent  you  five  and  twenty  Letters,  of  all  which  I  have 
kept  a  double  very  carefully.  My  only  view  in  writing  of 
thefe  Letters,  was  to  inform  you  of  the  mofl  effential  things ; 
for  I  was  unwilling  to  perplex  and  confound  your  Thoughts, 
with  an  infinity  of  uncommon  things,  that  have  happen'd  in 
that  Country.  If  you'll  confult  my  Maps,  as  you  read  the 
abovemention'd  Letters,  you'll  find  a  jufl  Reprefentation  of 
all  the  places  I  have  fpoke  of.  Thefe  Maps  are  very  particu- 
lar, and  I  dare  affure  you,  they  are  the  corredefl  yet  extant. 
My  Voyage  upon  the  Long  River,  gave  me  an  opportunity  of  . 
making  that  little  Map,  which  I  fent  you  from  MiJJilimakinac  in 


to  North-\mmc2i.  301 

1699  [1689],  with  my  fixteenth  Letter.  'Tis  true,  it  gives  only 
a  bare  Defcription  of  that  River,  and  the  River  of  the  Mif- 
foiiris:  But  it  requir'd  more  time  than  I  could  fpare,  to  make 
it  more  compleat,  by  a  knowledge  of  the  adjacent  Countries, 
which  have  [205]  hitherto  been  unknown  to  all  the  World,  as 
well  as  that  great  River,  and  which  I  would  never  have  vifited, 
if  I  had  not  been  fully  inftruded  in  every  thing  that  related  to 
it,  and  convoy'd  by  a  good  Guard.  I  have  plac'd  the  Map  of 
Canada  at  the  front  of  thefe  Memoirs,  and  defire  that  favour 
of  you,  that  you  would  not  fhew  it  to  any  body  under  my 
Name.  To  the  latter  part  I  have  fubjoyn'd  an  Explication 
of  the  Marine^  and  other  difficult  Terms,  made  ufe  of  in  my 
Letters,  as  well  as  in  thefe  Memoirs  ;  which  you'll  pleafe  to 
confult,  when  you  meet  with  a  word  that  you  do  not  under- 
ftand. 

A  jhort  Dejcription  of  Canada. 

You'll  think,  Sir,  that  I  advance  a  Paradox,  when  I  acquaint 
you  that  Ntw-France,  commonly  call'd  Canada^  comprehends  a 
greater  extent  of  Ground,  than  the  half  of  Europe :  But  pray 
mind  what  proof  I  have  for  that  Affertion.  You  know  that 
Europe  extends  South  and  North,  from  the  35  to  the  72  degree 
of  Latitude,  or  if  you  will,  from  Cadiz  to  the  North  Cape  on 
the  confines  oi  Lapland ;  and  that  it's  Longitude  reaches  from 
the  ()th  to  the  <)^th  Degree,  that  is,  from  the  River  Oby^  to  the 
Weft  Cape  in  TJlandia.  But  at  the  fame  time,  if  we  take  the 
greateft  breadth  of  Europe^  from  Eaft  to  Weft,  from  the  imag- 
inary Canal,  (for  Inftance)  between  the  Tanais  and  the  VoJga^ 


302  Some  New  Voyages 

to  Dinglebay  in  Ireland^  it  makes  but  66  Degrees  of  Longitude, 
which  contain  more  Leagues  than  the  Degrees  allotted  to  it 
towards  the  Polar  Circle,  though  thefe  are  more  numerous,  by 
reafon  that  the  degrees  of  Longitude  are  unequal :  And  fince 
we  are  wont  to  meafure  Provinces,  lilands,  and  Kingdoms  by 
the  fpace  of  Ground,  I  am  of  the  Opinion,  that  we  ought  to 
make  ufe  of  the  fame  Standard,  with  refpedl  to  the  four  parts 
of  the  World.  The  Geographers  who  parcel  [206]  out  the 
Earth  in  their  Clofets,  according  to  their  fancy ;  thefe  Gentle- 
men, I  fay,  might  have  been  aware  of  this  advance,  if  they  had 
been  more  careful.     But,  to  come  to  Canada; 

All  the  World  knows,  that  Canada  reaches  from  the  39/^ 
to  the  6^th  Deg.  of  Latitude,  that  is,  from  the  South  fide  of 
the  Lake  Erri^^  to  the  North  fide  of  Hudfon's  Bay ;  and  from 
the  284^^,  to  the  336//?  Degree  of  Longitude,  viz.  from  the 
River  Miffifipi^  to  Cape  Rafe  in  the  Ifland  of  Newfoundland.^ 
I  affirm  therefore,  that  Europe  has  but  1 1  Degrees  of  Latitude, 
and  33  of  Longitude,  more  than  Canada,  in  which  I  compre- 
hend the  Ifland  of  New-Foundland,  Acadia,  and  all  the  other 
Countries  that  lye  to  the  Northward  of  the  River  of  St. 
Laurence,  which  is  the  pretended  great  boundary  that  fevers 
the  French  Colonies  from  the  EngUfli.  Were  I  to  reckon  in  all 
the  Countries  that  lye  to  the  North- Weft  of  Canada,  I  fliould 


^  The  claim  for  Canadian  limits  as  far  south  as  39°  of  latitude  would  extend  them 
nearly  to  the  Ohio  River.  Longitude  was  reckoned  at  this  time  from  west  to  east 
entirely  around  the  globe,  the  prime  meridian  in  most  common  use  being  that  of  the 
Canary  Islands,  supposed  to  be  the  "  Fortunate  Isles"  of  Ptolemy.  The  longitude 
of  the  Mississippi,  therefore,  at  its  eastern  projection  would  be  about  284° ;  that  of  Cape 
Race  was  usually  estimated  at  about  330°.  —  Ed. 


to  N orth' Amtxicdi,  303 

find  it  larger  than  Europe:  But  I  confine  my  felf  to  what  is 
difcover'd,  known  and  own'd ;  I  mean,  to  the  Countries  in 
which  the  French  trade  with  the  Natives  for  Beavers,  and  in 
which  they  have  Forts,  Magazines,  Miflionaries,  and  fmall 
Settlements. 

'Tis  above  a  Century  and  a  half  fince  Canada  was  dif- 
cover'd. John  Verafan  was  the  firft  Difcoverer,  though  he 
got  nothing  by  it,  for  the  Savages  eat  him  up.^  James  Cartier 
was  the  next  that  went  thither,  but  after  failing  with  his  Ship 
above  Quebec^  he  return'd  to  France  with  a  forry  opinion  of 
the  Country.2  At  laft  better  Sailors  were  imploy'd  in  the  Dif- 
covery,  and  trac'd  the  River  of  St.  Laurence  more  narrowly  : 
And  about  the  beginning  of  the  laft  Century,  a  Colony  was 
fent  thither  from  Rouan,  which  fetled  there  after  a  great  deal 
of  oppofition  from  the  Natives.^    At  this  day  the  Colony  is  fo 


^  Giovanni  da  Verrazzano  was  a  Florentine  navigator,  who,  sailing  under  the 
French  flag,  explored  the  coast  of  North  America  (1524)  from  Carolina  to  Newfound- 
land. The  authenticity  of  his  narrative  has  been  doubted,  and  for  a  long  time  there 
was  a  critical  controversy  concerning  his  Relation  ;  but  its  genuineness  is  now  generally 
accepted  by  historians.  See  Old  South  Leaflets,  No.  17,  and  authorities  therein  cited  ; 
also  Harrisse,  Discovery  of  North  America  (London  and  Paris,  1892),  pp.  218-228. 
One  of  his  earliest  biographers  relates  his  death  upon  a  later  voyage  at  the  hands  of  the 
Indians.  —  Ed. 

2  For  an  account  of  Cartier's  explorations,  and  the  recent  investigations  concerning 
them,  see  Pope,  Jacques  Cartier  (Ottawa,  1889)  ;  Dionne,  Jacques  Cartier  (Quebec, 
1889).  A  version  of  his /^o^'fl^^j  was  published  by  Stevens  (Montreal,  1890).  Cartier 
made  three  (possibly  four)  voyages  to  North  America  (1534-42),  discovered  and 
explored  the  St.  Lawrence  as  far  as  Lachine  rapids,  and  made  full  reports  of  his  adven- 
tures.    His  accounts  are  far  from  being  as  discouraging  as  Lahontan  represents.  —  Ed. 

^  Lahontan  here  refers  to  the  first  permanent  settlement  of  New  France,  made  by 
Champlain  upon  the  site  of  Quebec  (1608).  The  colony  was  fostered  by  a  company 
of  Rouen  merchants  —  see  Biggar,  Early  Trading  Companies  of  Ne^w  France  (To- 
ronto, 1901).     The  opposition  of  the  aborigines  is  exaggerated  by  our  author.  —  Ed. 


304  Some  New  Voyages 

populous,  that  'tis  computed  to  contain  180000  Souls.^  I  have 
already  given  you  fome  account  of  that  Country  in  [207]  my 
Letters,  and  therefore  fhall  now  only  point  to  the  moft  noted 
places,  and  take  notice  of  vi'hat  may  gratifie  your  curiofity 
beyond  what  you  have  yet  heard. 

We  are  at  a  lofs  to  find  the  Head  of  the  River  of  St. 
Laurence^  for  tho'  we  have  traced  it  feven  or  eight  hundred 
Leagues  up,  yet  we  could  never  reach  its  fource  ;  the  remoteft 
place  that  the  Coiireitrs  de  Bois  go  to,  being  the  Lake  Lenemi- 
pigon^  which  difimbogues  into  the  Upper  Lake,  as  the  Upper 
Lake  do's  into  the  Lake  of  Hurons,  the  Lake  of  Hiirons  into 
that  of  ErrU  alias  Conti,  and  that  of  Errie,  into  the  Lake  of 
Frontenac,^  which  forms  this  laft  great  River,  that  runs  for 
twenty  Leagues  with  a  pretty  gentle  Stream,  and  fweeps  thro' 
thirty  more  with  a  very  rapid  Current,  till  it  reaches  the  City 
of  Monreal;  from  whence  it  continues  its  courfe  with  fome 
moderation  to  the  City  of  Quebec;  and  after  that  fpreads  out, 
and  inlarges  it  felf  by  degrees  to  its  Mouth,  v/hich  lies  a 
hundred  Leagues  further.  If  we  may  credit  the  North- 
Country  Savages,  this  River  takes  its  rife  from  the  great 
Lake  of  the  JJfmipouals,  which  they  give  out  to  be  larger  than 
any  of  the  Lakes  I  mention'd  but  now,  being  fituated  at  the 


^  This  should  be  18,000.  Ferland,  Cours  d'Histoire  du  Canada  (Quebec,  1865), 
ii,  p.  390,  gives  the  exact  population  in  1713  as  18,440,  taken  from  the  archives  of  the 
diocese  of  Quebec.  —  Ed. 

2 Lake  Lenemipigon  was  the  present  Nipigon,  north  of  Lake  Superior  (Upper 
Lake).  For  the  first  exploration  of  this  region  see  p.  136,  note  i,  ante;  also 
Thwaites,  Early  IFestern  Travels  (Cleveland,  1904),  ii,  p.  87,  note  45.  Lake 
Ontario  was  frequently  called  "  Frontenac  "  by  the  French.  —  Ed. 


to  North-A.VLimc2i.  305 

diftance  of  fifty  or  fixty  Leagues  from  the  Lake  of  Lenemipigon} 
The  River  of  St.  Laurence  is  20  or  22  Leagues  broad  at  its 
Mouth,  in  the  middle  of  which  there's  anifland  CdlVdyinticoJii^ 
which  is  twenty  Leagues  long.  This  Ifland  belongs  to  the 
Sieur  Joliet  a  Canadan,  who  has  built  a  little  fortify'd  Maga- 
zine upon  it,  to  guard  his  Goods  and  his  Family  from  the 
Incurfions  of  the  Eskimaux,  of  whom  more  anon.  He  deals 
with  the  other  Savage  Nations,  namely,  the  Montagnois^  and 
the  Papipanachois  in  Arms  and  Ammunition,  by  way  of 
exchange  for  the  Skins  of  Sea-Wolves  or  Sea-Calves,  and 
fome  other  Furs.^ 

Over  againft  this  Ifland,  to  the  Southward  of  it,  we  find 
the  Ifle  call'd  L'ljle  Percee,  which  is  a  great  Rock  with  a 
pafl"age  bor'd  through  it,  in  which  [208]  the  Sloops  can 
only  pafs.^  In  time  of  Peace  the  Bifcayans  of  France^  and 
the  Normans^  us'd  to  fifh  for  Cod  at  this  place  :  For  here 
that  Fifh  are  very  plentiful,  and  at  the  fame  time  larger,  and 
more  proper  for  drying  than  thofe  of  New-Foundland.  But 
there  are  two  great  Inconveniencies   that  attend  the  fifhing 


^  The  Assinipouals  were  the  present  Assiniboin  Indians,  a  large  Siouan  tribe  of 
the  Northwest  region.     The  lake  here  referred  to  was  Winnipeg.  ^ — Ed. 

^For  Jolliet  and  the  seignoiry  of  Anticosti,  see  pp.  243,  244,  note  2,  ante.  The 
Indians  mentioned  are  noticed  on  p.  261,  note  2.  —  Ed. 

'Isle  Perce  (now  called  Perce  Rock)   is  a  remarkable  cliflF  of  primitive  rock 

separated  from  the  mainland  of  Gaspe  by  the  action  of  the  waves  and  ice,  which 

have  also  worn  through  it  a  great  arch  from  which  the  islet  takes  its  name.     The 

village  of  Perce,  near  by,  is  one  of  the  oldest  and  most  interesting  fishing  stations 

on  the  continent.     For  an   excellent   and  well-illustrated  description,   see  Clarke, 

"  Perce  :  a  brief  sketch  of  its  geology,"  in  Report  of  New  York  State  Paleontologist, 

1903.  —  Ed. 

ao 


3o6  Some  New  Voyages 

upon  this  Ifland  ;  one  Is,  that  the  Ships  ride  in  great  danger, 
unlefs  they  have  good  Anchors  and  ftrong  Cables ;  another 
Inconvenience  is,  that  this  place  affords  neither  Gravel  nor 
Flint-ftones  to  ftretch  out  the  Fifh  upon  before  the  Sun, 
and  that  the  Fifhermen  are  forc'd  to  make  ufe  of  a  fort  of 
Hurdles. 

There  are  other  Fifhing-places  befides  this,  which  lie  fome 
Leagues  higher  up  upon  the  fame  fide  of  the  River.  Such  is 
that  call'd  Gafpe,  where  the  Ships  Crew  fometimes  trade  in 
Skins  with  the  Gafpefians,  to  the  prejudice  of  the  Proprietors 
of  this  River.  The  other  places  for  Cod-fifh  lie  toward  Monts 
notre  dame,  in  the  little  Bays  or  Rivers  that  empty  themfelves 
into  the  River  of  St.  Laiirejtce} 

On  the  other  fide  of  the  River,  there  lies  the  wide  extended 
Country  of  Labrador,  or  of  the  Eskimaux,  who  are  fuch  a  wild 
barbarous  People,  that  no  means  whatfoever,  have  hitherto 
been  able  to  civihfe  'em.  One  would  think  that  good  old 
Homer  had  this  People  in  his  view,  when  he  fpeaks  of  the 
Cyclopes ;  for  the  Charader  of  the  one,  fuits  the  other  admir- 
ably well,  as  it  appears  from  thefe  four  Verfes,  in  the  ninth 

iGaspe  is  an  Indian  term  signifying  "that  which  is  separated,"  and  originally 
applied  only  to  Cape  Forillon,  a  lonely  detached  rock  at  the  extremity  of  the  penin- 
sula. It  is  now  extended  to  the  entire  broad  peninsula  between  the  St.  Lawrence 
and  the  Bay  of  Chaleurs,  the  coast  of  which  is  dotted  with  French-Canadian  fishing 
villages.  Monts  Notre  Dame  was  the  early  name  for  the  Chicchack  (Shickshock) 
range,  which  traverses  the  peninsula  and  forms  the  watershed.  The  interior  of  Gaspe 
is  still  a  forested  wilderness,  and  the  home  of  big  game.  At  several  points  wealthy 
Americans  have  of  recent  years  bought  large  tracts  for  game  preserves  ;  on  the  other 
hand,  the  lumber  industry,  also  largely  capitalized  by  Americans,  is  rapidly  making 
inroads  into  the  forest.  —  Ed. 


to  iVor^/6-America.  307 

Book  of  his  Od[>/t'^,  which  are  fo  pretty,  that  I  cannot  forbear 
inferting  them  in  this  place. 

Am,  o»)r  u^|'«A(Mv  opewj'  vtzom  y.(tnvcc 

[209]  That  is;  this  People  do  not  perplex  themfelves 
with  voluminous  Laws,  and  vexatious  Suits;  they  delight  only 
in  the  tops  of  Mountains,  and  deep  Caves,  and  every  one 
confines  his  care  to  the  management  of  his  own  Family,  with- 
out troubling  his  Head  about  his  Neighbour.  The  Danes 
were  the  firft  difcoverers  of  this  Country,  which  is  full  of 
Ports,  Havens,  and  Bays,  that  the  Quebec  Barques  refort  to  in 
the  Summer,  in  order  to  truck  with  the  Savages  for  the  Skins 
of  Sea-Calves.i  Yhe  Commerce  I  fpeak  of,  is  carried  on  after 
this  manner.  As  foon  as  the  Quebec  Barques  come  to  an 
Anchor,  thefe  Devils  come  on  board  of  them  in  their  little 
Canows  made  of  the  Skins  of  Sea-Calves,  in  the  form  of  a 
Weavers  Shuttle,  with  a  hole  in  the  middle  of  it,  refembling 
that  of  a  Purfe,  in  which  they  flow  themfelves  with  Ropes, 
fitting  fquat  upon  their  Brech.  Being  fet  in  this  fafhion  they 
row  with  little  Slices,  fometimes  to  the  Right,  and  fometimes 
to  the  Left,  without  bending  their  Body  for  fear   of  Over- 


1  It  is  not  probable  that  Lahontan  here  refers  to  the  early  discovery  of  this  country 
by  the  Norsemen.  Gomara,  in  Histoire  Generalle  des  hides  Occidentalis  et  Terres 
neuves,  translated  into  French  and  published  in  1569,  declares  that  the  Bretons  and 
Danes  made  the  first  voyages  to  Baccaleos — a  term  used  for  both  the  Newfoundland 
and  Labrador  coasts.  Lahontan  is  probably  following  this  authority,  or  a  similar  one, 
for  his  historical  remarks ;  the  description  of  the  trading  is  evidently  the  report  of  an 
eye  witness.  —  Ed. 


3o8  Some  New  Voyages 

fetting.  As  foon  as  they  are  near  the  Barque,  they  hold  up 
their  Skins  upon  the  end  of  the  Oar,  and  at  the  fame  time 
make  a  demand  of  fo  many  Knives,  Powder,  Ball,  Fufees,  Axes, 
Kettles,  (s'c.  In  fine,  every  one  fhews  what  he  has,  and  mentions 
what  he  expe6ls  in  exchange :  And  fo  when  the  Bargain  is 
concluded,  they  deliver  and  receive  their  Goods  upon  the  end 
of  a  Stick.  As  thefe  pitiful  Fellows  ufe  the  precaution  of  not 
going  on  board  of  our  Boats,  fo  we  take  care  not  to  fuflfer 
too  great  a  number  of  Canows  to  furround  us ;  for  they  have 
carry'd  off  oftner  than  once,  fome  of  our  fmall  Veffels,  at  a 
time  when  the  Seamen  were  bufied  in  hauling  in  the  Skins, 
and  delivering  out  the  other  Goods.  Here,  we  are  oblig'd  to 
be  very  vigilant  in  the  Night-time,  for  they  know  how  to 
make  great  Sloops,  that  will  hold  thirty  or  forty  Men,  and 
run  as  faft  as  the  Wind:  And  'tis  for  this  [210]  reafon  that 
the  Malouins,  who  fifh  for  Cod  at  Petit  Nord,  and  the  Spatt- 
iards  who  follow  the  fame  Fifhery  TitPortochoua}  are  oblig'd  to 
fit  out  long  Barques  to  fcour  the  Coaft  and  purfue  'em ;  for 
almoft  every  year  they  furprife  fome  of  the  Crew  on  fhoar, 
and  cut  their  Throats,  and  fometimes  they  carry  off  the  Veffel. 
We  are  affur'd,  that  their  number  of  Warriours,  or  Men  that 
bear  Arms,  amounts  to  thirty  thoufand  ;  but  they  are  fuch 
cowardly  fellows,   that  five   hundred   Clijiino's  from  Hudfons 


^  French  fishers  from  St.  Malo  and  other  Breton  towns  were  among  the  earliest 
explorers  of  the  Newfoundland  coast.  They  termed  all  of  the  great  upper  peninsula 
of  the  island,  from  W^hite  Bay  northward,  Petit  Nord,  and  it  was  theirfavorite  fishing 
ground.  The  Spanish  Basque  fishermen  frequented  the  northwest  coast,  and  their 
port  was  Portachua,  now  called  Old  Port  au  Choix.  —  Ed. 


to  North'hxnQnc2i,  309 

Bayy  ufed  to  defeat  five  or  fix  thoufand  of  them.^  They  are 
poffefs'd  of  a  very  large  Country,  extending  from  over  againft 
the  Ifles  of  Mingan  to  Hudfons  Streight.  They  crofs  over  to 
the  liland  of  Newfound-Land  every  day,  at  the  Streight  of 
Belle  Ifle,  which  is  not  above  feven  Leagues  over;  but  they 
never  came  fo  far  as  Placentia^  for  fear  of  meeting  with  other 
Savages  there. 

Hudfon's  Bay  adjoyns  to  this  Terra  of  Labrador,  and 
extends  from  the  52^  Degree  and  thirty  Minutes  to  the  6^ 
of  Latitude.  The  Original  of  its  name  was  this.  Captain 
Henry  Hud/on,  an  Engli/h  Man  by  Birth,  obtain'd  a  Ship  from 
the  Dutch,  in  order  to  trace  a  paffage  to  China  through  an 
imaginary  Streight  to  the  Northward  of  North- J merica.  He 
had  firft  form'd  a  defign  of  going  by  the  way  oi  Nova  Zembla; 
but  upon  feeing  the  Memoirs  of  a  Danijh  Pilot,  who  was  a 
friend  of  his,  he  drop'd  that  thought.  This  Pilot,  namely, 
Frederick  Anfchild,  had  fet  out  from  Norway  or  TJlandia,  fome 
years  before,  with  a  defign  to  find  out  a  Paffage  to  Japan  by 
Davis's  Streight,  which  is  the  Chimerical  Streight  I  fpoke  of.^ 


1  The  Cristinaux  (Killlstinoe,  Clistino)  Indians  are  a  large  branch  of  the  Algon- 
quian  family,  that  roam  the  Hudson  Bay  country  and  far  to  the  west.  They  are  now 
known  as  the  Cree,  their  present  number  being  reckoned  at  twelve  thousand.  For 
further  details  of  this  tribe  see  Henry,  Travels  and  Adventures  (Bain,  ed.,  Boston, 
1901),  p.  246.  —  Ed. 

2  The  standard  authority  for  the  voyages  of  Hudson  is  Asher,  Henry  Hudson 
the  Navigator  (London,  i860),  printed  for  the  Hakluyt  Society,  vol.  xxvii.  The 
editor  in  his  introduction  says  that  the  story  of  the  Danish  pilot  Anschild  (Anskoeld) 
is  a  myth,  growing  out  of  the  expedition  of  a  Pole,  Johannes  Kolnus,  whose  voyage 
(1476)  was  cited  by  the  geographers  of  the  sixteenth  century  in  distorted  terms.  See 
also  Read,  Historical  Inquiry  concerning  Henry  Hudson  (Albany,  1866)  ;  De  Costa, 
Sailing  Directions  of  Henry  Hudson  (Albany,  1869).  —  Ed. 


3IO  Some  New  Voyages 

The  firft  Land  he  defcry'd  was  Savage  Bay,  feated  on  the 
North  fide  of  the  Terra  of  Labrador ;  then  fweeping  along 
the  Coaft,  he  enter'd  a  Streight,  which  about  twenty  or  thirty 
years  afterwards,  was  chriften'd  Hudfon's  Streight.  After  that, 
fteering  to  the  Weftward,  he  came  upon  fome  [211]  Coaft  that 
run  North  and  South ;  upon  which  he  fhood  to  the  North, 
flattering  himfelf  with  the  hopes  of  finding  an  open  paffage 
to  crofs  the  Sea  of  Jejfo;  but  after  failing  to  the  Latitude 
of  the  Polar  Circle,  and  running  the  rifque  of  perifhing  in 
the  Ice,  I  do  not  know  how  often,  without  meeting  with  any 
paffage  or  open  Sea,  he  took  up  a  refolution  of  turning  back; 
but  the  Seafon  was  then  fo  far  advanc'd,  and  the  Ice  fo  cover'd 
up  the  furface  of  the  Water,  that  he  was  forc'd  to  put  in  to 
Hudfon's  Bay,  and  winter  there  in  a  Harbour,  where  feveral 
Savages  furnifh'd  his  Crew  with  Provifions  and  excellent 
Skins.  As  foon  as  the  Sea  was  open,  he  return'd  to  Den- 
mark. Now,  Captain  Hiidfon  being  afterwards  acquainted 
with  this  Dane,  undertook  upon  his  Journals  to  attempt  a 
paffage  to  Japan  through  the  Streight  of  Davis;  but  the 
Enterprife  fail'd,  as  well  as  that  of  one  Button,  and  fome 
others.^     However,  Hudfon  put  in  to  the  Bay  that  now  goes 


^  From  1576  to  1632  there  were  sixteen  English  voyages  of  exploration  for  a 
Northwest  Passage.  That  of  John  Davis,  whose  name  is  commemorated  in  Davis 
Strait,  occurred  in  1585.  The  same  navigator  made  two  later  voyages  to  Arctic 
regions,  and  was  finally  murdered  by  Japanese  pirates  in  the  East  Indies  (1606).  See 
Markham,  "Voyages  and  Works  of  John  Davis,  Navigator"  (London,  1880), 
Publications  of  Hakluyt  Society,  No.  59.  Sir  Thomas  Button  followed  on  the  track 
of  Henry  Hudson,  and  explored  the  great  bay  bearing  the  latter's  name  (1612-13); 
he  was  knighted  for  his  services.  See  Christy,  Voyages  of  Captain  Luke  Foxe  and 
Captain  Thomas  James  (London,  1894),  Hakluyt  Society,  No.  88.  —  Ed. 


to  No7'th' A\r\^nc2i.  311 

by  his  name,  where  he  receiv'd  a  great  quantity  of  Skins  from 
the  Savages ;  after  that,  he  difcover'd  New  Holland,  which  is 
now  call'd  New-Tork}  and  fome  other  Countries  retaining  to 
New-England:  upon  the  whole,  'tis  not  fair  to  call  this 
Streight  and  this  Bay,  by  the  name  of  Hudfon  ;  in  regard  that 
the  abovemention'd  Dane,  Frederick  Anjchild,  was  the  firft 
difcoverer  of  them ;  he  being  the  firft  European  that  defcry'd 
the  Countries  of  North-^mmc^,  and  chalk'd  out  the  way  to 
the  others.  Upon  this  Hudfon'^  Journals,  the  Englijh  made 
feveral  attempts  to  fettle  a  Commerce  with  the  Americans. 
The  great  quantity  of  Beaver-Skins  and  other  Furs  that  he 
purchas'd  of  the  Savages  while  he  Winter'd  in  the  Bay,  put 
the  notion  into  the  heads  of  fome  Englifli  Merchants,  who 
thereupon  form'd  a  Company  for  the  carrying  on  of  this  New 
Commerce.  With  this  view,  they  fitted  out  fome  Ships  under 
the  command  of  Captain  Nelfon,  who  loft  fome  of  'em  in  the 
Ice  not  far  from  the  [212]  Streight,  having  efcap'd  narrowly 
himfelf.  However,  he  enter'd  the  Bay,  and  plac'd  himfelf  at 
the  Mouth  of  a  great  River,  which  rifes  towards  the  Lake  of 
the  Afimpoiiah,  and  falls  into  the  Bay  at  a  place  where  he  built 
a  Redoubt,  and  mounted  fome  Cannon  upon  it.^    In  the  fpace 

1  Hudson  did  not  discover  the  great  bay  of  that  name  until  his  fourth  voyage 
(1610-11),  whence  he  never  returned.  His  exploration  of  New  Holland  (preferably 
New  Netherlands)  occurred  upon  his  third  voyage  (1609).  —  Ed. 

2  This  voyage  of  Nelson  is  hypothetical,  apparently  invented  to  account  for  the 
name  Nelson  River.  The  wintering  place  at  its  mouth  was  named  Port  Nelson  by 
Button,  in  honor  of  his  sailing  master,  who  died  and  was  buried  there;  thence  the 
name  extended  to  the  river.  In  the  confusion  of  Lahontan's  account,  it  is  uncertain 
whether  he  refers  to  the  organization  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  (1670) ,  or  to  the 


312  Some  New  Voyages 

of  three  or  four  years  after,  the  Englifli  made  fome  other  little 
Forts  near  that  River,  which  prov'd  a  confiderable  baulk  to 
the  Commerce  of  the  French^  who  found  that  the  Savages  who 
us'd  to  deal  with  'em  in  Furs  on  the  North  fide  of  the  upper 
Lake,  were  not  then  to  be  feen. 

It  came  to  pafs  in  procefs  of  time,  but  how  I  cannot  tell, 
that  one  Ratijfon,  and  one  Grozelier,  met  in  that  great  Lake 
fome  Clipno^s,  who  promis'd  to  condud  'em  to  the  bottom  of 
the  Bay,  where  the  Engli/Ji  had  not  yet  penetrated.  In  effed, 
the  CUflino^s  were  as  good  as  their  word ;  for  they  (hew'd  'em 
the  place  they  fpoke  of,  befides  feveral  other  Rivers  upon 
which  there  was  a  fair  profpedl  of  making  fuch  Settlements, 
as  would  carry  on  a  great  trade  in  Skins  with  feveral  Savage 
Nations.^  Thefe  two  Frenchmen  return'd  to  the  Upper  Lake, 
the  fame  way  that  they  went,  and  from  thence  made  the  beft 
of  their  way  to  Quebec,  where  they  offer'd  to  the  chief  Mer- 
chants of  the  place,  to  carry  Ships  to  Hudfon^s  Bay ;  but  their 


incorporation  of  "The  Company  of  the  Merchants  of  London,  Discoverers  of  the 
North-West  Passage,"  which  latter  received  its  charter  in  1612  (Hakluyt  Society, 
No.  89,  pp.  642-664). — Ed. 

1  Pierre  Esprit  Radisson  and  Medard  Chouart  des  Groseilliers  were  among  the 
most  interesting  and  daring  adventurers  of  the  early  years  of  New  France.  It  is  not 
beyond  probability  that  Lahontan  had  known  them  either  in  Canada  or  at  the  English 
court.  Their  alleged  overland  visit  to  Hudson  Bay,  on  what  is  known  as  their 
"fourth  voyage,"  is  open  to  doubt.  For  the  evidence  see  Campbell,  "  Radisson  and 
Groseillers,"  in  Parkman  Club  Papers  (Milwaukee,  1896);  Wis.  Hist.  Soc.  Pro- 
ceedings, 1895,  pp.  88-116;  Bryce,  The  Remarkable  History  of  Hudson's  Bay 
Company  (Toronto,  1900),  pp.  4-7.  The  latter  author  (pp.  39-46)  has  unearthed 
some  new  evidence  concerning  Radisson's  later  life  and  death  in  England  (1710). 
Radisson' s  Voyages  (Boston,  1885)  are  published  by  the  Prince  Society,  No.  16  ;  see 
also  JVis.  Hist.  Colls.,  xi,  pp.  64-96;  Dionne,  "Chouart  et  Radisson,"  in  Can, 
Roy.  Soc.  Proceedings,  1893,  1894.  —  Ed. 


to  7Vor^/6- America.  313 

Projedl  was  rejedled.  In  fine,  having  met  with  this  repulfe, 
they  went  to  France^  in  hopes  of  a  more  favourable  hearing  at 
Court :  But  after  the  prefenting  of  Memorial  upon  Memorial, 
and  fpending  a  great  deal  of  Money,  they  were  treated  as 
whimfical  Fellows.  Upon  that  occafion  the  King  oi  England^ 
Ambaffadour  did  not  lofe  the  opportunity  of  perfwading  them 
to  go  to  London^  where  they  met  with  fuch  a  favourable  Re- 
ception, that  they  got  feveral  Ships,  which  they  carry'd  to  the 
Bay,  not  without  difficulty,  and  built  feveral  Forts  in  different 
places,  [213]  that  did  great  fervice  in  promoting  the  Com- 
merce.^ Then  the  Court  of  France  repented,  though  too  late, 
that  they  did  not  give  ear  to  their  Memorials:  and  finding  no 
other  remedy,  refolv'd  to  diflodge  the  Englijh  at  any  rate.  In 
effed,  they  attack'd  'em  vigoroufly  by  Sea  and  Land,  and  dif- 
poffefs'd  'em  of  all  their  Forts,  excepting  Fort  Nelfon^  where 
they  could  not  expedl  fuch  an  eafie  Conqueft.^  Some  years 
after,  the  E?igli/h  refolv'd  to  ufe  their  utmoft  efforts  to  retake 
thefe  Pofts ;  and  their  refolution  was  crown'd  with  Succefs, 
for  they  diflodg'd  the  French  in  their  turn,  and  at  this  day  the 


^The  first  permanent  trading  fort  (or  factory)  in  Hudson  Bay  was  that  erected 
by  Groseilliers  upon  Rupert  River  in  the  autumn  of  1668,  and  christened  Fort  Charles 
in  honor  of  the  king.  The  success  of  this  trading  venture  led  to  the  chartering  (1670) 
of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company.  —  Ed. 

^Radisson  organized  an  expedition  in  the  French  interest  in  1682,  set  out  for  the 
bay,  captured  a  ship  and  the  English  governor,  and  built  Fort  Bourbon  not  far  from 
Fort  Nelson.  Upon  his  return  (1684),  when  France  was  on  the  point  of  dispatching 
another  squadron  under  his  guidance,  he  deserted  to  the  English,  returned  to  Fort 
Bourbon,  and  retook  it  and  its  furs  in  the  interest  of  the  Company.  The  authorities 
of  New  France  resolved  on  retribution,  and  an  overland  expedition  (1685-87),  headed 
by  De  Troyes  and  d'Iberville  captured  all  the  forts  except  that  upon  Nelson  River. 
See  p.  217,  note  3,  ante.  —  Ed. 


314  Some  New  Voyages 

French  are  making  preparations  to  repay  'em  in  their  own 
Coin.^ 

That  Country  is  fo  cold  for  feven  or  eight  Months  of  the 
year,  that  the  Sea  freezes  ten  Foot  deep,  the  Trees  and  the 
very  Stones  fpht,  the  Snow  is  ten  or  twelve  Foot  deep  upon 
the  Ground,  for  above  fix  Months  of  the  year,  and  during 
that  feafon,  no  body  can  ftir  out  of  Doors,  without  running 
the  rifque  of  having  their  Nofe,  Ears  and  Feet  mortified  by 
the  Cold.  The  pafl"age  from  Europe  to  that  Country  is  fo 
difficult  and  dangerous,  by  reafon  of  the  Ice  and  the  Cur- 
rents, that  one  mufl;  be  reduc'd  to  the  lafl:  degree  of  mifery, 
or  be  blind  to  a  foolifli  heighth,  that  undertakes  fuch  a 
wretched  Voyage. 

'Tis  now  time  to  pafs  from  Hiidfon's  Bay,  to  the  Superior 
or  Upper  Lake.  'Tis  eafier  to  make  this  Voyage  upon  Paper, 
than  to  go  adlually  through  it ;  for  you  muft  fail  almoft  a  hun- 
dred Leagues  up  the  River  of  Machakandibi^  which  is  fo  rapid 
and  full  of  Cataradls,  that  a  light  Canow  work'd  by  fix  Water- 
men, fhall  not  fail  'em  under  thirty  or  thirty  five  days.  At  the 
head  of  this  River  we  meet  with  a  little  Lake  of  the  fame 
name,  from  whence  we  are  oblig'd  to  a  Land-carriage  of  feven 
Leagues,  to  get  at  the  River  of  Michipikoton^  which  we  run 
down  in  ten  or  twelve  days,  though  at  the  fame  [214]  time  we 


^  After  the  first  Canadian  punitive  expedition  (see  preceding  note),  each  nation 
made  frequent  armed  attempts  to  dislodge  the  other  from  the  lucrative  trading  posts  of 
Hudson  Bay.  See  the  brief  summary  in  Bryce,  Hudson' s  Bay  Company,  pp.  47-55. 
Lahontan  probably  refers  to  the  preparations  being  made  for  d'Iberville's  brilliant 
expedition  of  1697.  The  French  were  not  finally  expelled  from  the  forts  on  the  lower, 
or  James,  Bay  until  after  the  treaty  of  Utrecht  (1713). — Ed. 


to  iVo/Y/6- America.  315 

have  feveral  Land-carriages  upon  it :  For  going  down  this 
River  we  pafs  feveral  Cataradls,  where  we  are  oblig'd  either 
to  carry  our  Canows  by  Land,  or  to  drag  'em  back  again.^ 
Thus  we  arrive  at  the  Upper  Lake,  which  is  reckon'd  to  be 
five  hundred  Leagues  in  Circumference,  including  the  wind- 
ings of  the  Creeks,  and  little  Gulfs.  This  little  frefh-water 
Sea  is  calm  enough  from  the  beginning  of  May,  to  the  end  of 
September.  The  South  fide  is  the  fafeft  for  the  Canows,  by 
reafon  of  the  many  Bays,  and  little  Rivers,  where  one  may  put 
in  in  cafe  of  a  Storm.  There  is  no  fetled  Savage  Nation  upon 
the  brinks  of  the  Lake,  that  I  know  of.  'Tis  true  indeed, 
that  in  Summer  feveral  Northern  Nations  come  to  Hunt  and 
Fifh  in  thefe  parts,  and  bring  with  'em  the  Beaver-Skins  they 
have  got  in  the  Winter,  in  order  to  truck  with  the  Coureurs 
de  Boh,  who  do  not  fail  to  meet  'em  there  every  year.  The 
places  where  the  Interview  happens,  are  Bagouafch,  Lemipifaki, 
and  Chagouamigon?     'Tis  fome  years  fince  Mr.  Diilhut  built 


^  Probably  Lahontan  had  conversed  at  Mackinac  with  natives  or  coureurs  des  bois 
who  described  the  journey  from  Hudson  Bay  to  Lake  Superior.  The  ' '  River  of  Mac- 
hakandibi  "  is  likely  the  present  Moose  River,  whence  the  portage  to  the  Michipiciton 
is  not  long.  —  Ed. 

2  It  is  probable  that  Lahontan  had  his  information  concerning  Lake  Superior  from 
Duluth  (see  p.  73,  note  1,  ante),  who  roamed  this  region  for  a  dozen  years.  Bagou- 
asch  is  a  river  on  the  north  side  of  the  lake,  east  of  Nipigon,  where,  according  to  an 
inscription  upon  a  map  of  1756,  Duluth  had  had  a  fort.  Neill,  Minn.  Hist.  Colls., 
V,  p.  417,  identifies  (but  without  giving  reasons)  Lemipisaki  with  Nipigon  ;  but  there 
is  a  greater  probability  that  it  was  Nemitsakouat,  at  Bois  Brule  River,  which  empties 
into  Lake  Superior  to  the  west  of  Chequamegon  Bay  ;  Duluth  had  a  rendezvous  witli 
the  Indians,  on  the  Bois  Brule.  See  Wis.  Hist.  Colls.,  xvi,  p.  108.  Chequamegon 
was  a  well-known  post  on  the  present  bay  of  that  name,  where  a  fort  was  first  built  by 
Radisson  and  Groseilliers.  SeeThwaites,  "  Story  of  Chequamegon,"  in  floiu  George 
Rogers  Clark  fFon  the  Northwest,  etc.  (Chicago,  1903).  —  Ed. 


3i6  Some  New  Voyages 

a  Fort  of  Pales  or  Stakes  upon  this  Lake,  where  he  had 
large  Magazines  of  all  forts  of  Goods.  That  Fort  was  call'd 
Camanijiigoyan,  and  did  confiderable  Differvice  to  the  Engli/h 
Settlements  in  Hudfoit's  Bay ;  by  reafon  that  it  fav'd  feveral 
Nations  the  trouble  of  transporting  their  Skins  to  that  Bay.^ 
Upon  that  Lake  we  find  Copper  Mines,  the  Mettal  of  which 
is  fo  fine  and  plentiful,  that  there  is  not  a  feventh  part  lofs 
from  the  Oar.^  It  has  fome  pretty  large  Iflands,  which  are 
replenifh'd  with  Elks  and  wild  Affes ;  but  there's  fcarce  any 
that  goes  to  hunt  upon  'em,  by  reafon  of  the  danger  of 
croffing  over.  In  fine,  this  Lake  abounds  with  Sturgeons, 
Trouts,  and  white  Fifh.  The  Climate  is  unfufferably  cold 
for  fix  Months  of  the  year,  and  the  Snow  joyn'd  to  the  Froft, 
commonly  freezes  the  Water  of  the  Lake  for  ten  or  twelve 
Leagues  over. 

[215]  From  the  Siiperiour  or  Upper  Lake,  I  fteer  to  that  of 
Hurons,  to  which  I  allot  four  hundred  Leagues  In  Circumfer- 
ence. Now  to  make  this  Lake,  you  muft  fail  down  by  the  fall 
call'd  Saut  St.  Mary,  which  I  defcrib'd  in  my  fifteenth  Letter. 
This  Lake  is  fituated  in  a  fine  Climate,  as  you'll  perceive  from 


^  Kamanistiquia  (Camanistigoyan)  was  the  site  of  Duluth's  first  western  fort, 
erected  in  1678.  It  was  later  abandoned  until  1717,  when  the  Canadian  authorities 
sent  Sieur  de  la  Noue  to  restore  it.  This  post  was  maintained  throughout  the  French 
regime,  and  was  the  site  of  the  famous  Fort  William,  the  North  West  Company's 
headquarters  well  into  the  nineteenth  century.  It  was  at  the  mouth  of  Three  Rivers, 
and  commanded  the  Grand  Portage  route  to  the  interior,  along  what  is  now  the 
boundary  between  Minnesota  and  Ontario.  The  locations  on  Lahontan's  map  are 
obviously  incorrect.  — Ed. 

2  For  early  copper  mines  on  the  shores  of  Lake  Superior,  consult  fVis.  Hist.  Colls. , 
xvi,  xvii.  —  Ed. 


to  iV<?r^Z>- America.  317 

the  Map.  The  North  fide  of  it  is  beft  for  the  Navigation  of 
Canows,  by  reafoii  of  the  frequency  of  Ifles  which  afford 
fhelter  in  bad  Weather.  The  South  fide  is  pleafanter,  and 
more  convenient  for  the  Hunting  of  Deer,  which  are  there 
very  plentiful.  The  figure  of  this  Lake  comes  near  to  an 
equilateral  Triangle.  Of  all  its  Ifles,  that  call'd  ManitouaUn^ 
is  the  moft  confiderable,  being  above  twenty  Leagues  long, 
and  ten  broad.  In  former  times,  the  Otitaoiias  of  the  Nations 
of  Talon  and  Sable  dwelt  in  it ;  but  the  dread  they  were  under 
upon  the  account  of  the  Iroquefe^  oblig'd  both  them  and  their 
Neighbours  to  retire  to  MiJfiUmakinac.  That  part  of  the  Con- 
tinent that  faces  this  Ifland,  is  inhabited  by  the  Nockcs  and  the 
Mijfitagues,  in  two  different  Villages,  which  are  twenty  Leagues 
diftant,  the  one  from  the  other.^  Towards  the  Eaft  end  of 
this  Ifland,  we  fall  in  with  the  River  des  Francois^  which  I  took 
notice  of  in  my  fixteenth  Letter.  'Tis  as  broad  as  the  Seine  is 
at  Paris,  and  runs  not  above  forty  Leagues  in  length  from  its 
fource  in  the  Lake  Nepicerini,  to  its  Mouth.  To  the  North- 
Wefl:  of  this  River,  there  lies  the  Bay  of  Toranto,  which  is 
twenty,  or  five  and  twenty  Leagues  long,  and  fifteen  broad  at 
its  Mouth.  This  Bay  receives  a  River  that  fprings  from  a 
little  Lake  of  the  fame  name,  and  forms  feveral  Catarads  that 


^  For  Manitoulin  Island  and  its  inhabitants,  see  p.  i^^,  note  2,  ante.  The  Nocke 
(Noquets)  were  an  Algonquian  tribe  that  early  merged  with  others  of  the  same  family 
—  see  fFis.  Hist.  Colls.,  xvi,  pp.  117,  360;  they  left  their  name  upon  two  bays  in 
Upper  Michigan.  The  Mississagua  occupied  the  north  shore  of  Lake  Huron,  and 
later  built  villages  in  the  peninsula  between  Lakes  Erie  and  Ontario.  In  1901  they 
numbered  about  eight  hundred,  settled  upon  reservations  in  Ontario.  —  Ed. 


3i8  Some  New  Voyages 

are  equally  impradlicable  both  upon  the  afcent  and  defcent.^ 
Upon  the  fide  of  this  River  you'll  fee  a  Man's  Head  mark'd 
in  my  Map,  which  fignifies  a  large  Village  of  the  Hurotts,  that 
was  deftroy'd  by  the  Iroquefe.  You  may  go  from  the  fource 
of  this  River  to  the  [216]  Lake  Frontenac^  by  making  a  Land- 
carriage  to  the  River  of  Tanaouate,  that  falls  into  that  Lake.^ 
LTpon  the  South  fide  of  the  Bay  of  Toronto^  you  fee  the  Fort 
call'd  Fort  Suppofe,  which  I  mention'd  in  my  23^  Letter,  and 
about  thirty  Leagues  to  the  Southward  of  that,  you  find  the 
Country  of  Theonontate,  which  being  formerly  inhabited  by  the 
Hiirons,  was  entirely  depopulated  by  the  Iroquefe.^ 

From  thence  I  pafs  dire6lly  to  my  Fort,  without  amufing 
you  with  the  different  Landskips  I  met  with  in  the  fpace  of 
thirty  Leagues.  That  Fort  I  have  fpoke  fo  often  of  already, 
that  without  fl;opping  there,  I  fiiall  run  diredly  to  the  Bay  of 
SakinaCy  reckoning  it  needlefs  at  the  fame  time,  to  take  any 
notice  of  the  many  Shelves  and  Rocks  that  lye  hid  under  the 
Water  for  two  Leagues  off  the  Coaft.  This  Bay  is  fixteen  or 
feventeen  Leagues  long,  and  fix  broad  at  its  Mouth  :  In  the 
middle  of  which  we  meet  with  two  little  Iflands,  that  are  very 
ferviceable  to  the  Paffengers  ;  for  if  it  were  not  for  the  con- 


^  Concerning  the  Bay  of  Toronto,  see  p.  273,  note  i,  ante.  The  text  should 
read  southwest,  instead  of  northwest.  —  Ed. 

2  Lake  Toronto  is  the  modern  SImcoe,  whence  the  entire  region  was  often 
called  Toronto ;  see  Scadding,  Toronto  of  Old  (Toronto,  1893).  The  "River  of 
Tanouate,"  which  appears  upon  a  map  of  1746,  is  to  be  identified  with  the  chain  of 
lakes  ending  in  Trent  River,  falling  into  Quinte  Bay.  Lahontan's  reference  may  be 
to  the  present  Humber  River,  as  the  Toronto  portage  was  used  upon  both  or  either  of 
these  routes.  —  Ed. 

3  See  p.  154,  note  2,  ante.  —  Ed. 


to  iVor//6- America.  319 

veniency  of  putting  in  there,  they  would  be  oblig'd  for  the 
mofl  part,  rather  to  march  quite  round  the  Bay,  than  to  run 
the  hazard  of  crofling  diredly  over  in  a  Canow.^  The  River 
of  Sakinac  falls  into  the  bottom  of  the  Bay.  This  River  runs 
fixty  Leagues  in  length,  with  a  gentle  Current,  having  only 
three  little  Catara6ls  that  one  may  fhoot  without  danger.  'Tis 
as  broad  as  the  Seine  is  at  Seve  Bridge.  Once  in  two  years  the 
Ontaoiias  and  the  Htirons^  are  wont  to  hunt  great  quantities  of 
Beavers  upon  the  confines  of  the  River  of  Sakinac.  Between 
the  River  I  now  fpeak  of,  and  MiJfiHmakinac^  we  meet  with  no 
place  that  is  worth  our  regard.  As  for  MijfiUmakinac  it  felf,  I 
have  already  imparted  to  you  all  that  I  can  fay  of  that  Pofl, 
which  is  of  fo  great  importance  to  our  Commerce,  and  at  the 
fame  time  fent  you  a  draught  of  it.  I  fliall  therefore  purfue 
my  courfe  to  the  Lake  Errie,  remembring  that  I  [217]  de- 
fcrib'd  the  Ilinefe  Lake  in  my  fixteenth  Letter. 

The  Lake  Errie  is  juftly  dignified  v/ith  the  illuftrious  name 
of  Conti;  for  afTuredly  'tis  the  fineft  Lake  upon  Earth.  You 
may  judge  of  the  goodnefs  of  the  Climate,  from  the  Latitudes 
of  the  Countries  that  furround  it.  Its  Circumference  extends 
to  two  hundred  and  thirty  Leagues ;  but  it  affords  every 
where  fuch  a  charming  Profped,  that  its  Banks  are  deck'd 
with  Oak-Trees,  Elms,  Chefnut-Trees,  Walnut-Trees,  Apple- 
Trees,  Plum-Trees,  and  Vines  which  bear  their  fine  clufters  up 
to  the  very  top  of  the  Trees,  upon  a  fort  of  ground  that  lies 
as  fmooth  as  one's  Hand.     Such  Ornaments  as  thefe,  are  fuffi- 


^  See  p.  143,  ante.     The  islands  were  probably  those  now  known  as  the  Charity 
group.  —  Ed. 


320  Some  New  Voyages 

cient  to  give  rife  to  the  moft  agreeable  Idea  of  a  Landskip  in 
the  World.  I  cannot  exprefs  what  vaft  quantities  of  Deer 
and  Turkeys  are  to  be  found  in  thefe  Woods,  and  in  the 
vaft  Meads  that  lye  upon  the  South  fide  of  the  Lake.  At  the 
bottom  of  the  Lake,  we  find  wild  Beeves  upon  the  Banks  of 
two  pleafant  Rivers  that  difembogue  into  it,  without  Cataradls 
or  rapid  Currents.  It  abounds  with  Sturgeon  and  white  Fifh  ; 
but  Trouts  are  very  fcarce  in  it,  as  well  as  the  other  Fifh  that 
we  take  in  the  Lakes  of  Hiirons  and  Ilinefe.  'Tis  clear  of 
Shelves,  Rocks,  and  Banks  of  Sand ;  and  has  fourteen  or  fif- 
teen fathom  Water.  The  Savages  afifure  us,  that  'tis  never 
difturb'd  with  high  Winds,  but  in  the  Months  of  December^ 
January^  and  February^  and  even  then  but  feldom,  which  indeed 
I  am  very  apt  to  believe,  for  we  had  but  very  few  Storms, 
when  I  winter'd  in  my  Fort  in  1688,  though  the  Fort  lay  open 
to  the  Lake  of  Hiirons.  The  Banks  of  this  Lake  are  com- 
monly frequented  by  none  but  Warriours,  whether  the  Iroquefe, 
the  Ilinefe^  the  Oumamis,  (sfc.  and  'tis  very  dangerous  to  ftop 
there.  By  this  means  it  comes  to  pafs,  that  the  Stags,  Roe- 
Bucks  and  Turkeys,  run  in  great  Bodies  up  and  down  the 
fhoar,  all  round  the  Lake.  In  former  times  the  Errieronons, 
[218]  and  Xho.  Andaftogueronons^  liv'd  upon  the  Confines  of  this 
Lake,  but  they  were  extirpated  by  the  Iroquefe^  as  well  as  the 
other  Nations  mark'd  in  the  Map.^ 


^The  identity  of  the  Erie  nation  is  much  in  doubt  —  see  Jesuit  Relations,  xxi, 
pp.  313-315  ;  but  their  habitat  was  originally  south  of  Lake  Erie,  named  for  them. 
Andastes  was  a  generic  term  by  which  the  French  designated  a  congeries  of  tribes  in 
Pennsylvania,  among  whom  were  those  known  to  the  Dutch  as  Minquas,  and  to  the 


to  A^o;Y/6- America.  321 

Upon  the  North  fide  of  the  Lake  we  defcry  a  point  of 
Land,  that  fhoots  fifteen  Leagues  into  the  Main^;  and  about 
thirty  Leagues  beyond  that  to  the  Eafliward,  we  meet  with  a 
fmall  River  that  takes  its  rife  near  the  Bay  of  Gayiaraske^  in 
the  Lake  of  Frontenac ;  and  would  afford  a  fhort  pafTage  from 
the  one  Lake  to  the  other,  if  'twere  not  incumber'd  with  Cat- 
arads.^  From  thence  to  the  Streight  or  Mouth  of  the  Lake, 
you  have  thirty  Leagues ;  the  Streight  being  a  League  over, 
and  fourteen  Leagues  long.  Upon  this  Streight  you  fee  Fort 
Suppofe  mark'd  in  the  Map,  which  is  one  of  the  Forts  that  I 
mention'd  in  my  23*^  Letter.  From  that  imaginary  Fort  to 
the  River  of  Conde^  we  have  twenty  Leagues. 

The  River  of  Cond^  runs  fixty  Leagues  in  length  without 
Catara6ls,  if  we  may  credit  the  Savages,  who  afTur'd  me,  that 
one  may  go  from  its  fource  to  another  River  that  falls  into  the 
Sea,  without  any  other  Land-carriage  than  one  of  a  League  in 
length,  between  the  [one]  River  and  the  other.^  I  faw  only  the 
Mouth  of  the  firft  River,  where  our  Oiitaouas  tried  their  Limbs, 
as  I  told  you  in  my  fifteenth  Letter.  The  Iflands  that  you 
fee  mark'd   in  the  Map   at   the   bottom  of  the  Lake  Errie, 


English  as  Susquehannocks,  or  Conestogas.  All  these  tribes  were  of  Huron-Iroquois 
stock,  but  at  war  with  the  Five  Nations.  The  sufRx  ronons  (roanu)  signified  people, 
or  tribe.  —  Ed. 

^  For  Long  Point,  Lake  Erie,  see  p.  138,  ante.  —  Ed. 

^The  bay  which  Lahontan  calls  "  Ganaraske,"  is  usually  designated  upon  maps 
of  the  period  as  Ganadoke,  and  is  the  present  Hamilton  Bay,  or  rather  all  the  western 
end  of  Lake  Ontario.  It  seems  likely  that  the  river  must  be  the  present  Grand,  which, 
as  Lahontan  indicates,  was  too  rugged  for  a  trade  route.  —  Ed. 

'  For  the  River  of  Conde,  see  p.  155,  note  i,  ante.     Lahontan  has  here  a  confused 
notion  of  the  Ohio,  probably  taken  from  Indian  descriptions.  —  Ed. 
2i 


322  Some  New  Voyages 

are  replenifh'd  with  Roe-Bucks,  and  with  Fruit-Trees,  which 
nature  has  generoufly  provided,  in  order  to  entertain  the 
Turkeys,  Feafants  and  Deer  with  their  Fruit.  In  fine,  if  there 
were  a  clear  and  free  paffage  for  Veffels,  from  Quebec  to  this 
Lake,  it  might  be  made  the  fineft,  the  richeft,  and  the  mcft 
fertile  Kingdom  in  the  World :  For  over  and  above  all  the 
beauties  I  have  mention'd,  there  are  excellent  Silver  Mines 
about  twenty  Leagues  up  the  Country,  upon  a  certain  Hill, 
from  whence  the  Savages  brought  [219]  us  great  lumps,  that 
have  yielded  that  precious  Metal  with  little  wafte. 

From  the  Lake  Erri^,  I  fteer  my  courfe  to  that  of  Fronte- 
nac,  which  I  could  not  forbear  to  fpeak  of  in  my  feventh  and 
feventeenth  Letters.  This  Lake  (as  I  intimated  above)  is  180 
Leagues  in  Circumference,  its  figure  is  Oval,  and  its  depth 
runs  between  twenty  and  twenty  five  Fathom.  On  the  South 
fide  it  receives  feveral  little  Rivers,  particularly  thofe  of  the 
Tfonontouans,  of  the  Onnontagues,  and  of  the  Famine'^;  on  the 
North  fide  'tis  joyn'd  by  the  Rivers  of  Ganaraske,  and  of  Teo- 
nontate.  Its  fides  are  deck'd  with  tall  Trees,  and  the  ground 
is  indifferent  even  and  level,  for  it  has  no  fteep  Coafts.  On 
the  North  fide  we  meet  with  feveral  little  Gulfs.  You  may  go 
from  this  Lake  to  that  of  Hiirons^  by  going  up  the  River 
Tanaouate,  from  whence  you  have  a  Land-carriage  of  fix  or 
eight  Leagues  to  the  River  of  Toronto^  which  falls  into  it.  You 
may  hkewife  have  a  paffage  from  the  Lake  of  Frontenac^  to 
that  of  Errie^  through  the  Bay  of  Ganaraske,  by  making  a 


iThe  Genessee,  Oswego,  and  Salmon  Rivers,  New  York.      See  p.  72,  note  1, 
ante.  —  Ed. 


to  iVor^Z'- America.  323 

Land-carriage  from  thence  to  a  little  River  that's  full  of 
Cataradls.  The  Villages  of  the  Onnontagues,  Tfonontouans, 
Goyogouans,  and  Onnoyoiites,  are  not  far  diftant  from  the  Lake 
of  Frontenac}  Thefe  Iroquefe  Nations  are  very  advantageoufly 
feated.  They  have  a  pleafant  and  fertile  Country ;  but  they 
want  Roe-Bucks  and  Turkeys,  as  well  as  Fifh,  of  which  their 
Rivers  are  altogether  deftitute,  infomuch  that  they  are  forc'd 
to  fifh  in  the  Lake,  and  to  broil  or  dry  their  Fidi  with  a  Fire, 
in  order  to  keep  'em  and  tranfport  'em  to  their  Villages. 
They  are  in  like  manner  forc'd  to  range  out  of  their  own 
Territories,  in  queft  of  Beavers  in  the  Winter  time,  either 
towards  Ganaraske,  or  to  the  fides  of  the  Lake  of  Toronto,  or 
elfe  towards  the  great  River  of  the  Outaouas ;  where  'twould 
be  an  eafie  matter  to  cut  all  their  Throats,  by  purfuing 
the  courfe  I  laid  down  in  my  [220]  Letters.  I  have  already 
touch'd  upon  the  Forts  of  Frontenac  and  Niagara  ;  as  well  as 
upon  the  River  of  St.  Laurence,  which  here  takes  leave  of 
the  Lakes,  and  purfues  a  comparer  courfe  to  Monreal  and 
Quebec,  where  its  waters  mingling  with  thofe  of  the  Sea, 
become  fo  brackifh,  that  they  are  not  drinkable. 

It  remains  only  to  give  you  a  Defcription  of  Acadia,  and 
the  Ifland  of  Newfound-Land,  which  are  two  Countries  that 
diflfer  widely  from  one  another.  The  Coaft  of  Acadia  extends 
from  Kenebeki,  one  of  the  Frontiers  of  New-England,  to  Vljle 
Perch,  near  the  Mouth  of  the  River  of  St.  Laurence.  This 
Sea-Coaft  runs  almoft  three  hundred  Leagues  in  length,  and 

1  For  the  names  of  the  Iroquois  tribes,  seep.  58,  ante.  —  Ed. 


324  Some  New  Voyages 

has  upon  it  two  great  Navigable  Bays,  namely,  the  Bay  call'd 
Frangoife,  and  the  Bay  des  Chaleurs}  It  has  a  great  many  little 
Rivers,  the  Mouths  of  which  are  deep,  and  clean  enough  for 
the  greateft  Ships.  Thefe  Rivers  would  afford  a  plentiful 
Salmon-fifhery,  if  there  were  any  body  to  undertake  it ;  and 
moft  of  'em  as  well  as  the  Gulfs  that  lies  before  'em,  furniih 
fuch  Cods  as  we  take  at  the  IJle  Percee.  For  in  the  Summer 
time,  that  fort  of  Fifh  make  in  to  the  Coaft  in  Shoals,  efpe- 
cially  about  the  Iflands  of  Cape  Breton,  and  of  St.  John?  'Tis 
true,  the  latter  has  no  Harbours,  and  the  former  has  none 
that  receive  any  Veffel  above  the  burthen  of  a  Barque  ;  but  if 
thefe  two  Iflands  were  peopled,  the  Inhabitants  might  fit  out 
Sloops  to  manage  the  Fifhery ;  and  towards  the  latter  end  of 
Augiift,  when  the  Fifh  are  cur'd  and  ready,  the  Ships  might 
come  to  an  Anchor  near  the  Land,  and  fo  take  'em  in.  Two 
Gentlemen  of  the  name  oi  Amour  of  Quebec'^ ^h^iwe.  a  Settlement 


1  Bay  Franfaise  was  the  early  name  for  the  Bay  of  Fundy,  which  was  first  ade- 
quately explored  by  Champlain  (1604-08).  The  tercentenary  of  Champlain's  landfall 
on  the  shores  of  the  Bay  of  Fundy  was  appropriately  celebrated  in  June,  1904:  at 
Annapolis  Royal  (old  Port  Royal),  the  21st  and  22d,  by  the  Nova  Scotia  Historical 
Society  ;  at  St.  John,  the  23d  and  24th,  by  the  New  Brunswick  Historical  Society  ;  at 
Isle  St.  Croix,  at  the  head  of  Passamaquoddy  Bay,  the  2Sth,  by  the  Maine  Historical 
Society. 

The  Bay  of  Chaleurs  was  so  named  by  Cartier,  who  (1534)  experienced  great 
heat  therein.  —  Ed. 

2  St.  John  (St.  Jean)  was  the  present  Prince  Edward's  Island.  Harisse  has  shown 
{Decowverte  de  Terre-Newve)  that  the  former  name  was  first  (1505)  applied  to  the 
northeastern  portion  of  Cape  Breton  Island,  and  afterwards  by  a  misconception  given 
to  the  smaller  island  in  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence.  Cape  Breton  was  the  name  used 
first  for  the  southeast  extremity  of  the  island,  now  known  by  that  name,  because  it  was 
the  haunt  of  certain  fishers  from  Brittany.  Later,  the  term  was  extended  to  the  entire 
island,  thus  succeeding  the  name  St.  John.  —  Ed. 

3  Three  sons  of  Mathieu  d' Amours,  councillor  of  the  King  at  Quebec,  received 


to  iV(?r/Z>- America.  325 

for  Beaver-hunting  upon  the  River  of  St.  John ;  which  is  a 
very  pleafant  River,  and  adorn'd  with  Fields  that  are  very 
fertile  in  Grain.  'Tis  Navigable  for  twelve  Leagues  up,  from 
its  Mouth.  Between  the  point  oi  Acadia^  and  the  Ifland  [221] 
of  Cape  Breton^  there  is  a  Channel  or  Streight  about  two 
Leagues  in  breadth,  which  is  deep  enough  to  carry  the  greateft 
Ships  in  France.  'Tis  call'd  the  pafs  des  Can/eaux,^  and  would 
be  much  more  frequented  than  it  is,  if  the  Merchant-men 
bound  to  Canada,  would  fet  out  from  France  about  the  i^th 
of  March;  for  then  they  might  pafs  that  way,  being  affur'd 
of  a  clear  paffage  at  all  feafons  of  the  year,  whereas  the  Chan- 
nel of  Cape  de  Raye,  is  oftentimes  cover'd  with  Ice  in  April : 
And  by  this  contrivance,  the  Ships  would  arrive  at  Quebec  in 
the  beginning  of  May. 

Moft  of  the  Countries  oi  Acadia  abound  with  Corn,  Peafe, 
Fruit,  and  Pulfe ;  and  have  a  plain  diftindlion  of  the  four 
Seafons  of  the  year,  nothwithftanding  that  'tis  extream  cold 
for  three  Months  in  Winter.  Several  places  of  Acadia,  afford 
Mafts  as  ftrong  as  thofe  we  have  from  Norway ;  and  if  there 
were  occafion,  all  forts  of  Ships  might  be  built  there  :  For  if 
you'll  believe  the  Carpenters,  the  Oak  of  that  Country  is 


grants  on  St.  John  River  in  i6i4,  and  established  what  was  known  as  "  seigneuries 
sauvages"  —  stations  for  trade,  hunting,  and  fishing — and  a  kind  of  pre-eminence 
over  the  neighboring  Indians.  Two  of  this  family,  Rene  and  Mathieu,  aided  (1696) 
in  the  defense  of  the  St.  John  against  the  English.  —  Ed. 

^  The  strait  of  Canso  (Campceaux,  Canseaux)  lies  between  Nova  Scotia  and 
Cape  Breton  Island.  The  word  is  undoubtedly  of  Indian  origin,  and  was  first  applied 
to  the  point  at  the  southeastern  extremity  of  the  mainland.  On  his  map  of  1612 
Champlain  called  the  strait  "  Le  Passage  Courant  ";  but  by  1632  it  appears  as  that  of 
Campseau.  —  Ed. 


326  Some  New  Voyages 

better  than  ours  in  Europe.     In  a  word,  'tis  a  very  fine  Coun- 
try;   the   CHmate  is  indifferent  temperate,  the  Air  is  pure 
and  wholefom,  the  Waters  clear  and  light,  and  there's  good 
accommodation  for  Hunting,  Shooting,  and  Fifhing.      The 
Animals  that  we  meet  with  there  moil  commonly,  are  Beavers, 
Otters,  and  Sea-Calves,  all  of  'em  being  very  numerous.    Thofe 
who  love  Meat  are  indebted  to  the  Dodlors,  who  perfwaded 
the  Popes  to   Metamorphofe   thefe  terreftrial   Animals   into 
Fifh;  for  they  are  allow'd  to  eat  of  'em  without  fcruple  in  the 
time  of  Lent.     To  be  plain,  the  knowledge  I  have  of  that 
Country,  makes  me  forefee  that  the  Englifa  will  be  mafters  of 
it  fome  time  or  other.    I  could  give  very  plaufible  reafons  for 
the  Prophecy.     They  have  already  begun  to  ruine  the  Com- 
merce that  the  French  had  with  the  Savages,  and  in  a  fhort 
time,  they'll  compafs  its  intire  Deftrudion.    The  [222]  French 
they  will  prize  their  Goods  too  high,  though  they  are  not  fo 
good  as  thofe  of  the  Englijh;  and  yet  the  Englifli  fell  their 
Commodities  cheaper.     'Twere  a  pity  that  we  fhould  tamely 
leave  to  the  Englifh  a  Country,  the  Conqueft  of  which  they 
have  attempted   fo  often,  in  confideration   of  our  Fur-trade 
and   Cod-fifhing.     'Tis   impofTible  to   hinder   'em   to   poflefs 
themfelves  of  the  Settlements  upon  the  Coaft  of  Acadia,  by 
reafon  that  they  lye  at  fuch  a  diftance  from  one  another ;  fo 
that  they'll  certainly  fucceed  in  fuch  Enterprifes,  as  indeed 
they  have  done  already.     The  French  Governours,  they  adl 
with  the  fame  view,  as  many  of  thofe  who  are  imploy'd  in 
Pofts  beyond  Sea.     They  look  upon  their  place  as  a  Gold 
Mine  given  'em,  in  order  to  enrich  themfelves ;   fo  that  the 


to  iVor^Zj- America.  327 

publick  Good,  muft  always  march  behind  private  Intereft. 
Mr.  de  Meneval  fuffer'd  the  EugliJIi  to  poffefs  themfelves  of 
Port  Royal^  becaufe  that  place  was  cover'd  with  nothing  but 
fingle  PalifTado's.  But  why  was  it  not  better  fortified  ?  I  can 
tell  you  the  reafon ;  he  thought  he  had  time  enough  to  fill 
his  Pockets,  before  the  Eugli/Ii  would  attack  it.  This  Gov- 
ernour  fucceeded  to  Mr.  Perrot^  who  was  broke  with  Difgrace, 
for  having  made  it  his  chief  bufinefs  to  enrich  himfelf;  and 
after  returning  to  France,  went  back  again  with  feveral  Ships 
laden  with  Goods,  in  order  to  fet  up  for  a  private  Merchant 
in  that  Country.  While  Mr.  Perrot  was  Governour,  he  fuf- 
fer'd the  Engli/Ji  to  poffefs  themfelves  of  feveral  advantageous 
Pofts,  without  offering  to  ftir.  His  chief  bufinefs  was  to  go 
in  Barques  from  River  to  River,  in  order  to  traffick  with  the 
Savages :  And  after  he  was  difgrac'd,  he  was  not  contented 
with  a  Commerce  upon  the  Coafts  of  Acadia,  but  would  needs 
extend  it  to  the  Engli/Ji  Plantations ;  but  it  coft  him  dear,  for 
fome  Pyrates  fell  in  with  him,  and  after  feizing  his  Barques, 
duck'd  himfelf,  upon  which  he  died  immediately.^ 

[223]  The  three  principal  Savage  Nations  that  live  upon 
the  Coafts  of  Acadia,  are  the  Abenakis,  the  Mikemak,  and  the 
Canibas}    There  are  fome  other  erratick  Nations,  who  go  and 


^  For  a  sketch  of  Perrot  see  p.  53,  note  2,  ante;  it  is  generally  believed  that 
Lahontan's  strictures  upon  his  rapacious  conduct  are  justifiable.  He  was  not  killed 
by  the  pirates  (1690),  but  rescued  by  a  French  privateer,  being  again  in  Acadia  in 
1691.     See  A''.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  ix,  p.  475.  —  Ed. 

2  Abenaki  was  a  generic  term  for  the  Algonquian  Indians  of  Maine  and  New 
Brunswick.  They  were  a  powerful  but  mild  people,  dwelling  in  villages  when  first 
encountered  by  the  French ;  but  later  losing  their  village  habit  to  some  extent,  under 
the  influence  of  the  French,  who  induced  them  to  revert  to  the  hunting  stage,  in  the 


328  Some  New  Foyages 

come  from  Acadia^  to  New-England^  and  go  by  the  names  of 
Mahingans,  Soccokis,  and  Openango}  The  firft  three  (having 
fix'd  Habitations)  are  intirely  in  the  interefts  of  the  French ; 
and  I  muft  fay,  that  in  time  of  War  they  gall  the  Englijh  Col- 
onies with  their  Incurfions,  fo  much,  that  we  ought  to  take 
care  to  perpetuate  a  good  underftanding  between  them  and 
us.  The  Baron  of  Saint  Cajieins,  a  Gentleman  of  Oleron  in 
Beam,  having  liv'd  among  the  Abenakis  after  the  Savage  way, 
for  above  twenty  years,  is  fo  much  refpe6ted  by  the  Savages, 
that  they  look  upon  him  as  their  Tutelar  God.^  He  was  for- 
merly an  Officer  of  the  Carignan  Regiment  in  Canada;  and 
upon  the  breaking  of  that  Regiment,  threw  himfelf  among 
the  Savages,  whofe  Language  he  had  learn'd.  He  married 
among  'em  after  their  fafhion,  and  prefer'd  the  Forrefts  of 

interest  of  the  all-absorbing  fur-trade.  The  name  Abenaki  is  said  to  mean  "  people 
of  the  East."  See  Vetromile,  Abnakis  and  their  History  (New  York,  1866); 
Maurault,  Histoire  des  Abenakis  (1866).  They  are  now  represented  by  the  Penobscot 
and  Passamaquoddy  Indians  in  Maine,  and  a  few  at  the  mission  village  in  Canada. 
See  p.  49,  note  i,  ante. 

The  Micmac  were  dwellers  in  Nova  Scotia  and  Cape  Breton —  a  large  confeder- 
ated tribe,  of  whom  Membertou  was  the  chief  when  Port  Royal  was  founded  (1605) . 
They  were  frequently  called  Souriquois  by  the  French,  and  not  only  were  devoted  to 
the  latter's  interests,  but  many  were  converted  to  Christianity. 

The  Canibaswere  an  Abenaki  tribe  settled  around  Naroutsouat  (Norridgewock), 
Maine.     Their  name  was  a  variant  of  Kennebec.  —  Ed. 

^  See  p.  90,  note  r ,  ante.  —  Ed. 

2  Jean  Vincent  St.  Castin,  of  whom  Lahontan  gives  so  succinct  an  account,  was 
born  about  1636,  and  settled  in  the  forests  of  Maine  in  1667.  After  1676  he  was  com- 
mandant of  Pentagoet,  the  French  fort  upon  the  Penobscot.  For  many  years  he 
traded  with  the  English,  but  aided  his  own  people  in  King  William's  War  (1689-97), 
leading  his  savage  allies  against  the  English  settlements.  Late  in  the  century  he 
inherited  a  considerable  fortune  in  France,  whither  he  returned  about  1700.  His  son 
Anselm  succeeded  to  his  influence  among  the  Penobscot  Indians,  to  whom  he  was 
allied  on  his  mother's  side.     See  Maine  Hist.  Colls.,  vii,  pp.  42-72.  —  Ed. 


to  North' h.m.^nc2i.  329 

Acadia  to  the  Pyrenean  Mountains,  that  encompafs  the  place 
of  his  Nativity  :  For  the  firft  years  of  his  abode  with  the  Sav- 
ages, he  behav'd  himfelf  fo,  as  to  draw  an  inexpreflible  efteem 
from  'em.  They  made  him  their  Great  Chief  or  Leader,  who 
is  in  a  manner  the  Soveraign  of  the  Nation ;  and  by  degrees 
he  has  work'd  himfelf  into  fuch  a  Fortune,  which  any  Man 
but  he  would  have  made  fuch  ufe  of,  as  to  draw  out  of  that 
Country  above  two  or  three  hundred  thoufand  Crowns,  which 
he  has  now  in  his  Pocket  in  good  dry  Gold.  But  all  the  ufe 
he  makes  of  it,  is,  to  buy  up  Goods  for  Prefents  to  his  Fel- 
low-Savages, who  upon  their  return  from  Hunting,  prefent 
him  with  Beaver-Skins  to  a  treble  value.  The  Governours 
General  of  Canada  keep  in  with  him,  and  the  Governours  of 
New-England  are  afraid  of  him.  He  has  feveral  Daughters, 
who  are,  all  of  [224]  'em,  married  very  handfomly  to  French- 
men, and  had  good  Dowries.  He  has  never  chang'd  his 
Wife ;  by  which  means  he  mean'd  to  give  the  Savages  to 
underftand,  that  God  do's  not  love  inconftant  Folks.  'Tis 
faid,  that  he  indeavour'd  to  convert  thefe  poor  People,  but 
his  indeavours  prov'd  fuccefslefs ;  fo  that  'tis  in  vain  for  the 
Jefuits  to  preach  up  the  Truths  of  Chriftianity  to  'em; 
though  after  all,  thefe  good  Fathers  are  not  difcourag'd,  nay, 
they  think  that  the  adminiftring  of  Baptifm  to  a  dying  Child, 
is  worth  ten  times  the  pains  and  uneafmefs  of  living  among 
that  People.^ 


1  Lahontan  here  belittles  the  Jesuit  missions,  which  nevertheless  had  a  consider- 
able success  among  the  Acadian  Indians.  Druiliettes  began  his  visits  to  the  Kennebec 
about  1646,  and  by  1680  a  large  number  of  converts  had  been  removed  to  the  mission 


330  Some  New  Voyages 

Port-Royal^  the  Capital  or  the  only  City  of  Acadia^  is  in 
effedt  no  more  than  a  little  paultry  Town,^  that  is  fomewhat 
inlarg'd  fince  the  War  broke  out  in  1689.  by  the  acceflion  of 
the  Inhabitants  that  liv'd  near  Bojlon,  the  Metropolitan  of 
New-England.  A  great  many  of  thefe  People  retir'd  to  Port- 
Royal,  upon  the  apprehenfion  that  the  Englijh  would  pillage 
'em,  and  carry  'em  into  their  Country.  Mr.  de  Meneval  fur- 
rendred  this  place  to  the  Engli/Ii,  as  I  faid  before ;  he  could 
not  maintain  fuch  a  pofb  with  the  handful  of  Men  that  he  had, 
becaufe  the  Paliffadoes  were  low,  and  out  of  order.  He 
made  a  Capitulation  with  the  Commander  of  the  Party  that 
made  the  Attack ;  but  the  Engli/h  Officer  broke  his  word  to 
him,  and  us'd  him  both  ignominioufly  and  harfhly.^  Port- 
Royal  is  feated  in  the  Latitude  of  44  Degrees,  and  40  Min- 
utes, upon  the  edge  of  a  very  fine  Bafin,^  which  is  a  League 

colony.     See  p.  49,  note  i,  ante.     For  a  fuller  account  of  the  Acadian  mission,  see 
Jesuit  Relations,  i,  Introduction.  —  Ed. 

1  For  a  good  summary  of  the  history  of  Port  Royal,  the  settlement  at  which  was 
decided  upon  in  1604,  but  not  actually  undertaken  until  the  following  year,  see 
Hannay,  History  of  Acadia  (St.  John,  N.  B.,  1879);  Hannay,  Story  of  Acadia 
(Kentville,  N.  S.,  1904);  Acadiensis  (special  number,  June,  1904);  Savary,  History 
of  the  County  of  Annapolis  (Toronto,  1897).  The  census  of  1686  gave  885  persons 
in  all  Nova  Scotia,  of  whom  592  were  at  Port  Royal,  exclusive  of  30  soldiers.  See 
Suite,  Les  Canadiens  Franqais  (Montreal,  1882),  vi,  pp.  8,  9.  —  Ed. 

2  The  reference  is  here  to  the  siege  of  Port  Royal  by  Sir  William  Phips  in  May, 
1690.  Menneval,  son  of  the  Baron  de  Portneuf,  had  but  recently  succeeded  Perrot  as 
governor  of  Acadia.  The  fort  was  inefficiently  garrisoned  and  provisioned,  and  was 
entirely  unable  to  resist  the  demand  for  surrender  made  by  the  well-equipped  English 
fleet.  The  charge  that  Phips  broke  the  terms  of  capitulation,  seems  to  be  sustained. 
Menneval  was  carried  captive  to  Boston,  where  after  a  short  imprisonment  he  was  sent 
to  England,  afterwards  exchanged,  and  returned  to  Canada,  where  he  was  useful  in 
affording  information  of  New  England  conditions.  —  Ed. 

3  First  called  Port  Royal  Basin,  but  now  Annapolis  Basin.  Situated  on  the 
northwest  coast  of  Nova  Scotia,  and  pouring  its  enormous  tide  into  the  Bay  of  Fundy 


to  iVor^^- America.  331 

broad,  and  two  Leagues  long,  having  at  the  entry  about  fix- 
teen  or  eighteen  fathom  Water  on  one  fide,  and  fix  or  feven 
on  the  other ;  for  you  muft  know  that  the  Ifland  call'd  rijle 
aux  Chevres  which  ftands  in  the  middle,  divides  the  Channel 
into  two.  There's  excellent  anchorage  all  over  the  Bafin ; 
and  at  the  bottom  of  it,  there's  a  Cape  or  point  of  Land  that 
parts  two  Rivers,  at  which  the  tide  rifes  ten  or  [225]  twelve 
Foot.  Thefe  Rivers  are  bounded  by  pleafant  Meads,  which 
in  Spring  and  Autumn  are  cover'd  with  all  forts  of  frefh 
Water-foul.  In  fine,  Port-Royal  is  only  a  handful  of  Houfes 
two  Story  high,  and  has  but  few  Inhabitants  of  any  Note. 
It  fubfifts  upon  the  traffick  of  the  Skins,  which  the  Savages 
bring  thither  to  truck  for  European  Goods.  In  former 
times,  the  Farmer's  Company  had  Magazins  in  this  place, 
which   were   under   the   care    of    the    Governours.     I    could 


through  the  narrow  Digby  Gut,  this  strikingly-beautiful  fjord  appealed  strongly  to 
the  French  explorers  —  De  Monts,  Champlain,  and  Poutrincourt  —  who  discovered 
it  about  the  twenty-fourth  of  June,  1604.  Poutrincourt  obtained  from  De  Monts  a 
grant  of  the  region,  and  determined  to  settle  there;  but  the  ill-fated  winter  of  1604-05 
was  actually  spent  by  the  party  on  Island  St.  Croix,  at  the  mouth  of  St.  Croix  River, 
where  it  empties  into  Passamaquoddy  Bay.  The  next  year,  the  remnant  of  the  com- 
pany settled  on  Poutrincourt's  grant,  on  the  shores  of  Annapolis  Basin.  This  first 
settlement  of  the  French  in  Canada  was  on  the  mainland,  in  Lower  Granville,  oppo- 
site Goat  Island  (the  "  Isle  aux  Chevres"  of  our  author),  about  seven  miles  below 
and  on  the  opposite  shore  to  the  present  Annapolis  Royal,  at  the  head  of  the  basin  — 
whither  the  colony  removed  in  later  years.  Annapolis  Basin  was  too  far  removed 
from  the  fur  trade  of  the  interior,  also  was  subject  to  English  attacks,  for  which  reasons 
Champlain  wisely  decided  to  found  Quebec  (1608)  as  the  capital  of  New  France. 

Along  the  east  shore  of  the  basin  is  now  a  continuous  and  prosperous  farming 
community,  chiefly  the  descendants  of  early  Scotch,  settlers  and  American  Loyalists, 
with  several  small  towns.  Digby  is  a  considerable  summer  resort,  chiefly  for  New 
Englanders;  Annapolis  Royal  (1000  inhabitants)  is  a  quiet  market  town.  Concern- 
ing the  tercentenary  celebration  of  the  landfall  of  the  early  French,  see  p.  324,  note  i, 
ante.  —  Ed. 


332  Some  New  Voyages 

eafily  mention  fome  of  'em,  if  I  were  not  apprehenfive  that 
thefe  Memoirs  may  be  feen  by  others  befides  your  felf. 

The  Ifland  of  Newfound-Land^  is  three  hundred  Leagues 
in  Circumference.  It  lies  at  the  diftance  of  fix  hundred  and 
fifty  Leagues  from  France^  and  forty  or  fifty  Leagues  from 
the  Bank  of  the  fame  name.  The  South  fide  of  the  Ifland 
belongs  to  the  French^  who  have  feveral  Settlements  there  for 
the  fifhing  of  Cod.  The  Eaft  fide  is  inhabited  by  the  Englijh^ 
who  are  poffefs'd  of  feveral  confiderable  Pofts,  fituated  in 
certain  Ports,  Bays,  and  Havens,  which  they  have  taken  care 
to  fortifie.  The  Wefl  of  the  Ifland  is  wafte,  and  was  never  yet 
pofTefs'd.  The  Ifland  is  of  a  triangular  Figure,  and  full  of 
Mountains,  and  impracticable  Forrefl;s.  It  has  fome  great 
Meadows,  or  rather  Heaths,  which  are  covered  with  a  fort  of 
Mofs  infl:ead  of  Grafs.  The  Soil  of  this  Country  is  good  for 
nothing,  as  being  a  mixture  of  Gravel,  Sand  and  Stones  ;  fo 
that  the  Fifhery  was  the  only  motive  that  induc'd  the  French 
and  the  Englifli  to  fettle  there.  It  affords  great  ftore  of  Game, 
for  Water-fowl,  Patridges  and  Hairs ;  but  as  for  the  Stags, 
'tis  almofl:  impofiible  to  come  at  'em,  by  reafon  that  the 
Mountains  are  fo  high,  and   the  Woods  fo  thick.^     In  this 


^The  area  of  Newfoundland,  which  in  its  extreme  length  from  north  to  south  is 
350  miles  and  in  its  average  breadth  from  east  to  west  130  miles,  is  40,200  square 
miles.  Its  population  in  1901  was  216,215,  for  the  most  part  littoral;  the  interior 
being  still  a  wilderness,  chiefly  forested,  although  there  are  several  broad  rocky 
plateaus  which  yield  little  beyond  moss  and  low-growing  shrubs.  The  lumbering 
industry  is  being  rapidly  developed,  the  lakes  and  rivers  furnishing  easy  limber  high- 
ways to  mill  and  port;  mining  interests  are  also  fast  growing  in  importance  —  the 
present  annual  output  of  copper,  pyrites,  iron  ore,  and  other  products  amounting  to  a 
million  dollars;  under  recent  governmental  bounties,  the  area  of  cultivation  has  been 


to  N orth- Am^nQ2i,  333 

Ifland,  as  well  as  in  that  of  Cape  Breton^  we  find  Porphyry  of 
feveral  colours ;  and  care  has  been  taken  to  fend  to  prance 
fome  pieces  of  it  for  a  Pattern,  which  were  [226]  found  to  be 
very  pretty,  only  they  were  hard  to  cut.  I  have  feen  fome  of 
'em  that  were  red  flreak'd  with  green,  and  feem'd  to  be 
extream  fine  ;  but  the  mifchief  is,  it  fplits  fo  when  'tis  taken 
out  of  the  Quarries,  that  it  cannot  be  made  ufe  of,  but  by  way 
of  incruftation. 

This  Ifland  of  Cape  Breton  affords  likewife  black  Marble, 
or  a  fort  of  Brefche  with  grey  Veins,  which  is  hard,  and  not 


extended  to  upwards  of  100,000  acres,  largely  along  the  coast,  by  fishermen  ;  the 
fisheries,  however,  are,  as  in  Lahontan's  day,  still  the  chief  industry,  employing  in 
all  branches  of  that  pursuit  nearly  60,000  of  the  inhabitants — while  American,  French, 
and  a  few  Portuguese  vessels  are  also  engaged  in  the  catch.  The  total  annual  value  of 
the  cod-fish  catch  in  this  region  is  $10,000,000,  Newfoundland's  share  being  $600,000  ; 
to  these,  may  be  added  herring,  lobsters,  seal,  and  whale  —  while  the  interior  waters 
abound  in  salmon  and  trout,  which  attract  tourists  from  Canada,  England,  and  the 
United  States.  The  principal  manufacturing  establishments  are  in  St.  Johns ;  but 
factories  for  canning  lobsters,  and  making  seal  and  cod-liver  oil,  and  guano,  are 
numerous  along  the  coast.  The  island  is  for  the  most  part  a  plateau,  creased  by 
numerous  river  gorges  and  lake  basins,  and  capped  by  a  few  mountains  of  not  more 
than  2000  feet  above  sea-level,  with  a  deeply-indented,  fjord-like  coast  —  more 
rugged  on  the  west,  north,  and  east  sides  than  on  the  south.  The  numerous  fjords 
are  valuable  to  fishermen  as  land-locked  harbors,  and  the  population,  as  in  Norway, 
clings  closely  to  the  ragged  fringe  of  shore.  For  a  century  and  a  half,  French  fisher- 
men have  controlled  the  west  and  north  coasts,  from  Cape  Ray  to  Notre  Dame  Bay  ; 
but  a  recent  treaty  between  England  and  France  (1904)  has  effectively  disposed  of  this 
long-pending  source  of  discontent  on  the  part  of  the  English  residents,  and  England 
now  dominates  (or  will,  when  the  stipulation  is  formally  confirmed  by  both  parlia- 
ments) the  entire  island.  Newfoundland  is  not  a  part  of  the  Dominion  of  Canada, 
preferring  to  remain  a  separate  colony  of  the  British  Empire.  Reid's  Transinsular 
Railroad  (narrow  gauge),  built  in  1893-98,  now  runs  from  Port-au-Basques  to  St. 
Johns,  but  thus  far  has  had  but  slight  effect  in  developing  the  island,  for  the  cheaper 
water  carriage  is  still  quite  generally  preferred.  Labrador  is  owned  by  Newfoundland, 
and  many  of  the  tourists  who  now  flock  to  the  island  for  fishing  and  hunting,  take 
pleasure  trips  on  Newfoundland  steamers  as  far  north  as  Nain.  —  Ed. 


334  Some  New  Voyages 

eafily  pollfh'd.^  This  Stone  is  apt  to  fplit,  for  'tis  not  equally 
hard,  and  it  has  knots  in  it.  There  are  no  fetled  Savages  in 
the  Ifland  of  Newfound-Land}  'Tis  true,  the  Eskimatix  do 
fometimes  crofs  over  to  it  at  the  Streight  of  Belle  IJle  in  great 
Sloops,  with  intent  to  furprife  the  Crew  of  the  Fifhermen 
upon  the  Coaft  call'd  Petit  Nord.  Our  Settlements  are  at 
Placentia,  at  the  Ifland  of  St.  Peter,  and  in  the  Bay  of  Trepajfez? 
From  Cape  Rafe  to  Chapeau  Rouge,  the  Coafl  is  very  clean,  but 
from  Chapeau  Rouge  to  Cape  Rafe,  the  Rocks  render  it  dan- 
gerous.^ There  are  two  confiderable  Inconveniences,  that 
attend  the  landing  upon  this  Ifland.  In  the  firft  place,  the 
Fogs  are  here  fo  thick  in  the  Summer,  for  twenty  Leagues  off 
into  the  Main,  that  the  ablefl:  and  moft  expert  Sailor  dare  not 
fl:and  into  the  Land  while  they  lafl: :  So  that  all  Ships  are 
oblig'd  to  lye  bye  for  a  clear  day,  in  order  to  make  the  Land. 


1  The  author  probably  means  breccia,  a  conglomerate  of  angular  fragments.  — Ed. 

2  The  aborigines  of  Newfoundland  were  few  in  number,  and  occupied  chiefly  the 
northern  portion.  They  were  known  to  the  early  French  as  Beothics,  and  exhibited 
an  ineradicable  hatred  of  ihe  whites.  After  an  act  of  treachery  on  their  part,  in  i8io, 
they  were  nearly  all  exterminated.  —  Ed. 

^  For  Placentia,  see  p.  275,  note  i,  ante.  The  little  island  of  St.  Pierre  was  one 
of  the  earliest  visited  by  French  lishers  in  the  sixteenth  century,  and  by  1670  became 
a  permanent  French  settlement,  with  slight  fortifications.  After  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht 
(1713),  all  French  inhabitants  were  expelled;  but  in  1763,  the  islands  of  St.  Pierre 
and  Miquelon  were  retroceded  to  France,  as  a  refuge  for  fishermen  ;  the  sovereignty 
is  still  in  her  hands,  these  now  being,  after  the  Newfoundland  French  Shore  treaty 
(1904),  her  only  possessions  in  North  America,  save  those  in  the  West  Indies. 

Trepassey  Bay  is  the  first  large  indentation  southwest  of  Cape  Race.  The  per- 
manent French  settlement  here  was  broken  up  in  1713.  See  Prowse,  History  of  Neiv- 
foundland  (London,  1895),  P-  542-  —  Ed. 

*The  first  should  be  Cape  Ray,  not  Race.  Chapeau  Rouge  is  the  extremity  of 
the  great  peninsula  between  Fortune  and  Placentia  Bays.  Eastward  from  this  point, 
the  coast  is  more  wild  and  rocky  than  that  to  the  west.  — Ed. 


to  North'Kvn^vicdi,  335 

The  fecond  Inconveniency,  which  is  yet  greater,  proceeds 
from  the  Currents  which  run  to  and  again,  without  any  per- 
ceivable variation,  by  which  means  the  Ships  are  fometimes 
drove  in  upon  the  Coaft,  when  they  reckon  upon  ten  Leagues 
offing.  But,  which  is  worft  of  all,  the  infenfible  motion  of  the 
rowling  Waves,  throw's  'em  infenfibly  upon  the  Rocks,  which 
they  cannot  poffibly  avoid,  for  want  of  ground  to  anchor 
upon.  'Twas  by  this  means  that  the  King's  Ship  the  Pretty 
was  loft  in  1692,  as  well  as  a  great  many  others  upon  feveral 
occafions.^ 

[227]  Of  all  our  Settlements  in  l>^or\h-America,  Placentia  is 
the  Poft  of  the  greateft  Importance  and  Service  to  the  King, 
in  regard  that  'tis  a  place  of  refuge  to  the  Ships  that  are 
oblig'd  to  put  into  a  Harbour,  when  they  go  or  come  from 
Canada^  and  even  to  thofe  which  come  from  South-^wmc^, 
when  they  want  to  take  in  frefh  Water  or  Provifions,  and 
have  fprung  their  Maft,  or  been  dammag'd  in  a  Storm.  This 
place  is  fituated  in  the  Latitude  of  47  Degrees,  and  fome 
Minutes,  almoft  at  the  bottom  of  the  Bay  that  goes  by  the 
fame  name.  The  Bay  is  ten  or  twelve  Leagues  broad,  and 
twenty  odd  Leagues  long.  The  Fort  ftands  upon  the  fide  of 
a  Neck  or  narrow  Streight,  which  is  fixty  Paces  over,  and  fix 
Fathoms  water  deep.  The  Ships  that  enter  into  the  Port, 
are  oblig'd  to  graze,  (fo  to  fpeak)  upon  the  angle  of  the 
Baftions.     The   Port  or  Harbour  is  a  League  long,  and   a 


iThis  was  probably  the  ship  "Joli,"  which  under  command  of  Monsieur 
Beaujeu  conveyed  La  Salle's  ill-fated  colony  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  (1684).  See 
Thwaites,  Hennepin's  Neiv  Discovery  (Chicago,  1903),  pp.  388-392,  where  in  the 
original  text  of  the  reprint  (London,  1698)  it  is  misprinted  "  Toby."  —  Ed, 


336  Some  New  Voyages 

quarter  of  a  League  over :  Before  the  Port  there's  a  large, 
fine  road,  which  is  a  League  and  a  half  wide  ;  but  lies  fo 
bleak  to  the  North- Weft,  and  Weft-North- Weft  Winds,  the 
ftrongeft  and  moft  boifterous  Winds  that  are,  that  neither 
Cables  nor  Anchors,  nor  large  ftout  Ships  can  withftand 
their  furious  fhocks ;  tho'  indeed  thefe  violent  ftorms  feldom 
happen  but  in  the  latter  end  of  Autumn.  The  fame  year 
that  the  Pretty  was  loft,  the  King  loft  another  of  69  Guns 
call'd  the  Good,  in  this  Road ;  and  if  the  four  or  five  other 
Ships  that  belong'd  to  the  fame  Squadron,  had  not  took  the 
precaution  of  fteering  into  the  Port,  they  had  certainly  under- 
went the  fame  fate.  This  Road  then  which  is  only  expos'd 
to  the  North-Weft,  and  Weft-North-Weft  Winds,  has  fome 
hidden  Rocks  on  the  North  fide,  befides  thofe  at  Pointe 
Verte,  where  feveral  of  the  Inhabitants  are  wont  to  fifti.  All 
thefe  things  you  may  fee  plainly  upon  the  Plan  that  I  fent 
you  along  with  my  23^  Letter. 

[228]  Commonly,  there  comes  thirty  or  forty  Ships  from 
France  to  Placentia  every  year,  and  fometimes  fixty.  Some 
come  with  intent  to  fifh,  and  others  have  no  other  defign  than 
to  truck  with  the  Inhabitants,  who  live  in  the  Summer  time  on 
the  other  fide  of  the  Fort.  The  ground  upon  which  their 
Houfes  ftand,  is  call'd  La  grand  Grave,  for  in  efi^edl,  they  have 
nothing  but  Gravel  to  fpread  their  Cod-fifh  upon,  in  order  to 
have  'em  dry'd  by  the  Sun  after  they  are  faked.  The  Inhab- 
itants and  the  French  Fifliermen,  fend  their  Sloops  every  day 
two  Leagues  off  the  Port  to  purfue  the  Fifhery ;  and  fome- 


to  iV(?r^Z>- America.  337 

times  the  Sloops  return  fo  over-loaded,  that  they  are  in  a 
manner  bury'd  in  the  Water.  You  cannot  imagine  how  deep 
they  fink,  and  'tis  impoffible  you  fhould  believe  it,  unlefs  you 
faw  it.  The  Fifhery  commences  in  the  beginning  of  Jiine^  and 
is  at  an  end  about  the  middle  of  Auguft.  In  the  Harbour  they 
catch  a  little  fort  of  a  fifh,  which  they  put  upon  their  Hooks 
as  a  bait  for  the  Cod. 

Placentia  is  in  great  want  of  Gravel,  which  occafions  the 
thinnefs  of  the  Inhabitants.  If  the  Governours  prefer'd  the 
King's  Service  to  Avarice,  they  might  make  it  a  confiderable 
Poft,  and  a  great  many  would  make  gravel  Walks  at  their  own 
charge  ;  but  as  long  as  the  Governours  prey  upon  the  for- 
tunes of  private  Men,  under  the  fair  pretence  of  the  King's 
Service,  which  is  always  in  their  Mouths,  I  can't  fee  that  this 
Settlement  will  ever  be  inlarg'd  or  improv'd.  Do's  not  the 
Governour  difgrace  his  Prince,  and  fink  the  character  of  his 
Poft,  in  turning  Filherman,  Merchant,  Vintner,  and  adling  in 
the  way  of  a  thoufand  meaner  and  more  Mechanical  Trades? 
Is  not  this  a  piece  of  Tyranny?  To  force  the  Inhabitants  to 
buy  what  Goods  they  want,  out  of  fuch  and  fuch  a  Ship,  and 
to  fell  their  Cod  to  fuch  other  Ships  as  the  Governour  is 
interefs'd  in,  and  that  as  a  principal  Owner:  To  [229]  appro- 
priate to  himfelf  the  Rigging  and  Tackle  of  the  Ships  that 
are  caft  away  upon  the  Coaft,  to  ftop  the  Crew  of  Merchant- 
men for  his  own  Fifhery,  to  fell  Habitations  or  Settlements, 
to  ftifle  the  bidding  up  for  Effe6ls  fold  by  way  of  Audion 

that  he  may  ingrofs  them  by  his  fole  Authority,  to  change 
22 


33^  Some  New  Voyages 

the  Provifions  laid  up  in  Magazines  for  his  Majefty's  Troops, 
to  carry  off  the  good  Biskuit  and  put  bad  in  the  room  of  it, 
to  make  fo  much  Beef  and  Bacon  for  the  fubfiftance  of  the 
Garrifon,  to  force  the  Inhabitants  to  fend  their  Servants  and 
Carpenters  to  fome  work,  in  which  his  Majefty's  Service  is 
lefs  concern'd  than  his  own  Pocket :  Thefe,  I  fay,  are  things 
that  I  take  to  be  plain  infradlions  of  the  Orders  iffued  forth 
by  Lewis  the  XIV.  Thefe  are  abufes  that  muft  be  redrefs'd, 
if  we  would  have  the  King  to  be  well  ferv'd  :  And  yet  there's 
nothing  done  in  it.  For  my  part,  I  am  unacquainted  with 
the  reafon  of  the  delay;  thofe  that  have  a  mind  to  know,  had 
beft  ask  the  Deputies  of  Monfieur  de  P  *  *  *.  I  am  fully 
perfwaded,  that  all  thefe  Pyracies  do  not  come  to  the  King's 
Ear,  for  he's  too  juft  to  fuffer  'em. 

To  conclude ;  Placentia  bears  neither  Corn,  nor  Rie,  nor 
Peafe,  for  the  Soil  is  good  for  nothing ;  not  to  mention,  that 
if  it  were  as  good  and  as  fertile  as  any  in  Canada^  yet  no 
body  would  give  themfelves  the  trouble  to  cultivate  it;  for 
one  Man  earns  more  in  Cod-fifhing  in  one  Summer,  than  ten 
would  do  in  the  way  of  Agriculture.  In  the  great  Bay  of 
Placentia^  there  are  fome  little  Harbours,  (befides  that  of  the 
Fort)  which  the  Bifcay  Fiftiermen  refort  to.  Such  are  the 
little  and  the  great  Burin,  St.  Laurence,  Martir,  Chapeau 
Rouge,^  &c. 

^  The  inlets  here  mentioned  are  all  upon  the  western  coast  of  Placentia  Bay,  and 
still  retain  practically  their  old  names.  Burin  Inlet  has  at  its  entrance  an  island  of 
the  same  name.  "  Martir  "  is  the  present  Mortier  Bay,  being  thus  named  for  two 
well-known  cartographers  of  the  seventeenth  century,  Corneille  and  Pierre  Mortier. 
Burin  and  St.  Lawrence  were  early  seats  of  shipbuilding.  —  Ed, 


to  North' h.u\^nc2i. 


339 


[230]      A  Lift  of  the  Savage  Nations  of  Canada. 

Thofe  in  Acadia. 


The  Abenakis. 
The  Micmac. 
The  Canibas. 
The  Mahingans. 
The  Openangos. 
The  Soccokis. 
The  Etechemins. 


Thefe  are  all  of  'em  good  Warriours ; 
they  are  more  adlive  and  lefs  cruel  than 
the  Iroquefe.  Their  Language  differs  a 
little  from  that  of  the  Algonkins} 


The  Nations  that  lye  upon  the  River  of  St.  Laurence,  from  the  Sea 
to  Monreal. 


The  Papinachois. 

The  Mountaneers. 

The  Gafpefians. 

The  Hurons  of  Loreto,  the  Iroquefe  Tongue. 

The  Abenakis  of  Scilleri. 

The  Algonkins. 

The  Agnies  of  the  Fall  call'd  Saiit  St.  Louis;  they  fpeak  the 

Iroquefe  Language,  and  are  good  Warriours. 
The  Iroquefe  of  the  Mountain  of  Monreal;  they  fpeak  the 

Iroquefe  Language,  and  are  a  brave  People.^ 


Thefe  fpeak  the  Algonkin  Language. 


The  Algonkin  Language. 


1  For  these  tribes  see  pp.90,  327,  328,  a«^^.  The  Etechemins  —  nomads,  whom  the 
French  found  it  difficult  to  convert —  occupied  the  region  from  the  Penobscot  east  to 
beyond  St.  John  River,  and  in  1677  numbered  from  four  to  five  hundred.  The  rem- 
nants of  one  Etechemin  tribe  are  the  so-called  Quoddy  Indians  of  to-day.  — Ed. 

2  For  the  Papinachois,  see  p.  261,  note  2,  ante.  They  were  one  of  the  tribe  of 
the  Montagnais  (Mountaineers),  by  which  term  the  French  designated  the  wander- 


340  Some  New  Voyages 

Thofe  upon  the  Lake  of  Hurons. 

The  Hurons^  the  Iroquefe  Language. 

The  Outaouas. 

The  Nockes. 

The  Miffifagues.      \  '^^^  ^^^'''^'''  Language. 

The  Attikamek. 

The  Outehipoues,  alias  Saiiteurs,  good  Warriours.'^ 

ing  Algonquian  bands  north  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  among  whom  they  had  missions. 
As  the  name  indicates,  the  Gaspesiens  were  the  aborigines  of  Gaspe,  extending 

from  the  territory  of  the  Etechemins  northeast  to  the  St.  Lawrence.     In  1677  there 

were  from  four  to  five  hundred  of  these  savages,  whom  the  Jesuits  found  gentle  and 

tractable. 

The  other  tribes  mentioned  in  this  division  are  the  Indians  of  the  mission  colonies. 

For  Lorette,  see  p.  48,  note  i,ante;  for  Sillery,  p.  49,  note  i  ;  for  the  mission  of  Sault 

St.  Louis  to  the  Agnies  (Mohawks),  p.  56,  note  i  ;  for  that  of  La  Montagne,  p.  55, 

note  2.  —  Ed. 

^  The  Huron  confederacy  was  one  of  the  largest  and  most  enlightened  bodies  of 
North  American  Indians.  When  first  encountered  by  the  French  they  numbered 
about  16,000,  and  had  agricultural  villages  in  the  region  between  Lake  Simcoe  and 
Georgian  Bay —  see  p.  154,  note  2,  ante.  An  important  Jesuit  mission  was  founded 
in  the  Huron  country  (Huronia,  in  Jesuit  annals),  but  was  destroyed  and  the  Hurons 
dispersed  by  Iroquois  war-raids  (1648-49)  — see  Jesuit  Relations,  i,  pp.  21-27. 

Ottawa  (Outaouat)  was  the  name  applied  by  the  early  French  to  the  North- 
western Algonquians.  When  first  encountered,  they  dwelt  chiefly  upon  Manitoulin 
Island,  in  Lake  Huron,  whither  they  had  sought  an  asylum  from  the  Iroquois  —  see 
p.  153,  note  2,  ante.  Later,  their  chief  habitat  was  about  Mackinac.  They  were 
especially  faithful  to  French  interests,  and  Pontiac  was  an  Ottawa  chief.  The  rem- 
nants of  this  tribe  were  removed  to  Indian  Territory. 

For  the  Nockes  and  Mississagues,  see  p.  317,  note  i,  ante. 

The  Attikamek  (Attikamegues)  were  a  Montagnais  tribe  dwelling  chiefly  upon 
the  upper  St.  Maurice  River,  and  trading  with  the  Western  Indians.  They  were 
destroyed  by  the  ravages  of  the  Iroquois,  and  an  epidemic  of  small-pox. 

For  the  Saulteurs  (men  of  the  Sault),  by  which  term  the  French  designated  the 
entire  Chippewa  (Ojibwa)  nation,  whether  living  at  Sault  Ste.  Marie  or  elsewhere,  see 
p.  149,  note  I,  ante.  —  Ed. 


to  iVor^/6-America. 


341 


[231]     Upon  the  Ilinefe  Lake^  and  the  adjacent  Country. 


Some  Ilinefe  at  Cbegakou. 

The  Oitmamis,  good  Warriours. 

The  Maskoutens. 

The  Kikapous,  good  Warriours. 

The  Outagamis^  good  Warriours. 

The  Malomimis. 

The  Pouteouatamis. 

The  Ojatinons,  good  Warriours. 

The  iS«^/j. 


They  fpeak  the  Algon- 
kin  Language,  and  are  a 
fprightly  adtive  fort  of 
People.^ 


In  the  Neighbourhood  of  the  Lake  of  Frontenac. 


The  Tfonontouans. 

The  Goyoguans. 

The  Onnotagues. 

The  Onnoyoutes  and  Agnies^  at  a  fmall  diftance.^ 


Thefe   fpeak  a  different  Language 
from  the  Algonkin. 


1  For  the  Illinois  (Ilinese)  and  Miami"(Oumamis) ,  see  p.  77,  note  i,  ante.  The 
Ouiatonon  (Ojatinons)  were  a  Miami  tribe,  later  settled  in  western  Indiana,  and 
known  to  the  English  as  Weas. 

For  the  Mascouten  and  Kickapoo,  see  p.  174,  note  2  ;  for  the  Outagami  (Fox) 
and  Sauk  (Sakis),  p.  175,  note  2  ;  for  the  Menominee  (Malomimis)  and  Potawatonii 
(Pouteouatamis),  p.  168,  note  2.  These  dwelt  for  the  most  part  in  Wisconsin, 
which  was  more  densely  populated  with  aborigines  than  any  other  Northwestern 
state.  —  Ed. 

^ These  were  the  Iroquois,  for  whom  see  p.  58,  note  i,  ante.  —  Ed. 


;42 


Some  New  Voyages 


Near  the  River  of  the  Outaouas. 


The  Tabitibi. 
The  Monzoni. 
The  Machakandibi. 
The  Nopemen  d'Achirini. 
The  Nepifirini. 
The  Temiskamink. 


They  fpeak  t\iQ  Algonkin  Lan- 
guage, and  all  of  'em  are  very 
cowardly.^ 


To  the  North  of  Miffifipi,  and  upon  the  Confines  of  the  Upper 
Lake,  and  Hudfon's  Bay. 

The  Nadoueffis. 

The  Affimpouals. 

The  Sonkaskitons. 

The  Ouadbatons. 

The  Atintons. 

The   Cliftinos   brave  Warriour's 

and  adive  brisk  Men. 
The  Ekimaux. 


-  Thefe  fpeak  Algonkin.^ 


^The  Abittibi  (Tabitibi)  were  the  Indians  of  the  lake  and  river  of  that  name, 
tributary  of  the  Moose.  In  1760  the  French  maintained  a  post  upon  Abittibi  Lake. 
The  Monsoni  lived  in  the  eastern  part  of  Rupert  Land,  but  wandered  widely,  some 
of  that  nation  being  present  at  Sault  Ste.  Marie  when  St.  Lusson  took  possession  of 
the  Northwest  (1671). 

For  the  identification  of  Machakandibi,  see  p.  315,  note  i,  ante. 

The  Achirigouans  (Nopemen  d'Achirini)  and  Nipissing  (Nepisirini)  were 
kindred  tribes,  living  north  of  the  lake  named  for  the  latter.  Charlevoix  says  that 
they  were  the  original  Algonquians,  and  spoke  the  language  in  its  purity.  There 
are  now  about  two  hundred  of  the  tribe  on  their  reservation  on  Lake  Nipissing. 

The  Temiscaming  (Temiskamink)  Indians  took  their  name  from  that  of  the 
lake,  which  signified  "  deep."  About  two  hundred  still  frequent  the  agency  on  Lake 
Temiscaming  in  northern  Ontario.  —  Ed. 

^  Lahontan  is  mistaken  in  stating  that  these  tribes  spoke  the  Algonquian  language 


to  TVor^^-America.  343 

[232]    A  Lift  of  the  Animals  of  the  South  Countries  of  Canada. 

Wild  Beeves. 

Little  Stags  or  Harts. 

Roebucks  of  three  different  Species. 

Wolves,  fuch  as  we  have  in  Europe. 

Lynx's,  fuch  as  we  have  in  Europe. 

Michibichi,  a  fort  of  baftard  Tygre. 

Ferrets       )  .    ,  ,         .     ^ 

_^     .  .        >  fuch  as  we  have  in  Europe. 

Afli-colour'd  Squirrels. 

Hares.        )  ,    ,  ,         .     r- 

„  ,  ,  >  fuch  as  we  have  in  Europe. 

Rabbets,    f  ^ 

Badgers,  fuch  as  we  have  in  Europe. 

White  Beavers,  but  very  fcarce. 

Reddifh  Bears. 

Musk  Rats. 

Reddifh  Foxes,  as  in  Europe. 

Crocodiles  in  the  Miffiftpi. 

OJfa,  an  Animal  like  a  Hare,  upon  the  Miffiftpi. 


—  another  evidence  of  his  lack  of  knowledge  of  the  Siouan  country.  Of  all  the  tribes  enu- 
merated, the  Cristlnaux  (Clistini,  Cree)  were  the  only  members  of  that  stock,  although 
intimately  associated  with  the  Assinboin  (Assimpouals)  — see  p.  309,  note  i,  ante. 

With  the  exception  of  the  Eskimo  (Ekimaux),  the  other  tribes  are  all  Siouan 
(Dakotan)  — see  p.  175,  note  3,  ante.  The  Assiniboin  separated  from  the  Yankton 
tribe  of  Dakota,  moved  north  and  west,  and  are  still  one  of  the  strongest  bands  of 
the  Northwest.  The  Chonkasketons  (Sonkaskitons)  were  "people  of  the  fortified 
village";  the  Wahpetons  (Ouadebatons),  a  branch  of  the  Issati  (Santee);  the  Tetons 
(Atintons)  a  fierce  tribe  of  western  Sioux,  whose  later  habitat  was  the  Upper  Missouri 
River.  See  Thwaites  (ad.),  Orii^inal  Journals  of  Lc^tjis  and  Clark  Expedition 
(New  York,  1904),  index;  also  IVis.  Hist.  Colls.,  xvi,  pp.  193,  194. — Ed. 


344  Some  New  Voyages 

A  Lift  of  the  Animals  of  the  North  Countries  of  Canada. 
Orignals  or  Elks. 
Caribous  or  wild  Affes. 
Black  Foxes. 
Silver  colour'd  Foxes. 
A  fort  of  wild  Cats,  call'd  Enfans  du  Diable^  or  the  Devil's 

Children. 
Carcaious,  an  Animal  not  unlike  a  Badger. 
Porcupines. 

Fontereaux,  an  Amphibious  fort  of  little  Pole-Cats. 
Martins. 

Pole-Cats,  fuch  as  we  have  in  Europe. 
Black  Bears. 
[233]  White  Bears. 

Siffleurs,  an  Animal  that  makes  a  whizzing  noife. 
Flying  Squirrels. 
White  Hares. 
Beavers. 
Otters. 
Musk-Rats. 
Suiffe  Squirrels,  or  a  fort  of  Squirrels,  whofe  Hair  refembles  a 

Suijfe^s  Doublet. 
Great  Harts. 
Sea- Wolves  or  Calves. 


to  North- K-n\^v\c2i,  345 


A  Defcription  of  fuch  Animals  or  Beafls,  as  are  not  men- 
tioned in  the  Letters. 

THE  Michibichi  is  a  fort  of  Tyger,  only  'tis  The  Animals 
lefs  than  the  common  Tyger,  and  not  fo  °f  ^^'  ^'"^^ 
much  fpeckl'd.  As  foon  as  it  defcries  a  Man, 
it  runs  away,  and  climbs  up  the  firft  Tree  it  meets  with.  It 
attacks  all  brute  Animals  whatfoever,  and  conquers  'em  with 
eafe;  and,  which  is  very  fingular  and  peculiar  to  it  above  all 
other  Animals,  it  runs  in  to  the  afTiftance  of  the  Savages,  when 
they  purfue  Bears  and  wild  Beeves ;  upon  fuch  occafions  it 
makes  as  if  'twere  affraid  of  no  body,  and  fally's  out  with  fury 
upon  the  hunted  Animal.  The  Savages  call  thefe  Animals  a 
fort  of  ManitouSy  that  is,  Spirits  that  love  Men  ;  and  'tis  upon 
that  fcore  they  efteem  and  refped  'em  to  fuch  a  degree,  that 
they  would  choofe  rather  to  die,  than  to  kill  one  of  'em.^ 

The  white  Beavers  are  much  valued,  upon  the  account  of 
their  being  uncommon,  though  at  the  fame  time,  their  Hair  is 
neither  fo  large  nor  fo  fine  as  that  of  the  common  Beavers. 
As  there  are  but  few  of  thefe  white  Beavers,  fo  thofe  which 
are  quite  black  are  very  fcarce.^ 


^  The  animal  here  described  as  "Michibichi"  is  undoubtedly  the  puma  or 
American  tiger-cat  {Fetis  concolor) .  Marquette  describes  one  that  he  saw  swimming 
a  river,  and  one  of  the  Jesuit  missionaries  gives  this  title  to  a  manitou.  Consult 
Jesuit  Relations,  lix,  p.  109;  Ixvii,  pp.  159,  161.  —  Ed. 

2  The  white  beaver  is  an  albino  of  the  ordinary  Castor  canadensis,  and  is  very 


346  Some  New  Voyages 

[234]  The  Reddijh  Bears  are  mifchievous  Creatures,  for 
they  fall  fiercely  upon  the  Huntfmen,  whereas  the  black  ones 
fly  from  'em.  The  former  fort  are  lefs,  and  more  nimble 
than  the  latter.^ 

The  Crocodiles  of  Mijfifipi^  are  exadlly  the  fame  with  thofe 
of  the  Nile  and  other  places.  I  have  feen  that  Crocodile  that 
is  at  EngoUJma  in  Aquitaine^  and  find  that  it  has  the  fame  figure 
with  thefe,  only  'tis  fomewhat  lefs.  The  moft  ufual  method 
that  the  Savages  have  for  taking  'em  alive,  is  to  throw  great 
Wreaths  or  Cords  made  of  the  barks  of  Trees  with  a  running 
knot,  upon  their  Neck,  the  middle  of  their  Body,  their  Paws, 
6fc.  After  they  are  thus  fiez'd,  they  fhut  'em  up  between  ten 
or  twelve  Stakes,  and  there  tie  'em  after  their  Belly  is  turn'd 
upwards.  While  they  lie  in  this  pofture,  they  flea  'em  without 
touching  their  Head  or  their  Tail,  and  give  'em  a  Coat  of 
Fir-bark,  to  which  they  fet  fire,  having  cut  the  Ropes  that 
keep'd  'em  faft.  Upon  fuch  occafions,  thefe  Animals  make  a 
fearful  houling  and  crying.  To  conclude,  the  Savages  are 
frequently  fwallow'd  up  by  thefe  Creatures,  whether  in 
fwlmming  over  a  River,  or  in  fleeping  upon  its  Banks.  Ariofte 
in  the  68  Diapafon  of  his  i^th  Song,  gives  this  Defcription  of 
a  Crocodile. 

Vive  fub  lito  e  dentro  a  la  Riviera, 
Ei  Corpi  Umani  fon  le  fue  Vivande, 
De  le  Perfone  mifere  e  incaute, 
Di  Viandanti  e  d'infelice  naute. 


rare.     The  black  beaver  is  less  unusual,  but  only  about  one  in  ten  thousand  is  found 
of  this  color.     See  Martin,  Castorologia,  p,  39.  —  Ed. 

1  It  is  still  a  question  among  naturalists  whether  the  cinnamon  bear  and  the  ordi- 


to  N orth' A.m^nc3.,  347 

That  is,  it  lives  both  in  the  River,  and  upon  its  Banks ; 
it  fquafhes  People  with  its  murdering  Tooth ;  it  feeds  upon 
the  Bodies  of  poor  Travellers,  of  unfortunate  Paffengers,  and 
Sailours.^ 

The  OJfa^  are  little  Animals  like  Hares,  and  refemble  'em 
in  every  thing,  excepting  the  Ears  and  Hind-feet.  They  run, 
and  cannot  climb.  Their  [235]  Females  have  a  Bag  under 
their  Belly,  where  their  young  ones  enter  upon  a  purfuit,  in 
order  to  fave  themfelves  along  with  the  Mother,  who  immedi- 
ately betakes  her  felf  to  flight. ^ 

The  Silver-colour'd  Foxes  are  of  the  fame  y^^  Animals 
fhape  with  thofe  of  Europe^  as  well  as  the  black  or  Beajls  of  the 
ones.  The  black  ones  are  very  fcarce,  and  who-  North  Coun- 
foever  catches  one,  is  fure  to  fell  it  for  its  weight  *^'"' 
in  Gold.  This  fpecies  is  met  with  only  in  the  coldeft  Coun- 
tries. 

The  White  Bears  are  a  monftrous  Animal,  and  extraordi- 
nary long  ;  their  Head  has  a  formidable  Afpedt,  and  their 
Hair  is  very  large  and  thick  ;  they  are  fo  fierce,  that  they'll 
come  and  attack  a  Sloop  in  the  Sea,  with  feven  or  eight  Men 
in  it.  'Tis  faid,  that  they'll  fwim  fix  or  feven  Leagues  without 
being  tyr'd.     They  live  upon  Fifh  and  Shells  upon  the  Sea- 


nary  black  bear  {Ursus  americanus)  are  two  species  or  one.  Huntsmen,  however, 
usually  discriminate,  as  Lahontan  does.  —  Ed. 

^  It  is  possible  that  Lahontan  received  his  description  of  the  crocodile  {Alligator 
mississippiensis)  from  some  members  of  La  Salle's  ill-fated  colony,  whose  survivors  he 
met  at  Mackinac.     See  p.  145,  ante.  —  Ed. 

2  The  ordinary  opossum  of  North  America  {Didelphys  virginiatta) .  — Ed. 


348  Some  New  Voyages 

fhoar,  from  whence  they  feldom  ftraggle  far.  I  never  faw  but 
one  of  'em  in  my  Life-time,  which  had  certainly  tore  me  to 
pieces,  if  I  had  not  fpy'd  it  at  a  diflance,  and  fo  had  time  to 
run  back  for  fhelter  to  Fort  Louis  at  Placentia} 

The  Flying  Squirrels  are  as  big  as  a  large  Rat,  and  of  a 
greyifh  white  colour.  They  are  as  droufie,  as  thofe  of  the 
other  Species  are  watchful.  They  are  call'd  Flying  Squirrels^ 
in  regard  that  they  fly  from  one  Tree  to  another,  by  the 
means  of  a  certain  Skin  which  flretches  it  felf  out  in  the  form 
of  a  Wing,  when  they  make  thefe  little  Flights. 

The  White  Hares  are  only  fuch  in  Winter,  for  as  foon  as 
the  Spring  comes  on,  they  begin  to  turn  grayifh,  and  by 
degrees  recover  the  fame  colour  as  our  Hares  have  in  France^ 
which  they  hold  till  the  end  of  Autumn. 

The  Stuiffe  Squirrels  are  little  Animals,  refembling  little 
Rats.2  The  Epithet  of  Suijfe  is  beftow'd  upon  'em,  in  regard 
that  the  Hair  which  covers  their  Body,  [236]  is  flreak'd  with 
black  and  white,  and  refembles  a  Sniffers  Doublet ;  and  that 
thefe  ftreaks  make  a  ring  on  each  Thigh,  which  bears  a  great 
deal  of  refemblance  to  a  Sniffers  Cap. 

The  large  Stags  are  neither  higher  nor  thicker,  than  thofe 
we  have  in  Europe;  but  they  are  call'd  large  in  proportion 


1  Lahontan  must  refer  here  to  the  polar  bear  {Thallassartos  maritimus) ,  which 
occasionally  ventures  as  far  as  the  southern  coast  of  Newfoundland.  —  Ed. 

2  The  well-known  flying  squirrel  {Sciuropterus  volucella)  is  well  described. 
Several  of  the  North  American  hares  change  color  as  thus  noted  ;  probably  Lahontan 
meansLepustimidus,'var.  arcticus.  The  Swiss  squirrel  is  either  a  chipmunk  [Tamias 
striatus)  or  a  ground-squirrel  {Spermophile  tridecemlineatus) .  See  Jesuit  Relations, 
vi,  p.  315.  —  Ed. 


to  North- Pixn^nc^i,  349 

to  two  other  Species  of  Harts  that  frequent  the  Southern 
Countries.     The  leffer  fort  affords  the  moft  delicious  Meat. 

The  Sea-JVolveSy  which  fome  call  Sea-Calves^  are  as  big  as 
Maftiffs.  They  are  almoft  always  in  the  Water,  or  at  leaft 
they  never  go  far  from  the  Sea  fide.  Thefe  Animals  do  not 
walk  fo  much  as  they  crawl,  for  when  they  raife  themfelves 
out  of  the  Water,  they  only  creep  upon  the  Sand  or  Clay. 
Their  Head  has  the  form  of  an  Otter's  Head,  and  their  Feet, 
which  have  no  Legs,  refemble  thofe  of  a  Goofe.  The  Female 
kind  bring  forth  their  young  ones  upon  the  Rocks,  or  upon 
fome  little  Iflands,  juft  by  the  Sea.  The  Sea-Wolves  live 
upon  Fifh,  and  refort  to  cold  Countries.  There's  a  pro- 
digious number  of  'em  about  the  Mouth  of  the  River  of 
St.  Laurence} 

As  for  the  remaining  Animals  of  Canada^  I  gave  you  an 
account  of  'em  in  my  Letters.  I  will  not  offer  to  fhew  you 
what  methods  the  Savages  take  to  catch  or  kill  all  thefe  Ani- 
mals, for  fuch  an  undertaking  would  be  endlefs.  This  I  can 
affure  you  of  in  the  general,  that  they  rarely  go  a  Hunting  to 
no  purpofe,  and  that  they  make  no  ufe  of  their  Dogs,  but  in 
the  Hunting  of  Elks,  and  fometimes  in  Hunting  of  Beavers, 
as  you  fhall  fee  under  the  Head  of  the  Diverfions  of  Hunting 
and  Shooting  among  the  Savages. 


^The  ordinary  seal  {Phoca  vitulina),  often  called  sea-calf,  from  the  sound  it 
emits.  —  Ed. 


350  Some  New  Voyages 


[237]  A  Lift  of  the  Fowl  or  Birds  that  frequent  the  South  Countries 
of  Canada. 

Vultures. 

Huards,  a  River-fowl  as  big  as  a  Goofe. 

Swans.  ^ 

Black,  Geefe.      I 

Black  Ducks.     \    fuch  as  we  have  in  Europe. 

Plungeons. 

Coots.  J 

Rayles. 

Turkeys. 

Red  Partridges. 

Pheafants. 

Large  Eagles. 

Cranes.  ~j 

Blackbirds.    >  fuch  as  we  have  in  Europe. 

Thrufhes.      J 

Wood-Pigeons. 

Parrots. 

Ravens.      ^   ,     ,  ,  •      7- 

\  fuch  as  we  have  in  hurope. 
Swallows.  ) 

Several  forts  of  Birds  of  Prey  that  are  not  known  in  Europe. 

Nightingales  unknown  in  Europe^  as  well  as  feveral  other  little 
Birds  of  different  colours,  particularly  that  call'd  Oifeau 
Mouche,  a  very  little  Bird  refembling  a  Fly;  and  great 
quantities  of  Pelicans. 


to  iVor/y6-America. 


351 


fuch  as  we  have  in  Europe. 


The  Birds  of  the  North  Countries  of  Canada. 
Buftards. 
White  Geefe. 

Ducks  of  ten  or  twelve  forts. 
Teals. 
Sea-Mews. 
Grelans. 
Sterlets. 

[238]  Sea-Parrots. 
Moyacks. 
Cormorants. 
Heath-Cocks. 
Snipes. 
Plungeons. 
Plovers. 
Lapwings. 
Herns. 
Courbeious. 
The    Water -Fowl 
call'd  Chevalier. 
Beateurs  de  Faux,  a  Fowl  as  big  as  a  Quail. 
White  Partridges. 
Large  black  Partridges. 
Reddifh  Partridges. 
Woodhens. 
Turtledoves. 


fuch  as  we  have  in  Europe. 


352  Some  New  Voyages 

White  Ortolans,  a  Bird  no  bigger  than  a  Lark. 

Sterlings.  )   ,    ,  ,         .     r? 

°     [  luch  as  we  have  in  hurope. 
Ravens.     ) 

Vultures. 

Spar-Hawks.  "| 

Merlins.  j^  like  ours  in  Europe. 

Swallows.        J 

Bees  De  fete,  a  fort  of  a  Duck. 

A  Table  of  the  Inse5ts  that  are  found  in  Canada. 
Adders. 
Afps. 

Rattle-Snakes. 
Lowing  Frogs. 
Gnats  or  Midges. 
Gad-Bees. 
Brulots  or  burning  Handworms. 


to  iVor^/6" America.  353 


[239]  A  Defcription  of  fuch  Birds  as  are  not  accounted  for 
in  my  Letters. 

THE  Htiards  are  a  Frefhwater-Fowl,  as  big     The  Fowl  or 
as  a  Goofe,  and  as  dull  and  heavy  as  an     Birds  of  the 

Afs.     They  have  black  and  white  Feathers,  a 

^  '         trtes. 

pointed  Beak,  and  a  very  fhort  Neck.  They 
only  duck  or  dive  in  the  Summer,  for  they  cannot  ufe  their 
Wings  ;  and  in  that  Seafon,  the  Savages  take  the  Diverfion 
of  furrounding  'em  with  feven  or  eight  Canows,  difpers'd 
here  and  there,  and  fo  obliging  'em  to  dive  down,  when  they 
offer  to  come  up  to  take  breath.  The  Savages  have  Entertain'd 
me  feveral  times  with  this  agreeable  Amufement,  during  the 
courfe  of  the  Voyages  I  made  with  them. 

The  Red  Partridges  are  wild  and  little,  and  much  different 
from  the  Red  Partridge  we  have  in  Europe,  as  well  as  the  Pheaf- 
ant,  whofe  Feathers  being  of  a  white  colour  with  black  fpecks, 
make  a  very  agreeable  diverfity.^ 

The  largeft  Eagles  we  find  in  this  Country,  are  no  bigger 
than  Swans.  Their  Head  and  their  Tail  is  white,  and  they 
have  frequent  Ingagements  with  a  fort  of  Vultures,  that  com- 
monly have  the  better  of  it.     In  our  Voyages  we  had  frequent 


^  There  are  no  true  partridges  In  America  ;  those  so  called  are  quail  or  grouse. 
This  was  probably  Ortyx  <virginianus,  our  ordinary  "bob  white,"  which  formerly 
was  common  in  Canada.  — Ed. 
28 


354  Some  New  Voyages 

occafions  of  feeing  thefe  Ingagements,  which  laft  as  long  as 
the  Eagle  can  keep  up  the  force  of  its  Wings. 

The  Parrots  are  met  with  in  the  Ilinefe  Country,  and  upon 
the  River  of  Mijfifipi.  They  are  very  fmall,  and  are  the  fame 
with  thofe  that  we  bring  from  Brazil  and  Cayenne} 

That  fort  of  Nightingale  that  I  faw,  is  of  a  peculiar  form ; 
for  'tis  of  a  leffer  fize  than  the  European^  and  of  a  blewifli 
colour,  and  its  notes  are  more  diverfified ;  befides  that,  it 
lodges  in  the  holes  of  Trees,  and  four  or  five  of  'em  do  com- 
monly keep  [240]  together  upon  the  thickeft  Trees,  and  with 
joynt  Notes  Warble  o'er  their  Songs. 

The  Flylike  Bird  is  no  bigger  than  one's  Thumb,  and  the 
colour  of  its  Feathers  is  fo  changeable,  that  'tis  hard  to  faften 
any  one  colour  upon  it.  They  appear  fometimes  red,  fome- 
times  of  a  Gold  colour,  at  other  times  they  are  blew  and  red  ; 
and  properly  fpeaking,  'tis  only  the  brightnefs  of  the  Sun  that 
makes  us  unfenfible  of  the  change  of  its  gold  and  red  colours. 
Its  beak  is  as  (harp  as  a  Needle.  It  flies  from  Flower  to 
Flower,  like  a  Bee,  and  by  its  fluttering  fucks  the  flowery  Sap. 
Sometimes  about  Noon  it  pearches  upon  the  little  branches  of 
Plum-trees  or  Cherry-trees.  I  have  fent  fome  of  'em  dead  to 
France^  it  being  impoflible  to  keep  'em  alive,  and  they  were 
look'd  upon  as  a  great  Curiofity.^ 

There  are  ten  or  twelve  forts  of  Ducks  in  this  Country. 


1  All  the  early  travellers  speak  of  paroquets  in  the  Ohio  valley.  They  were  the 
Carolina  parakeets  (C'o««rMJ  carolinensis) ,  now  restricted  to  Florida  and  some  South- 
western States.  —  Ed. 

2  The  humming  bird  is  peculiar  to  America  ;  the  ordinary  variety  in  the  Eastern 
States  and  Canada  is  the  ruby-throat  {Trochilus  colubris).  — Ed. 


to  North-An\tx\C3.,  355 

Thofe  call'd  Branchus,  are  the  smalleft  indeed,  but  they  are 
much  the  prettyeft.  The  Feathers  upon  their  Neck  ^^^  ^-^^^ 
looks  fo  bright,  by  vertue  of  the  variety  and  liveli-  of  the 
nefs  of  their  colours,  that  a  Fur  of  that  nature  Northern 
would  be  invaluable  in  Mufcovy  or  Turky.  They  ^''""^^'^^• 
owe  the  name  of  Branchus^  to  their  refting  upon  the  branches 
of  Trees.  There's  another  Species  of  Ducks  in  this  Country, 
that  are  as  black  as  Jackdaws,  only  their  Beak  and  the  circle 
of  their  Eyes  are  red. 

The  SeamewSy  Grelans  and  Sterlets^  are  Fowls  that  fly  incef- 
fantly  over  Seas,  Lakes,  and  Rivers,  in  order  to  catch  little  Fifh. 
Their  Flefh  is  good  for  nothing,  befides  that,  they  have  no 
fubilance  of  Body,  though  they  feem  to  be  as  big  as  Pigeons. 

The  Sea-Parrots  bear  the  name  of  Parrots,  upon  the  account 
that  their  Beak  is  of  the  fame  form  with  that  of  the  Land 
Parrot.  They  never  quit  the  Sea  or  the  Shoar ;  and  are  always 
flying  upon  the  furface  of  the  Water,  in  queft  of  little  Fifli. 
Their  [241]  colour  is  black,  and  their  fize  is  much  the  fame 
with  that  of  a  Pullet.  There  are  great  numbers  of  'em  upon 
the  bank  of  Newfound-Land,  and  near  the  Coaft  of  the  Ifland, 
which  the  Seamen  catch  with  Hooks  cover'd  with  a  Cod's 
Roe,  and  hung  over  the  Prow  of  the  Ship. 

The  Moyacks  are  a  fort  of  Fowl,  as  big  as  a  Goofe,  having 
a  fliort  Neck,  and  a  broad  Foot ;  and  which  is  very  fl:range, 
their  Eggs  are  half  as  big  again  as  a  Swan's,  and  yet  they  are 
all  Yelk,  and  that  fo  thick,  that  they  muft  be  diluted  with 
Water,  before  they  can  be  us'd  in  Pancakes. 

The  White  Partridges,  are  as   big  as  our  red  Partridges. 


356  Some  New  Voyages 

Their  Feet  are  cover'd  with  fuch  a  thick  down,  that  they 
refemble  thofe  of  a  young  Rabbet.  They  are  only  feen  in  the 
Winter  time,  and  fome  years  they  are  fcarce  feen  at  all,  though 
on  the  other  hand,  in  other  years  they  are  fo  plentiful,  that 
you  may  buy  a  dozen  for  Nine  pence.  This  is  the  moft 
fbupid  Animal  in  the  World  ;  it  fits  upon  the  Snow,  and  fuffers 
it  felf  to  be  knock'd  on  the  head  with  a  pole  without  offering 
to  ftir.  I  am  of  the  opinion,  that  this  unaccountable  numb- 
nefs  is  occafion'd  by  its  long  flight  from  Greenland  to  Canada. 
This  conjedure  is  not  altogether  groundlefs,  for  'tis  obferv'd, 
that  they  never  come  in  flocks  to  Canada^  but  after  the  long 
continuance  of  a  North  or  a  North-Eafl:  Wind. 

The  Black  Partridges  are  truly  very  pretty.  They  are 
bigger  than  ours ;  and  their  beak  together  with  the  circle  of 
the  Eyes,  and  the  Feet  are  red  ;  their  plumage  being  of  a 
fhining  black  colour.  Thefe  Animals  are  very  proud,  and 
feem  to  have  a  fenfe  of  their  beauty  as  they  walk.  They  are 
but  very  uncommon,  as  well  as  the  reddifh  Partridges^  which 
refemble  Quails  in  their  bulk  and  brisknefs. 

The  White  Ortolans  are  only  met  with  in  Winter ;  but  I  am 
of  the  opinion,  that  their  Feathers  are  naturally  [242]  of  a 
white  colour,  and  that  they  retrieve  their  natural  colour  in  the 
places  they  retire  to,  when  they  difappear  in  Canada.  They 
are  indifferent  good  to  eat  when  they  are  fat,  but  that  they 
feldom  are.  In  the  Winter  great  quantities  of  'em  are  catch'd 
about  the  Barns,  with  Nets  fl;retch'd  out  upon  the  Straw.^ 


^  For  the  birds  of  Canada,  see  Macoun,  Catalogue  of  Canadian  Birds  (Ottawa, 
1900-03).  —  Ed. 


to  iVo/Y/6- America.  357 


A  Defcription  of  the  InfeSls  of  Canada. 

THE  Adders  of  Canada  do  no  harm  at  all.  The  Afps 
indeed  are  very  dangerous,  when  the  People  bathe  in 
the  ftagnating  Water  towards  the  South  Countries.  The 
Rattle-Snake  or  Sounding  Serpent  is  fo  call'd,  in  regard  that  at 
the  extremity  of  its  Tail,  it  has  a  fort  of  a  Cafe,  containing 
certain  bones  which  make  fuch  a  noife  when  the  Serpent 
creeps  along,  that  'tis  heard  thirty  Paces  oflf.  Thefe  Serpents 
betake  themfelves  to  flight  when  they  hear  the  found  of  Mens 
Feet,  and  commonly  fleep  in  the  Sun  either  in  green  Fields,  or 
open  Woods.    They  never  fting  but  when  they  are  trod  upon.^ 

The  Lowing  Frogs  are  fo  call'd  with  refpedt  to  their  croak- 
ing, which  founds  like  the  lowing  of  an  Oxe.  Thefe  Frogs 
are  twice  as  large  as  thofe  we  have  in  Europe.  The  Canada 
Gad-Bees  are  a  fort  of  Flies  about  twice  as  big  as  Bees  ;  but  of 
the  fame  form  with  a  common  Fly.  They  fling  only  between 
Noon,  and  three  a  Clock  in  the  Afternoon ;  but  then  they  do 
it  fo  violently,  that  they  fetch  Blood.  However,  'tis  only 
upon  certain  Rivers  that  they  are  met  with. 

The  Brulots  are  a  fort  of  Hand-worms,  which  cleave  fo 
hard  to  the  Skin,  that  their  pricking  occafions  the  fame  fenfe, 


^  Bain  says  (Alexander  Henry,  p.  i68,  note  2)  that  there  is  no  true  rattlesnake 
{Crotalus  horridus)  in  Canada  ;  the  variety  found  there  is  the  Caudisona  tirgue- 
tnina.  —  Ed. 


35^  Some  New  Voyages 

as  if  'twere  a  burning  Coal,  or  a  fpark  of  Fire.  Thefe  little 
Animals  are  unperceivable,  though  at  the  fame  time  they  are 
pretty  numerous. 

[243]   The  Names  of  the  Fifli  in  the  River  of  St.  Laurence,  from 
its  Mouth  to  the  Lakes  of  Canada. 

Balenots  or  little  Whales. 

A  Fifh  almoft  as  big  as  a  Whale,  call'd  Souffleur. 

White  Porpoifes. 

Salmon,  fuch  as  we  have  in  Europe. 

Eels. 

Maycrel,  as  in  Europe. 

Herrings. 

Gafperots,  a  fmall  Fifh  like  a  Herring. 

Bafes. 

Shad-fiih. 

Cod-fi{h. 

Plaices. 

Smelts. 

Turbots. 

Pikes. 

The  Gold-colour'd  Fiih. 

Roaches. 

Lampreys, 

Merles  or  Sea-Tench. 

Thornbacks. 

Cungars. 

Sea-Cows,  a  kind  of  Porpoifes. 


to  North- h.mmc2i,  359 

The  Shell-Fijh. 
Little  Lobfters. 

Crab-fifh. 

Cockles. 

Mufcles. 

The  Fifli  that  are  found  in  the  Lakes  0/ Canada,  and  in  the  Rivers 
that  fall  into  Vw. 

Sturgeons. 

The  Armed  Fiih. 

[244]  Trouts, 

White-Fifh. 

A  fort  of  Herrings. 

Eels. 

Mullets 

Carp. 

Gull-Fifh. 

Gudgeons. 

The  Fifh  found  in  the  River  of  MifTifipi. 

Pikes,  fuch  as  we  have  in  Europe. 

Carps. 

Tench. 

Perches. 

Dabs,  and  feveral  others  that  are  not  known  in  Europe. 


360  Some  New  Voyages 


A  Defcription  of  the  Fifli  that  are  not  mention' d  in  the 
Letters. 

Thofe  between  rx^HE  Balenot  is  a  fort  of  a  Whale,  only  'tis 
the  Mouth  of  j_  lefs  and  more  flefhy,  and  does  not  yield  Oil 
the  River,  and  j^  proportion  to  the  Northern  Whales.  This 
the  Lakes.  _,_  ..  r         t  1      t-*- 

Filh  goes  fifty  or  lixty  Leagues  up  the  Kiver. 

The  Souffleurs  are  much  of  the  fame  fize,  only  they  are 
fliorter  and  blacker.  When  they  mean  to  take  breath  after 
diving,  they  fquirt  out  the  Water  through  a  hole  behind  their 
Head,  after  the  fame  manner  with  the  Whales.  Commonly, 
they  dog  the  Ships  in  the  River  of  St.  Laurence. 

The  White  Porpoifes  are  as  big  as  Oxen.  They  always  go 
along  with  the  Current;  and  go  up  with  the  tide  till  they 
come  at  frefh  Water,  upon  which  they  retire  with  the  ebb 
Water.  They  are  a  ghaftly  fort  of  Animals,  and  are  fre- 
quently taken  before  Quebec. 

[245]  The  Gafperots  are  a  fmall  Fifh,  not  unhke  a  Herring. 
In  the  Summer  time  they  make  in  to  the  fhoar  in  fuch  fhoals, 
that  the  Cod-fifhers  take  as  many  of  'em  as  ferves  for  Bait  for 
that  Fifhery.  Thefe  Fifhermen  do  likewife  make  ufe  of  Her- 
rings, when  the  feafon  obliges  them  to  put  into  the  fhoar  to 
Spawn.     In  a  word,  all  the  Fifh  that  are  made  ufe  of  for  a  Bait 


to  iVor^^- America.  361 

to  make  the  Codfifh  bite  at  the  Hook,  are  call'd  Boete  in  the 
Fifhermens  Dialedt. 

The  Gold-coloured  Fish  are  nice  Food.  They  are  about 
fifteen  Inches  long ;  their  Scales  are  yellow,  and  they  are 
valued  very  high. 

The  Sea-Cows^  which  are  a  fort  of  Porpoifes,  are  bigger 
than  the  Normandy  Beeves.  They  have  a  fort  of  Paws  cut  like 
a  Goofe's  Foot,  their  Head  refembles  that  of  an  Otter ;  and 
their  Teeth,  which  are  two  Inches  thick,  and  nine  Inches  long, 
are  reckon'd  the  fineft  Ivory  that  is.  'Tis  faid  that  they  range 
wide  of  the  (hoar,  towards  Sandy  and  Marfhy  places. 

The  Lobfters  of  this  River  feem  to  be  exadtly  the  fame  with 
thofe  we  have  in  Europe. 

The  Cockles  are  of  a  piece,  with  thofe  we  have  upon  the 
coaft  of  France,  excepting  that  they  are  larger,  and  have  a  more 
agreeable  tafte,  though  their  Flefh  feems  to  partake  more  of 
crudity  and  indigeftion. 

The  Mufcles  of  this  River  are  prodigious  large,  and  tafte 
very  well;  but  'tis  next  to  an  impoflibility  to  eat  'em  with- 
out breaking  one's  Teeth,  by  reafon  of  their  being  ftuff'd 
with  Pearl;  I  call  it  Pearl,  tho'  the  name  of  Gravel  or  Sand 
may  be  more  proper,  with  refpedl  to  its  value,  for  I  brought 
to  Paris  fifty  or  fixty  of  the  largeft  and  fineft,  which  were 
rated  only  at  a  penny  a  piece ;  notwithftanding  that  we 
had  broke  above  two  thoufand  Mufcles  to  make  up  that 
number. 

[246]  The  Lake-Sturgeons  are  commonly  five  or  fix  Foot 


362  Some  New  Voyages 

long :  But  I  once  faw  one  of  ten  Foot,  and  another  of  twelve 
in  length.  The  Savages  catch  'em  with  Nets  in  the  Winter, 
and  Grapples  in  the  Summer.  'Tis  faid,  they  have  a  certain 
fort  of  Flefh  about  their  Head,  that  tafts  like  Beef,  Mutton, 
and  Veal ;  but  I  have  eat  of  it  feveral  times,  and  never  could 
obferve  any  fuch  thing,  which  makes  me  look  upon  the  alle- 
gation as  chimerical. 

The  Fifh  in  Armour^  is  about  three  Foot  and  a  half  long. 
'Tis  defended  by  fuch  ftrong  and  hard  Scales,  that  'tis 
impoflible  for  any  other  Fifh  to  hurt  it.  Its  Enemies  are 
Trouts  and  Roaches,  but  'tis  admirably  well  provided  for  the 
repulfing  of  their  Attacks,  by  vertue  of  its  pointed  Snout, 
which  is  a  Foot  long,  and  as  hard  as  its  Skin.  It  eats  very 
well,  and  its  Flefh  or  Subftance  is  as  firm  as  'tis  white. 

The  Lake  Dabs  or  Sandings  are  not  above  a  Foot  long,  but 
they  are  very  thick  all  over.  They  are  call'd  Barbues  in 
French^  with  allufion  to  a  certain  fort  of  Beards  that  hang 
down  from  the  fide  of  their  Muzzle,  and  are  as  big  as  ears  of 
Corn.  Thofe  which  we  find  in  the  River  of  Mijfifipi^  are  of 
a  monftrous  fize.  Both  the  one  and  the  other  are  catch'd 
with  a  Hook,  as  well  as  with  a  Net;  and  make  very  good 
Victuals. 

The  MiJJifipi  Carps  are  likewife  of  an  extraordina-ry  fize, 
and  admirably  well  tafted.  They  are  of  the  fame  form  with 
ours.  In  the  Autumn  they  put  in  towards  the  flioar,  and  are 
eafily  catch'd  with  a  Net. 

The  largeft  Trouts  we  meet  with  in  the  Lakes,  are  five  Foot 


to  North-hmtnc2i.  363 

and  a  half  long,  and  of  one  Foot  Diameter.  Their  flefh  is 
red,  and  they  are  catch'd  with  great  Hooks  made  faft  to 
pieces  of  Wire. 

The  Fifh  catch'd  in  the  Lakes,  are  better  than  thofe  we 
take  at  Sea,  or  in  the  Rivers,  particularly  [247]  the  white  Fifh, 
which  for  goodnefs  and  nice  Eating,  are  far  beyond  all  the 
other  Species.  The  Savages  that  live  upon  the  fides  of  thofe 
little  frefh-water  Seas,  prefer  the  Broth  of  Fifh,  to  Meat- 
broth,  when  they  are  indifpos'd.  This  choice  they  ground 
upon  experience ;  whereas  the  French  on  the  other  hand  find 
that  Venifon  Broth  is  at  once  more  fubftantial  and  reftora- 
tive. 

The  Rivers  of  Canada  are  replenifh'd  with  an  infinity  of 
other  fifhes,  that  are  not  known  in  Europe.  The  Filh  catch'd 
in  the  North-Country  Rivers,  are  different  from  thofe  of  the 
South ;  and  thofe  taken  in  the  Long  River,  which  difimbogues 
into  the  River  of  Mijfifipi,  favour  fo  rank  of  Mud  and  Clay, 
that  'tis  impoflible  to  eat  of  'em ;  abating  for  a  fort  of  little 
Trouts  that  the  Savages  take  in  the  adjacent  Lakes,  which 
make  a  tolerable  Mefs. 

The  Rivers  of  the  Otentats,  and  the  Miffouris,  produce  fuch 
odd  fhap'd  filhes,  that  'tis  impoffible  to  defcribe  'em  without 
they  were  drawn  upon  Paper.  Thefe  Fifhes  tafts  but  forrily, 
and  yet  the  Savages  love  it  mightily,  which  I  take  to  proceed 
from  their  knowing  no  better. 


364  Some  New  Voyages 

The  Trees  and  Fruits  of  the  South  Countries  of  Canada. 
Beech-Trees. 


\  fuch  as  we  have  in  Europe. 
J.  J 


^    ,  ^  ,  ,  fuch  as  we  have  in  Europe. 

Red  Oak.        J  ^ 

Bitter  Cherry-trees. 

Maple-trees. 

Afh-trees. 

Elms. 

Linden-trees. 

Nut-trees  of  two  forts. 

Chefnut-trees. 

Apple-trees. 

[248]  Pear-trees. 

Plum-trees. 

Cherry-trees. 

Hazel-trees,  fuch  as  we  have  in  Europe 

Vines. 

A  fort  of  Citrons. 

Water  Melons. 

Sweet  Citruls. 

Wild  Goofeberries. 

Pine-apples. 

Tobacco,  fuch  as  our  Spani/h  Tobacco. 

The  Trees  and  Fruits  of  the  North  Countries  of  Canada. 
White  Oak. 
Red  Oak. 
Birch-trees. 


to  North-h.mQnc2i.  365 


Bitter  Cherry-trees. 

M  apple-trees. 

Pine-trees. 

Epinettes. 

Fir-trees  of  three  forts. 

Peruffes. 

Cedar-trees. 

Afpin-trees. 

White  Wood. 

Alder-trees. 

Maiden  Hair. 

Strawberries. 

Rasberries. 

Goofeberries. 

Bluets. 


366  Some  New  Voyages 


A  Defcription  of  the  above-mention' d  Trees  and  Fruits. 

YOU  muft  remark,  that  all  the  Wood  of  Canada  is  good  of 
its  kind.  The  Trees  that  ftand  expos'd  to  the  North- 
Winds  are  apt  [249]  to  be  influenc'd  by  the  Frost,  as  it 
appears  from  the  chops  and  chinks  that  it  occafions. 

The  Bitter  Cherry-tree^  has  a  hard  and  whitifh  Wood,  with 
a  grey  Bark.  Some  of  'em  are  as  tall  as  the  loftyeft  Oaks,  and 
as  big  as  a  Hogfhead.  This  Tree  grows  ftreight ;  it  has  an 
oval  Leaf,  and  is  made  ufe  of  in  Beams,  Rafters,  and  other 
Carpenter's  work. 

The  M apple-tree  is  much  of  the  fame  height  and  bulk ;  but 
it  has  a  brown  Bark,  and  the  Wood  is  reddifh.  It  bears  no 
refemblance  to  that  fort  we  have  in  Europe.  It  yields  a  Sap, 
which  has  a  much  pleafanter  tafte  than  the  beft  Limonade  or 
Cherry-water,  and  makes  the  wholfomeft  drink  in  the  World. 
This  Liquor  is  drawn  by  cutting  the  Tree  two  Inches  deep  in 
the  Wood,  the  cut  being  run  floping  to  the  length  of  ten  or 
twelve  Inches.  At  the  lower  end  of  this  gafh,  a  Knife  is  thruft 
into  the  Tree  flopingly,  fo  that  the  water  running  along  the 
Cut  or  Gafh,  as  through  a  Gutter,  and  falling  upon  the  Knife 
that  lies  acrofs  the  Channel,  runs  out  upon  the  Knife,  which 
has  Veffels  plac'd  underneath  to  receive  it.  Some  Trees  will 
yield  five  or  fix  Bottles  of  this  water  a  Day  ;  and  fome  Inhabi- 


to  North' AMitnc2i,  -^(yj 

tants  of  Canada^  might  draw  twenty  Hogfheads  of  it  in  one 
day,  if  they  would  thus  cut  and  notch  all  the  Mapples  of  their 
refpedive  Plantations.  The  gafli  do's  no  harm  to  the  Tree. 
Of  this  Sap  they  make  Sugar  and  Syrup,  which  is  fo  valuable, 
that  there  can't  be  a  better  remedy  for  fortifying  the  Stomach. 
'Tis  but  few  of  the  Inhabitants  that  have  the  patience  to  make 
Mapple-JVater^  for  as  common  and  ufual  things  are  always 
flighted,  fo  there's  fcarce  any  body  but  Children  that  give 
themfelves  the  trouble  of  gafhing  thefe  Trees.  To  conclude, 
the  North-Country  Mapples  have  more  Sap  than  thofe  of  the 
South  Countries  ;  but  at  the  fame  time  the  Sap  is  not  fo  fweet. 

[250]  There  are  two  forts  of  Nut-trees  in  this  Country. 
The  one  bears  round,  and  the  other  long,  Nuts;  but  neither 
of  'em  is  good  for  any  thing,  no  more  than  the  wild  Chefnuts 
that  grow  in  the  Ilinefe  Country. 

The  Apples  that  grow  upon  lome  of  their  Apple-trees,  eat 
well  when  they  are  Codled,  but  they  are  good  for  nothing 
when  they're  Raw.  Upon  the  Mijfifipi  indeed,  there's  a  fort 
of  Apples  that  have  a  tafte  not  unhke  that  of  fome  European 
Apples.     The  Pears  are  good,  but  very  fcarce. 

The  Cherries  are  fmall,  and  extream  red  ;  and  though  their 
tafte  is  not  good,  yet  the  Roe-bucks  like  'em  fo  well,  that  in 
the  Summer  time  they  fcarce  ever  mifs  to  lye  under  the  Cherry- 
trees  all  Night  long,  efpecially  if  it  blows  hard. 

This  Country  affords  three  forts  of  excellent  Plums,  which 
bear  no  refemblance  to  ours  either  in  figure  or  colour.  Some 
are  long  and  fmall,  fome  are  round  and  thick,  and  fome  very 
little. 


368  Some  New  Voyages 

The  Vines  twine  round  the  Trees  to  the  very  top  ;  and 
the  Branches  of  thofe  Trees  are  fo  cover'd  with  Grapes,  that 
one  would  take  the  Grape  to  be  the  fruit  of  the  Tree.  In  fome 
Countries  of  ^ovt\i-America,  the  Grape  is  little,  but  very  well 
tafted ;  but  towards  the  Mijfifipi^  'tis  long  and  thick,  and  fo  is 
the  clufter.  There  has  been  fome  Wine  prefs'd  from  the 
Grapes  of  that  Country,  which  after  long  (landing  became  as 
fweet  as  Canary,  and  as  black  as  Ink. 

The  Citrons  of  '^ovth-America  are  fo  call'd,  only  becaufe 
their  form  refembles  that  of  our  Citron.  Inftead  of  a  Rind, 
they  have  only  a  fingle  Skin.  They  grow  upon  a  Plant  that 
rifes  three  Foot  high,  and  do's  not  bear  above  three  or  four 
at  a  time.  This  Fruit  is  as  wholfom  as  its  Root  is  dangerous ; 
for  the  one  is  very  Healthy,  and  the  juice  of  the  other  is  a 
mortal  fubtile  Poyfon.^  While  I  ftay'd  at  Fort  Frontenac, 
[251]  in  the  year  1684,  I  faw  an  Iroqueje  Woman  take  down 
this  fatal  Potion,  with  a  defign  to  follow  her  deceas'd  Hus- 
band ;  after  fhe  had  took  leave  of  her  Friends,  and  fung  the 
Death  Song,  with  the  Formalities  that  are  ufual  among  thefe 
blind  Wretches.  The  Poifon  quickly  work'd  the  defir'd 
eflfed  ;  for  this  Widdow,  who  in  Europe  would  be  juftly  look'd 
upon  as  a  miracle  of  Conftancy  and  Fidelity,  had  no  fooner 
fwallowed  the  murdering  Juice,  than  fhe  fell  into  two  or  three 
fhivering  Fits,  and  fo  expir'd. 

The  JVater-Melons,  call'd  by  the  Spaniards  Algiers  Melons^ 


^  Doubtless  Lahontan  here  refers  to  the  may  apple  or  mandrake  {Podophyllum 
peltatum) ,  from  whose  root  a  poison  may  be  extracted.  The  Jesuit  missionaries 
called  this  fruit  citron.  —  Ed. 


to  iVor^Z^-America.  369 

are  round  and  thick  like  a  Ball;  fome  are  red,  and  fome  white, 
and  the  kernels,  which  are  very  large,  are  fometimes  black, 
fometimes  red.  As  for  their  tafte,  'tis  exadly  the  fame  with 
that  of  the  Spanijh  or  Portiigueze  Melons. 

The  Citrtih  of  this  Country  are  fweet,  and  of  a  diflferent 
nature  from  thofe  of  Em-ope;  and  I'm  inform'd,  that  the 
American  Citruls  will  not  grow  in  Europe.  They  are  as  big  as 
our  Melons;  and  their  Pulp  is  as  yellow  as  Saffron.  Com- 
monly they  are  bak'd  in  Ovens,  but  the  better  way  is  to  roaft 
'em  under  the  Embers,  as  the  Savages  do.  Their  tafte  is 
much  the  fame  with  that  of  the  Marmelade  of  Apples,  only 
they  are  fweeter.  One  may  eat  as  much  of  'em  as  he  pleafes, 
without  fearing  any  diforder  from  'em.^ 

The  wild  Goofeberries  are  good  for  nothing,  but  for  Con- 
fits  :  But  that  fort  of  Confits  are  feldom  made,  for  Sugar  is 
too  dear  in  Canada,  to  be  imploy'd  for  fuch  ufes. 


^  For  the  citrul  (citrouille) ,  see  p.  148,  note  2,  ante.  —  Ed. 


24 


370  Some  New  Voyages 


[252]  A  Defcription  of  the  Trees  and  Fruits  of  the  Northern 
Countries. 

THE  Canada  Birch-trees  are  much  different  from  thofe  we 
have  in  fome  Provinces  of  France;  both  for  bulk  and 
quality.  The  Savages  make  Canows  of  their  Bark,  fome  of 
which  is  red,  and  fome  white;  but  both  are  equally  proper 
for  that  ufe.  That  which  has  the  feweft  Veins  and  Chops,  is 
the  beft;  but  the  red  bark  makes  the  fineft  (how.  There 
are  fome  little  Baskets  made  of  the  young  Birches,  that  are 
much  efteem'd  in  France;  and  Books  may  be  made  of  'em,  the 
Leaves  of  which  will  be  as  fine  as  Paper.  This  I  can  fpeak 
by  experience,  for  I  have  frequently  made  ufe  of  'em  for  want 
of  Paper,  in  writing  the  Journal  of  my  Voyages.  Nay,  I 
remember  I  have  feen  in  a  certain  Library  in  France^  a  Manu- 
fcript  of  the  Gofpel  of  St.  Matthew,  written  in  Greek  upon  this 
fort  of  Bark ;  and,  which  is  yet  more  furprifmg,  I  was  then 
told,  that  it  had  been  written  above  a  thoufand  years ;  and  at 
the  fame  time  I  dare  fwear,  that  'twas  the  Genuine  Birch-bark 
of  NQv/'FrancCy  which  in  all  appearance  was  not  then  dif- 
cover'd. 

The  Pine-trees  are  very  tall,  ftraight,  and  thick;  and  are 
made  ufe  of  for  Mafts,  which  the  King's  Pinks  do  oftentimes 
tranfport  to  France.  'Tis  faid,  that  fome  of  thefe  Trees  are 
big  enough,  to  ferve  for  a  Maft  to  a  Firft-rate  Ship. 


to  iVo;YZ>- America.  371 

The  Epinette  is  a  fort  of  a  Pine,  with  a  fharper  and  thicker 
Leaf.  'Tis  made  ufe  of  in  Carpenters  work,  and  the  matter 
which  drains  from  it,  fmells  as  fweet  as  Incenfe.^ 

There  are  three  forts  of  Firs  in  this  Country,  which  are 
faw'd  into  Dales  [deals]  by  certain  Mills,  that  the  Quebec 
Merchants  have  caus'd  to  be  built  in  fome  places. 

[253]  The  Perujfe  is  the  propereft  of  all  green  Woods  for 
the  building  of  Ships,  upon  the  confederation  that  'tis  com- 
padler,  and  has  clofer  Pores,  fo  that  it  do's  not  foak  or  drink 
in  the  moifture  as  much  as  others. 

Here  are  two  forts  of  Cedar,  namely,  the  white  and  the  red  ; 
but  one  muft  view  'em  narrowly  before  he  can  diftinguifh  'em, 
by  reafon  that  both  of  'em  have  much  the  fame  fort  of  Bark. 
Thefe  Trees  are  low,  bufhy,  and  full  of  Branches  and  little 
Leaves,  refembling  the  tag  of  a  Lace.  The  Wood  of  this 
Tree,  is  almoft  as  light  as  Cork ;  and  the  Savages  make  ufe  of 
it  in  the  Wreaths  and  Ribs  of  their  Canows.  The  red  fort 
looks  admirably  well,  and  may  be  made  into  Houfhold-Goods, 
which  will  retain  an  agreeable  fmell  for  ever. 

The  Jfps  are  little  Shrubs,  which  grow  upon  the  fides  of 
Pools  or  Rivers ;  and  in  a  word,  in  moid  and  marfhy  Coun- 
tries. This  Wood  is  the  common  food  of  the  Beavers,  who, 
in  imitation  of  the  Ants,  take  care  to  make  a  colledlion  of  it 
round  their  Hutts  in  the  Autumn,  which  ferves  'em  for  fufte- 
nance  when  the  Ice  imprifons  'em  in  Winter. 

The  White  Wood  is  a  midling  fort  of  Tree,  that's  neither  too 


^  The  "epinette"    has   been   identified   as   the  hemlock  spruce   {Abies   cana- 
densis), —  Ed. 


372  Some  New  Voyages 

big  nor  too  little.  'Tis  almoft  as  light  as  Cedar,  and  as  eafily 
work'd  upon.  The  Inhabitants  of  Canada  make  little  Canows 
of  it,  for  fifhing  and  crofling  the  Rivers. 

Maidenhair  is  as  common  in  the  Forrefts  of  Canada^  as 
Fern  is  in  thofe  of  France^  and  is  efteem'd  beyond  that  of 
other  Countries ;  infomuch,  that  the  Inhabitants  of  Quebec 
prepare  great  quantities  of  its  Syrup,  which  they  fend  to  Paris^ 
Nants,  Rouan,  and  feveral  other  Cities  in  France. 

Strawberries  and  Rasberries,  are  wonderfully  plentiful  in 
Canada,  and  tafte  extream  well.  We  meet  likewife  with  fome 
white  Goofeberries  in  this  Country ;  but  they  ferve  for  no 
ufe,  unlefs  it  be  to  make  a  fort  of  Vinegar  of  'em,  that  is  very 
ftrong. 

The  Bluets  are  certain  little  Berries,  not  unlike  fmall  Cher- 
ries, only  they  are  black,  and  perfe6lly  round.  The  Plant 
upon  which  they  grow,  is  as  big  as  a  Rasberry-bufh.  Thefe 
Berries  ferve  for  feveral  ufes,  after  they  are  dry'd  in  the  Sun, 
or  in  an  Oven  ;  for  then  they  make  Confits  of  'em,  or  put  'em 
into  Pyes,  or  infufe  'em  in  Brandy.  The  North-Country  Sav- 
ages make  a  Crop  of  'em  in  the  Summer,  which  affords  'em 
very  feafonable  relief,  efpecially  when  their  hunting  comes 
fhort.i 


^"  Bluet"  is  the  term  still  used  by  Canadians  for  the  blueberry  {Vaccinium 
canadense) .  —  Ed. 


to  North'hxi\mc2i,  373 


A  General  View  of  the  Commerce  of  Canada. 

I  COME  now  to  give  a  brief  and  general  account  of  the 
Commerce  of  Canada^  which  I  have  already  touch'd  upon 
in  my  Letters.  The  Normans  were  the  firft  that  fet  up  this 
trade,  and  ufually  they  fet  out  from  Havre  de  Grace,  or  Dieppe  ; 
but  the  Rochellers  have  now  work'd  'em  out  of  it,  for  as  much 
as  the  Rochel  Ships  furnifh  the  Inhabitants  of  that  Continent 
with  the  neceffary  Commodities.  There  are  likewife  fome 
Ships  fent  to  Canada  from  Bourdeaux  and  Bayonne,  with  Wines, 
Brandy,  Tobacco,  and  Iron. 

The  Ships  bound  from  France  to  that  Country,  pay  no 
Cuflom  for  their  Cargo,  whether  in  clearing  in  France,  or  in 
their  entries  at  Quebec;  abating  for  the  Brazil Tohd.cco  which 
pays  five  Sols  a  pound ;  that  is  to  fay,  a  Roll  of  400  pound 
weight,  pays  a  hundred  Livres  by  way  of  Entry,  to  the  Office 
of  the  Farmers-General.^ 

Moft  of  the  Ships  go  laden  to  Canada,  and  return  light  or 
empty.  Some  indeed  bring  home  Peafe  when  they  are  good 
cheap  in  the  Colony,  and  others  take  in  a  Cargo  of  Planks 


^  In  addition  to  large  quantities  of  tobacco  raised  in  New  France,  much  was 
imported,  this  being  preferred  by  both  Indians  and  habitants.  As  early  as  1676  an 
impost  of  ten  per  cent  advalorem  was  laid  upon  Brazil  tobacco  ;  five  sols  being  equiva- 
lent to  about  nineteen  cents  in  the  American  money  of  to-day,  tlie  retail  price  of  im- 
ported tobacco  must,  at  that  rate,  liave  reached  nearly  two  dollars  per  pound.  —  Ed. 


374  Some  New  Voyages 

and  Boards:  Others  again  go  to  the  Ifland  of  Cape  Breton, 
and  there  [255]  take  in  a  Cargoe  of  Pit-Coal,  which  they  carry 
to  the  Iflands  of  Martinico  or  Guardaloupa,  where  the  refining 
of  Sugars  occafions  a  great  confumption  of  Coals.  But 
thofe  Ships  which  either  belong,  or  are  recommended  to  the 
topping  Merchants  of  the  Colony,  are  fraughted  with  Skins, 
which  turns  to  a  great  account.  I  have  feen  fome  Ships 
unload  at  Quebec,  and  then  fteer  to  Placentia,  to  take  in  Cod- 
fifh  which  they  purchas'd  with  ready  Mony;  but  generally 
fpeaking,  there's  more  loft  than  got  by  that  way  of  trading. 
The  Merchant  that  has  carried  on  the  greateft  trade  in 
Canada,  is  the  Sieur  Samuel  Bernon  of  Rochel,  who  has  great 
Ware-Houfes  at  Quebec,  from  which  the  Inhabitants  of  the 
other  Towns  are  fupplied  with  fuch  Commodities  as  they 
want.^  'Tis  true,  there  are  fome  Merchants  at  Quebec,  who 
are  indifferent  rich,  and  fit  out  Ships  upon  their  own  bottom, 
that  ply  to  and  again  between  France  and  Canada;  and  thefe 
Merchants  have  their  Correfpondents  at  Rachel,  who  fend  out 
and  take  in  every  year  the  Cargoes  of  their  Ships. 

There's  no  difference  between  the  Pyrates  that  fcowr  the 
Seas,  and  the  Canada  Merchants ;  unlefs  it  be  this,  that  the 
former  fometimes  inrich  'emfelves  all  of  a  fudden  by  a  good 
Prize ;  and  that  the  latter  can't  make  their  fortune  without 
trading  for  five  or  fix  years,  and  that  without  running  the 
hazard  of  their  Lives.  I  have  known  twenty  little  Pedlars 
that  had  not  above  a  thoufand  Crowns  ftock  when  I  arriv'd  at 


1  Bernon  was  a  Huguenot,  whom  the  bishop  required  the  governor  to  order  out 
of  his  domain.     See  Parkman,  Old  Regime,  pp.  291,  292.  —Ed. 


to  7V<?r^/6-America.  375 

Quebec^  in  the  year  1683;  and  when  I  left  that  place,  had  got 
to  the  tune  of  twelve  thoufand  Crowns.  'Tis  an  unqueftion'd 
truth,  that  they  get  fifty  per  Cent  upon  all  the  Goods  they  deal 
in,  whether  they  buy  'em  up  upon  the  arrival  of  the  Ships  at 
Quebec^  or  have  'em  from  France  by  way  of  Commiffion  ;  but 
over  and  above  that,  there  are  fome  little  gaudy  Trinkets, 
fuch  as  Ribbands,  Laces,  Embroideries,  Tobacco-Boxes, 
Watches,  [256]  and  an  infinity  of  other  baubles  of  Iron  Ware, 
upon  which  they  get  a  hundred  and  fifty  per  Cent,  all  Cofl:s 
clear. 

In  this  Country  a  Hogfhead  of  Boiirdeaux  Wine,  which 
contains  250  Bottles,  is  worth  about  forty  French  Livres,  in 
time  of  Peace,  and  fixty  in  time  of  War.  A  Hogfhead  of 
Nants  or  Bayonne  Brandy,  will  fetch  80  or  a  100  Livres.  In 
the  Taverns  a  Bottle  of  Wine  cofts  fix  French  Sous,  and  a 
Bottle  of  Brandy  is  fold  for  twenty.  As  for  dry  Commod- 
ities, their  price  rifes  and  falls  upon  occafion.  Brazil  Tobacco 
is  worth  40  Sous  a  pound  by  way  of  Retail,  and  35  by  Whole- 
fale.  Sugar  will  fetch  at  leaft  20  Sous  a  pound,  and  fome- 
times  25  or  30. 

The  earlieft  Ships  that  come  from  France,  fet  out  com- 
monly in  the  latter  end  of  April,  or  the  beginning  of  May; 
but  to  my  mind,  they  might  fhorten  their  Voyage  by  one 
half,  if  they  put  to  Sea  about  the  middle  of  March,  and  then 
fweep'd  along  the  North  Coaft  of  the  Azores  Iflands;  for  in 
thofe  Seas  the  South  and  South-Eaft  Winds  commonly  blow 
from  the  beginning  of  April,  to  the  end  of  May.  I  have  men- 
tion'd  this  feveral  times  to  the  moft  expert  Pilots ;  but  they 


376  Some  New  Voyages 

ftill  put  me  off  with  the  plea,  that  they  dare  not  fteer  that 
Courfe  for  fear  of  fome  Rocks :  And  yet  thefe  Rocks  are  not 
to  be  met  with  but  in  their  Charts.  I  have  read  fome  Defcrip- 
tions  of  the  Ports,  Roads,  and  Coafts  of  thefe  Iflands,  and  of 
the  adjacent  Seas,  done  by  the  Portugueze,  which  make  no 
mention  of  the  Shelves  that  are  chalk'd  down  in  all  our 
Charts :  On  the  contrary,  they  affirm  that  the  Coaft  of  thefe 
Iflands  is  altogether  clear,  and  that  for  twenty  Leagues  off 
into  the  Main,  thefe  imaginary  Rocks  were  never  met  with. 
As  foon  as  the  French  Ships  arrive  at  Quebec,  the  Mer- 
chants of  that  City  who  have  their  Fadtours  in  the  other 
Towns,  load  their  Barques  with  Goods  in  [257]  order  to 
tranfport  'em  to  thefe  other  Towns.  Such  Merchants  as  a6l 
for  themfelves  at  Trois  Rivieres,  or  Monreal,  they  come  down 
in  Perfon  to  Quebec  to  Market  for  themfelves,  and  then  put 
their  Effedls  on  board  of  Barques,  to  be  convey'd  home.  If 
they  pay  for  their  Goods  in  Skins,  they  buy  cheaper  than  if 
they  made  their  payments  in  Money  or  Letters  of  Exchange ; 
by  reafon  that  the  Seller  gets  confiderably  by  the  Skins  when 
he  returns  to  France.  Now,  you  muft  take  notice,  that  all  thefe 
Skins  are  bought  up  from  the  Inhabitants,  or  from  the  Sav- 
ages, upon  which  the  Merchants  are  confiderable  Gainers. 
To  give  you  an  inftance  of  this  matter.  A  Perfon  that  lives 
in  the  Neighbourhood  of  Quebec,  carries  a  dozen  of  Martins 
Skins,  five  or  fix  Foxes  Skins,  and  as  many  Skins  of  wild  Cats, 
to  a  Merchants  Houfe,  in  order  to  fell  'em  for  Woollen 
Cloth,  Linnen,  Arms,  Ammunition,  &c.  In  the  truck  of  thefe 
Skins,  the  Merchant  draws  a  double  profit,  one  upon  the 


to  North- Kmtnc?i,  377 

fcore  of  his  paying  no  more  for  the  Skins,  than  one  half  of 
what  he  afterwards  fells  'em  for  in  the  lump  to  the  Fadtours 
for  the  Rochel  Ships ;  and  the  other  by  the  exorbitant  rate  he 
puts  upon  the  Goods  that  the  poor  Planter  takes  in  exchange 
for  his  Skins.  If  this  be  duly  weigh'd,  we  will  not  think  it 
ftrange  that  thefe  Merchants  have  a  more  beneficial  Trade, 
than  a  great  many  other  Tradefmen  in  the  World.  In  my 
feventh  and  eighth  Letter,  I  related  the  particulars  of  the 
Commerce  of  this  Country,  efpecially  that  which  the  Inhab- 
itants carry  on  with  the  Savages,  who  fupply  'em  with  the 
Skins  of  Beavers,  and  other  Animals.  So  that  now  it  remains 
only  to  give  you  an  Inventory  of  the  Goods  that  are  proper 
for  the  Savages,  and  of  the  Skins  which  they  give  in  exchange, 
together  with  their  neat  [net]  Prices. 

[258]   Short  and  light  Fufees. 

Powder. 

Ball  and  cut  Lead,  or  Small-fhot. 

Axes  both  great  and  fmall. 

Knives  with  their  Sheaths. 

Sword-blades  to  make  Darts  of. 

Kettles  oi  all  fizes. 

Shoomakers  Awls. 

Fifh-hooks,  of  all  fizes. 

Flint  Stones. 

Caps  of  blew  Serge. 

Shirts  made  of  the  common  Brittany  Linnen. 

Woolfted  Stockins,  fhort  and  coarfe. 

Brafil  Tobacco. 


37^  Some  New  Foyages 

Coarfe  white  Thread  for  Nets. 

Sewing  Thread  of  feveral  colours. 

Pack-thread. 

Vermillion. 

Needles,  both  large  and  fmall. 

Venice  Beads. 

Some  Iron  Heads  for  Arrows,  but  few  of  'em. 

A  fmall  quantity  of  Soap. 

A  few  Sabres  or  Cutlaffes. 

Brandy  goes  off  incomparably  well. 


to  iVor^/6-America.  379 


The  Names  of  the  Skins  given  in  exchange^   with   their 
Rates. 

THE    Skins  of  Winter   Beavers,  alias  Mtifcovy   Beavers, 
are   worth  per  pound  in   the    Farmer   Generals  Ware- 

houfe.  —        —        —        —  4  Livres.     10  Sous. 

The  Skins  of  fat  Beavers,  the  Hair  of  which  falls 

off,  while  the  Savages  make  ufe  of  'em,  per  pound,^  5  L.  o5. 
Of  Beavers  taken  in  Autumn,  per  pound  —  —  3  10 
[259]  Of  dry  or  common  Beavers,  per  pound        —     3  o 

Of  Summer  Beavers,  per  pound.        —        —        —     3  o 

The  Skin  of  a  white  Beaver  is  not  to  be  valued, 
no  more  than  that  of  a  Fox  that's  quite  black. 
The  Skins  of  Silver-colour'd  Foxes  a  piece. 
Of  common  Foxes,  in  good  order,  —         — 
Of  the  common  Martins.       —        —        — 
Of  the  prettyeft  fort  of  Martins.      —        — 
Of  red  and  fmooth  Otters.     —         —        — 
Of  the  Winter  and  brown  Otters.    —        — 

or  more. 


4 

0 

2 

0 

I 

0 

4 

0 

2 

0 

4 

ID 

^  The  skins  of  beavers  most  valued  by  the  French  were  those  known  as  castor 
gras  d'hiver  (fat  winter  beaver);  that  is,  skins  killed  in  the  winter,  then  made  by 
the  savages  into  robes,  and  worn  long  enough  to  be  thoroughly  greased  by  contact 
with  their  bodies.  See  Perrot,  Memoire  sur  les  Maeurs,  Coustumes  et  Relligion  des 
Sauvages  de  VAmirique  Septentrionale  (Paris,  1864),  p.  317. — Ed. 


380  Some  New  Voyages 

Li<vres.    Sous. 

Of  the  fineft  black  Bears.       —        —        —  —  7  o 

The  Skins  of  Elks  before  they're  drefs'd,  are  worth 

per  pound  dhout.     —         —         —        —  —  o  12 

The  Skins  of  Stags  are  worth  per  pound  about  —  o  8 

The  wild  Cats  or  Enfans  de  Diable,  a  piece  —  i  15 

Sea  Wolves  —  apiece.            —        —        —  —  i  15 

or  more. 

Pole-Cats,  and  Weafels          —        —        —  —  o  10 

Musk  Rats.      —        —        _-        —        —  —  q  6 

Their  Tefticles.            —         —         —         —  —  o  5 

Wolves.             —         —         —         —         —  —  2  10 

The  white  Elk-skins,  i.  e.  thofe  drefs'd  by  the  Sava- 
ges a  piece  —        —        —         —         —  —  8orm. 

A  drefs'd  Harts  Skin  is  worth          —        —  —  5  or  m. 

A  Caribous       —        —        —         —         —  —  6 

A  Roe-buck's   —        —        —        —        —  —  3 

To  conclude,  you  muft  take  notice  that  thefe  Skins  are 
upon  fome  particular  occafions  dearer  than  I  rate  'em,  but  the 
difference  is  but  very  fmall,  whether  under  or  over.^ 

1  For  comparison  with  this  interesting  table  of  prices,  see  that  given  for  1713  in 
Martin,  Casiorologia,  pp,  no,  iii  ;  those  for  about  1750,  in  Jesuit  Relations,  Ixiv, 
p.  127 ;  and  those  at  the  beginning  of  the  English  regime,  in  Henry,  Travels,  pp. 
55,  56.  — Ed. 


to  iVor^/6- America.  381 


[260]       An  Account   of  the   Government   of  Canada   in 
General. 

IN  Canada  the  Politick,  Civil,  Ecclefiaftical  and  Military 
Government,  are  all  in  a  manner  one  thing,  in  regard,  that 
the  wifeft  Governours  have  fubjedled  their  Authority  to  that 
of  the  Ecclefiaflkks ;  and  fuch  Governours  as  would  not  im- 
barque  in  that  intereft,  have  found  their  Poft  fo  uneafie,  that 
they  have  been  recall'd  with  difgrace.  I  could  inftance  in 
feveral,  who  for  not  adhering  to  the  Sentiments  of  the  Bifhop 
and  the  Jefuits,  and  for  refufing  to  lodge  their  Power  in  the 
hands  of  thefe  infallible  Gentlemen,  have  been  turn'd  out,  and 
treated  at  Court  like  hot-headed  Incendiaries.  Mr.  de  Fron- 
tenac  was  one  of  this  number,  who  made  fuch  an  unhappy  exit ; 
for  he  fell  out  with  Mr.  Duchefnau,  Intendant  of  that  Country, 
who  finding  himfelf  protected  by  the  Clergy,  induftrioufly  in- 
fulted  that  illuftrious  General ;  and  the  General  was  forc'd  to 
give  way,  under  the  weight  of  an  Ecclefiaftical  League,  by 
reafon  of  the  Springs  they  fet  at  work  againft  him,  in  oppofi- 
tion  to  all  the  principles  of  Honour  and  Confcience.^ 

The  Governour  General  that  means  to  negled  no  oppor- 
tunity of  advancing  or  inriching  themfelves,  do  commonly 


1  Lahontan,  as  a  partisan  of  Frontenac,  presents  his  side  of  the  disagreements  with 
Duchesneau.  For  an  account  of  their  petty  quarrels,  which  led  to  the  recall  (1682)  of 
both  governor  and  intendant,  see  Parkman,  Frontenac,  pp.  44-71.  —  Ed. 


382  Some  New  Voyages 

hear  two  Maffes  a  Day,  and  are  oblig'd  to  confefs  once  in  four 
and  twenty  hours.  He  has  always  Clergy-men  hanging  about 
him  where-ever  he  goes,  and  indeed  properly  fpeaking,  they 
are  his  Counfellours.  When  a  Governour  is  thus  back'd  by 
the  Clergy ;  the  Intendants,  the  Under-Governours,  and  the 
Sovereign  Council,  dare's  not  cenfure  his  Condu6l,  let  it  be 
never  fo  faulty ;  for  the  protedtion  of  the  Ecclefiafticks,  fhel- 
ters  him  from  all  the  charges  that  can  be  laid  againft  him. 

The  Governour  General  of  Quebec^  has  twenty  thoufand 
Crowns  a  year,  including  the  pay  of  his  [261]  Company  of 
Guards,  and  the  particular  Government  of  the  Fort.  Over 
and  above  this  Income,  the  Farmers  of  the  Beaver-Skins  make 
him  a  Prefent  of  a  thoufand  Crowns  a  year ;  his  Wines  and  all 
his  other  Provifions  imported  from  France  pay  no  Fraight; 
not  to  mention  that  by  certain  ways  and  means  he  fucks  as 
much  Money  out  of  the  Country,  as  all  the  above  mention'd 
Articles  amount  to.  The  Intendant  has  eighteen  thoufand 
Livres  a  year ;  but  the  Lord  knows  what  he  makes  otherwife : 
I  have  no  mind  to  touch  there,  for  fear  of  being  rank'd  among 
thofe  Detradors,  who  fpeak  the  truth  too  fincerely.^  The 
Bifhops  Incomes  are  fo  fmall,  that  if  the  King  were  not  gra- 
cioufly  pleas'd  to  add  to  his  Bifhoprick  fome  other  Benefices 
in  France^  that  Reverend  Prelate  would  be  reduc'd  to  as  fhort 


^The  office  of  intendant  was  established  in  New  France  when  the  King  took  over 
the  colony  from  the  hands  of  the  commercial  company  (1663).  It  was  analagous  to 
the  intendancy  in  France,  and  created  substantially  a  second  head  to  the  colony,  causing 
much  friction  with  the  governor  general.  The  duties  of  the  intendant  were  numerous, 
and  the  powers  vague  and  far-reaching  ;  he  was  especially  charged  with  the  admin- 
istration of  finance  and  justice.  For  a  list  of  both  governors  and  intendants  in  New 
France,  see  Jesuit  Relations,  Ixxii,  pp.  1 16-1 18.  —  Ed. 


to  North'Avi\Q.nc2i,  383 

Commons,  as  a  hundred  of  his  Charadler  are  in  the  Kingdom 
of  Naples}  The  Major  of  Quebec  has  fix  hundred  Crowns  a 
year,  the  Governour  of  Trois  Rivieres  has  a  thoufand  ;  and  the 
Governour  of  Monreal  is  allow'd  two  thoufand. ^  A  Captain 
has  a  hundred  and  twenty  Livres  a  Month,  a  Lieutenant  ninety 
Livres,  a  reform'd  Lieutenant  is  allow'd  but  forty,  and  a  com- 
mon Soldier's  pay  is  fix  Sous  a  Day,  of  the  current  Money  of 
the  Country. 

The  People  repofe  a  great  deal  of  confidence  in  the  Clergy 
in  this  Country  as  well  as  elfewhere.  Here  the  outward  fhew 
of  Devotion  is  ftrldlly  obferv'd,  for  the  People  dare  not  abfent 
from  the  great  Mafl'es  and  Sermons,  without  a  lawful  Excufe. 
But  after  all,  'tis  at  the  time  of  Divine  Service,  that  the  mar- 
ried Women  and  Maids  give  their  humours  a  full  loofe,  as 
being  affur'd  that  their  Husbands  and  Mothers  are  bufie  at 
Church.  The  Priefts  call  People  by  their  names  in  the  Pul- 
pit ;  they  prohibit  under  the  pain  of  Excommunication,  the 
reading  of  Romances  and  Plays,  as  well  as  the  ufe  of  Masks, 
and  playing  at  Ombre  or  Lanfquenet.  The  Jefuits  [262]  and 
the  Recollets  agree  as  ill  as  the  Molinifts  and  the  Janfenifts.^ 


1  Laval,  first  bishop  of  Quebec,  was  titular  bishop  of  Petraea,  and  had  a  large 
private  fortune  ;  see  p.  43,  note  2,  anie.  St.  Vallier,  the  second  bishop,  was  abbe  of 
a  rich  monastery  of  that  name  in  France.  —  Ed. 

2  The  three  local  divisions  of  New  France.  In  1722  the  government  of  Quebec 
comprised  forty-one  parishes.  Three  Rivers  thirteen,  and  Montreal  twenty-eight. 
Frontenac  attempted  to  establish  a  rudimentary  type  of  self-government,  by  permitting 
the  inhabitants  to  elect  their  local  officials  ;  but  the  autocratic  paternalism  of  the 
French  court  reversed  these  plans,  and  all  officials  were  thereafter  appointed  by  the 
King.  —  Ed. 

^The  Molinists  and  Jansenists  were  two  schools  of  theologians,  the  former  fol- 
lowers of  the  Jesuit  Molina  (1535-1600) ,  the  latter  those  of  the  Dutch  scholar  Jansen 


384  Some  New  Voyages 

The  former  pretend  that  the  latter  have  no  right  to  confefs. 
Do  but  look  back  to  my  eighth  Letter,  and  there  you'll  fee 
fome  inftances  of  the  indifcreet  zeal  of  the  Ecclefiafticks. 

The  Governour  General  has  the  difpofal  of  all  Military 
Pofts;  He  beftows  Companies,  Lieutenancies,  and  Under- 
Lieutenancies,  upon  who  he  pleafes,  with  his  Majefty's  gracious 
Approbation;  but  he  is  not  allow'd  to  difpofe  of  particular 
Governourfhips,  or  of  the  place  of  a  Lord  Lieutenant  of  a 
Province,  or  of  the  Major  of  any  Town.  He  is  impower'd 
to  grant  to  the  Gentry  and  the  other  Inhabitants,  Lands  and 
Settlements  all  over  Canada  ;  but  thefe  Grants  muft  be  given 
in  concert  with  the  Intendant.  He  is  likewife  authoris'd  to 
give  five  and  twenty  Licences  a  year  to  whom  he  thinks  fit, 
for  trading  with  the  Savage  Nations  of  that  vaft  Continent. 
He  is  invefted  with  the  power  of  fufpending  the  execution  of 
Sentences  againft  Criminals ;  and  by  vertue  of  this  Reprieve, 
can  eafily  procure  'em  a  Pardon,  if  he  has  a  mind  to  favour 
'em.  But  he  can't  difpofe  of  the  King's  Money,  without  the 
confent  of  the  Intendant,  who  is  the  only  Man  that  can  call  it 
out  of  the  hands  of  the  Treafurer  of  the  Navy.^ 


(1585-1638).  The  controversy  agitated  Western  Europe  throughout  the  seventeenth 
century,  involved  courts  and  society,  and  had  a  profound  influence  upon  French  liter- 
ature. In  his  later  years,  Louis  XIV,  prompted  by  the  Jesuits,  persecuted  the  party 
of  the  Jansenists,  and  finally  broke  up  their  retreat  at  Port  Royal.  —  Ed. 

^The  governor-general  of  Canada,  usually  a  military  noble,  was  commandant  of 
the  army,  leader  of  military  expeditions,  supreme  arbiter  of  life  and  death  in  criminal 
justice  —  in  short,  representative  of  the  king  and  of  paternal  government  in  the  colony. 
For  his  commissions,  see  Edits  et  Ordonnances  (Quebec,  1856),  iii,  pp.  5-81.  On 
the  subject  of  licenses  {conges),  see  p.  99,  note  i,  ante.  The  "Treasurer  of  the 
Navy  "  is  the  English  translator's  rendition  of  the  Department  of  the  Marine,  which 
had  the  colonies  in  charge.  —  Ed. 


to  North- Axntnc?i,  385 

The  Governour  General  can't  be  without  the  fervice  of  the 
Jefuits,  In  making  Treaties  with  the  Governours  of  New- 
England^  and  New-Tork,  as  well  as  with  the  Iroqiiefe.  I  am  at  a 
lofs  to  know,  whether  thefe  good  Fathers  are  imploy'd  in  fuch 
Services,  upon  the  fcore  of  their  judicious  Counfels,  and  their 
being  perfedly  well  acquainted  with  the  Country,  and  the 
King's  true  interefts ;  or  upon  the  confideration  of  their 
fpeaking  to  a  Miracle,  the  Languages  of  fo  many  different 
Nations,  whofe  intereft  are  quite  oppofite ;  or  out  of  a  fenfe 
of  that  condefcenfion  and  fubmifTion,  that  is  due  to  thefe 
worthy  Companions  of  our  Saviour.^ 

[263]  The  Members  of  the  fupreme  Council  of  Canada^ 
can't  fell  or  convey  their  Places  to  their  Heirs,  or  to  any  body 
elfe  without  the  King's  approbation;  though  at  the  fame 
time  their  places  may  be  worth  not  fo  much  as  the  place  of 
a  Lieutenant  to  a  Company  of  Foot.^  When  they  have  nice 
points  under  their  confideration,  they  ufually  confult  the 
Priefts  or  Jefuits :  And  if  any  caufe  comes  before  'em,  in 
which  thefe  good  Fathers  are  interefs'd,  they  are  fure  not  to 
be  caft,  unlefs  it  be  fo  very  black,  that  the  cunningeft  Lawyer 
can't  give  it  a  plaufible  turn.  I've  been  inform'd  by  feveral 
Perfons,  that  the  Jefuits  drive  a  great  trade  in  European  Com- 


^  The  employment  of  the  Jesuit  missionaries  as  envoys  and  interpreters  was  not 
only  due  to  their  skill  in  languages,  but  to  their  large  acquaintance  with  the  habits  and 
customs  of  the  Indians,  and  a  certain  degree  of  ascendancy  which  they  had  acquired 
over  the  latter's  minds.  The  negotiations  with  New  England  and  New  York  dealt 
almost  entirely  with  Indian  relations.  —  Ed. 

2  For  the  sovereign  council  of  New  France,  see  p.  41,  note  3,  ante.     In  1703  the 
title  was  changed  to  superior  council.     In  a  few  cases,  the  king  permitted  a  son  to 
succeed  his  father  in  this  office.     See  Parkman,  Old  Regime,  pp.  274,  275.  —Ed. 
26 


386  Some  New  Voyages 

modities,  and  Canada  Skins ;  but  I  can  fcarce  believe  it,  or  at 
leaft  if  it  be  fo,  they  muft  have  Correfpondents  and  Fadtors  that 
are  as  clofe  and  cunning  as  themfelves;  which  can  never  be.^ 
The  Gentlemen  of  that  Country,  are  oblig'd  to  be  very 
cautious  in  carrying  even  with  the  Ecclefiafticks^  in  refpedl  of  the 
good  or  harm  that  the  good  Fathers  can  indiredly  throw  in 
their  way.  The  Bifhop  and  the  Jefuits  have  fuch  an  influence 
over  the  Governours  General,  as  is  fufficient  to  procure  places 
to  the  Children  of  the  Noblemen  or  Gentlemen  that  are 
devoted  to  their  Service,  or  to  obtain  the  Licences  that  I 
fpoke  of  in  my  eighth  Letter.  'Tis  likewife  in  their  power 
to  ferve  the  Daughters  of  fuch  Gentlemen,  by  finding  'em 
agreeable  and  rich  Husbands.  The  meanefl  Curates  muft 
be  manag'd  cautioufly,  for  they  can  either  ferve  or  differve 
the  Gentlemen,  in  whofe  Seignories  they  are  no  more  than 
Miflionaries,  there  being  no  fix'd  Cures  in  Canada^  which 
indeed  is  a  grievance  that  ought  to  be  redrefs'd.^  The  Officers 
of  the  Army  are  likewife  oblig'd  to  keep  up  a  good  corre- 
fpondence  with  the  Eccleftafticks^  for  without  that  'tis  impofUble 
for  'em  to  keep  their  ground.  They  muft  not  only  take  care 
that  their  own  condud:  be  regular;  but  likewife  [264]  look 


^  The  charge  was  often  made  that  the  missionaries  participated  in  the  advantages 
of  the  fur-trade.  There  is  evidence  that  this  was  sometimes  true  before  1642  ;  but 
there  was  passed  about  that  time  a  stringent  order  against  it,  and  they  thenceforth 
almost  wholly  refrained,  except  in  the  case  of  lay  brothers,  and  an  occasional  trans- 
gressor who  was  speedily  punished.     See  Jesuit  Relations,  index.  —  Ed. 

^Lahontan  probably  means  that  all  the  parish  priests  (cures)  were  affiliated 
with  the  seminary  which  Bishop  Laval  had  established  ;  see  p.  42,  note  i,  ante.  St. 
Vallier  attempted  to  break  up  the  system,  and  it  was  probably  in  the  interest  of  this 
movement  that  Lahontan  wrote  as  above.  —  Ed. 


to  North'Ai\\mc2i,  387 

after  that  of  the  Soldiers,  by  preventing  the  Diforders  they 
might  commit  in  their  Quarters. 

Commonly  the  Troops  are  quarter'd  upon  the  Inhabitants 
of  the  Cotes^  or  Seignories  of  Canada,  from  O^ober  to  May. 
The  Matter  of  the  Houfe  furniihes  his  Military  Guefts  only 
with  Utenfils,  and  imploys  him  all  the  while  at  the  rate  of 
ten  Sous  a  Day  befides  his  Vidtuals,  in  the  cutting  of  Wood, 
grubbing  up  of  Grounds,  rooting  out  Stumps,  or  the  threfh- 
ing  of  Corn  in  a  Barn.  The  Captain  gets  likewife  by  their 
work ;  for  to  make  'em  difcount  the  half  of  their  pay  to  him, 
he  orders  'em  to  come  thrice  a  Week  to  exercife  their  Arms 
at  his  Quarters.  Now,  their  Habitations  being  diftant  four 
or  five  Arpents  from  one  another,  and  one  Cote  or  Seignory 
being  two  or  three  Leagues  in  Front,  the  Soldiers  choofe 
rather  to  give  the  Captain  a  fpill,  than  to  walk  fo  far  in  the 
Snow  and  the  Dirt :  And  the  Captain  takes  it  very  confcien- 
tioufly,  upon  the  plea  that  Volenti  non  fit  injuria.  As  for  fuch 
Soldiers  as  are  good  Tradefmen,  he's  fure  of  putting  their 
whole  pay  in  his  Pocket,  by  vertue  of  a  Licence  that  he  gives 
'em  to  work  in  the  Towns,  or  any  where  elfe.  In  fine,  moft  of 
the  Officers  marry  in  this  Country,  but  God  knows  what  fort 
of  Marriages  they  make,  in  taking  Girls  with  a  Dowry,  con- 
fiding of  eleven  Crowns,  a  Cock,  a  Hen,  an  Ox,  a  Cow,  and 
fometimes  a  Calf.  I  knew  feveral  young  Women,  whofe  Lov- 
ers, after  denying  the  Fad,  and  proving  before  the  Judges 
the  fcandalous  Converfation  of  their  Miftreffes,  were  forc'd 
upon  the  perfwafion  of  the  Ecdefiafticks  to  fwallow  the  bitter 
Pill,  and  take  the  very  fame  Girls  in  Marriage.     Some  Officers 


388  Some  New  Voyages 

indeed  marry  well,  but  there  are  few  fuch.  The  occafion  of 
their  marrying  fo  readily  in  that  Country,  proceeds  from  the 
difficulty  of  converfing  with  the  foft  Sex.  After  a  Man  has 
made  four  Vifits  to  a  young  Woman,  he  is  oblig'd  to  unfold 
his  Mind  to  her  Father  and  Mother;  [265]  he  muft  then 
either  talk  of  Marriage,  or  break  off  all  Correfpondence ;  or 
if  he  do's  not,  both  he  and  fhe  lies  under  a  Scandal.  In  this 
Country  a  Man  can't  vifit  another  Man's  Wife,  without  being 
cenfur'd,  as  if  her  Husband  was  a  Cuckold.  In  fine,  a  Man 
can  meet  with  no  diverfion  here,  but  that  of  reading,  or  eating, 
or  drinking.  Though  after  all,  there  are  fome  Intrigues 
carry'd  on,  but  with  the  fame  caution  as  in  Spain,  where  the 
vertue  of  the  Ladies  confifts  only  in  difguifing  the  matter 
handfomly. 

Now,  that  I  am  upon  the  Subjedl  of  Marriage,  I  can't  for- 
bear to  acquaint  you  with  a  comical  Adventure  that  happen'd 
to  a  young  Captain,  who  was  prefs'd  to  marry  againft  his  will, 
becaufe  all  his  Companions  and  Acquaintances  were  already 
buckled.  This  young  Officer  having  made  fome  Vifits  to  a 
Counfellor's  Daughter,  he  was  defir'd  to  tell  what  Errand  he 
came  upon  ;  and  Mr.  de  Frontenac  himfelf,  being  related  to  the 
young  Lady,  who  is  certainly  one  of  the  moft  accomplifli'd 
Ladies  of  this  Age,  us'd  his  utmoft  efforts  to  ingage  the  Cap- 
tain to  marry  her.  The  Captain  being  equally  well  pleas'd 
with  a  free  accefs  to  the  Governour's  Table,  and  the  company 
of  the  Lady  whom  he  met  there  not  unfrequently ;  the  Captain, 
I  fay,  being  equally  fond  of  thefe  two  Advantages,  endeav- 
our'd  to  ward  off  the  defign,  by  asking  fome  time  to  confider 


to  7V(?r^Z>-America.  389 

of  it.  Accordingly,  two  Months  were  granted  him  ;  and  after 
that  time  was  expir'd,  he  had  ftill  a  mind  to  let  out  his  Traces, 
and  fo  defir'd  two  Months  more,  which  were  granted  him  by 
the  Bifhop's  interceffion.  When  the  laft  of  thefe  two  was  at 
an  end,  the  Cavalier  began  to  be  apprehenfive  that  he  was  in 
danger  of  lofing  both  his  good  Cheer,  and  the  agreeable  com- 
pany of  the  Lady.  However,  he  was  oblig'd  to  be  prefent  at 
a  Treat  that  Mr.  Nelfon  (the  EngUfli  Gentleman  I  [266]  fpoke 
of  in  my  23^  Letter)  gave  to  the  two  Lovers,  as  well  as  the 
Governour,  the  Intendant,  the  Bifhop,  and  fome  other  Perfons 
of  Note  :  And  this  generous  Engli/h  Gentleman,  having  a  kind- 
nefs  for  the  young  Ladies  Father,  and  her  Brethren,  upon  the 
fcore  of  their  trading  with  one  another,  made  an  offer  of  a 
thoufand  Crowns  to  be  paid  on  the  Wedding  Day,  which  added 
to  a  thoufand  that  the  Bifhop  oflfer'd,  and  a  thoufand  more 
which  fhe  had  of  her  own,  befides  feven  or  eight  thoufand 
that  Mr.  de  Frontenac  offer'd  in  Licences,  not  to  mention  the 
certain  profpe6l  of  Preferment ;  all  thefe  Items,  I  fay,  made 
the  Marriage  very  advantageous  to  the  Captain.  After  they 
had  done  eating,  he  was  prefs'd  to  fign  the  Contract,  but 
made  anfwer,  that  he  had  drunk  fome  bumpers  of  heady  Wine, 
and  his  Head  was  not  clear  enough  for  weighing  the  conditions 
of  the  Contrad  ;  fo  that  they  were  forc'd  to  put  off  the  matter 
till  the  next  day.  Upon  this  delay  he  kept  his  Chamber  till 
Mr.  de  Frontenac^  at  whofe  Table  he  us'd  to  eat,  fent  for  him 
in  order  to  know  his  Mind  immediately.  Then  there  was  no 
room  left  for  ffiuffling ;  there  was  a  neceffity  of  giving  a  pofi- 
tive  anfwer  to  the  Governour,  who  fpoke  to  him  in  plain  and 


390  Some  New  Voyages 

precife  terms,  and  at  the  fame  time  reminded  him  of  the  favour 
they  had  fhewn  him,  in  allowing  him  fo  much  time  to  confider 
of  the  propos'd  Marriage.  The  young  Officer  reply'd  very 
fairly,  that  any  Man  that  was  capable  of  Marrying  after  four 
Months  deliberation,  was  a  fool  in  buckling  to.  '  I  now  fee, 
'  fays  he,  what  I  am  ;  the  eager  defire  I  had  of  going  to  Church 
'  with  Mademoifelle  D.  .  .  .  has  now  convinc'd  me  of  my  folly; 
'  if  you  have  a  refpedt  for  the  Lady,  pray  do  not  fuffer  her  to 
'  marry  a  young  Spark,  that  is  fo  apt  to  take  up  with  extrava- 
'  gant  and  foolifh  things.  As  for  my  own  part,  Sir,  I  proteft 
'  fincerely,  that  the  little  reafon  and  free  [267]  judgment  that 
'  is  left  me,  will  ferve  to  comfort  me  upon  the  lofs  of  her,  and 
'  to  teach  me  to  repent  of  having  defir'd  to  make  her  as 
'  unhappy  as  my  felf.  This  Difcourfe  furpris'd  the  Bifhop, 
the  Governour,  the  Intendant,  and  in  general,  all  the  other 
Married  Officers,  who  defir'd  nothing  more  than  that  he 
fhould  be  catch'd  in  the  noofe  as  well  as  they ;  fo  true  it  is, 
that  Solamen  miferis  focios  habidjfe  doloris.  As  they  were  far 
from  expedling  any  fuch  retra6lation ;  fo  the  poor  reform'd 
Captain  fuffer'd  for't ;  for  fome  time  after  Mr.  de  Frontenac 
did  him  a  piece  of  Injuftice,  in  bellowing  a  vacant  Company 
over  his  Head,  upon  Madam  de  Ponchartrain's  Nephew,  not- 
withftanding  that  the  Court  had  fent  orders  on  his  behalf; 
and  this  oblig'd  him  to  go  for  France  along  with  me  in  the 
year  1692.^ 


^  Under  this  thin  disguise,  Lahontan  here  relates  an  episode  in  his  own  career. 
The  lady  in  question  was  doubtless  Genevieve,  daughter  of  Mathieu  d' Amours  of  the 
sovereign  council,  whose  brothers  traded  with  Nelson,  the  English  merchant  —  see 


to  N 07'th' A.mmc2i,  3.91 

To  refume  the  thread  of  my  Difcourfe:  You  muft  know 
that  the  Canadeje  or  Creoles,  are  a  robuft  brawny  well  made 
People  ;  they  are  ftrong,  vigorous,  adlive,  brave  and  indefatig- 
able ;  in  a  word,  they  want  nothing  but  the  knowledge  of 
polite  Letters.  They  are  prefumptuous,  and  very  full  of 
themfelves ;  they  value  themfelves  beyond  all  the  Nations  of 
the  Earth,  and,  which  is  to  be  regrated,  they  have  not  that 
veneration  for  their  Parents  that  is  due.  Their  Complexion 
is  wonderfully  pretty.  The  Women  are  generally  handfom ; 
few  of  them  are  brown,  but  many  of  'em  are  at  once  wife  and 
lazy.  They  love  Luxury  to  the  laft  degree,  and  ftrive  to  out- 
do one  another  in  catching  Husbands  in  the  trap. 

There's  an  infinity  of  diforders  in  Canada,  that  want  to  be 
reform'd.  The  firft  ftep  of  a  true  Reformation,  muft  be  that 
of  hindring  the  Ecclefiafticks  to  vifit  the  Inhabitants  fo  often, 
and  to  pry  with  fuch  impertinence  into  the  minuteft  affairs  of 
the  Family;  for  fuch  practices  are  frequently  contrary  to  the 
good  of  the  Society,  and  that  for  reafons  [268]  that  you  are 
not  ignorant  of.  The  next  thing  to  be  done,  is  to  prohibit  the 
Officers  to  ftop  the  Soldiers  pay,  and  to  injoyn  'em  to  Difci- 
pline  their  Men  every  Holy-day,  and  every  Sunday.  In  the 
third  place,  the  Commodities  ought  to  be  rated  at  a  reafon- 
able  price,  fo  that  the  Merchant  may  have  his  profit,  without 
exadling  upon  the  Inhabitants  and  the  Savages.  A  fourth 
Article  of  Reformation,  would  confift  in  prohibiting  the 
exporting  from  France  to  Canada,  of  Brocado's,   Gold  and 


pp.  265,  311,  ante.     Mademoiselle  d'Amours  married  (1703)  Jean  Baptiste  Celoron 
de  Blainviile.     For  further  details,  see  Roy,  Lahontan,  pp.  92,  93.  —Ed. 


392  Some  New  Voyages 

Silver  Galloons  or  Ribbands,  and  rich  Laces.  In  a  fifth  place, 
the  Governour  General  ought  not  to  fell  Licences  for  trading 
with  the  Savages  of  the  great  Lakes.  Sixthly,  there  ought  to 
be  fix'd  Courts.^  In  the  feventh  place,  they  want  to  have 
their  Militia  modell'd  and  difciplin'd,  that  upon  occafion, 
they  may  be  as  ferviceable  as  the  Regular  Troops.^  For  an 
eighth  Article,  the  fetting  up  Manufadories  for  Linnen, 
Stuffs,  &c.  would  be  very  ufeful.^  But  the  moft  important 
alteration  would  confift  in  keeping  the  Governours,  the 
Intendants,  the  fupreme  Council,  the  Bifhops  and  the  Jefuits, 
from  fplitting  into  Fa6lions,  and  making  Clubs  one  againft 
another;  for  the  confequences  of  fuch  Divifions  can't  but 
thwart  his  Majefty's  Service,  and  the  Peace  of  the  Publick. 
Were  this  but  happily  effeded,  that  Country  would  be  as 
rich  again  as  'tis  now. 

I  wonder  that  inftead  of  banifhing  the  Proteftants  out  of 
France^  who  in  removing  to  the  Countries  of  our  Enemies, 


^  It  is  difficult  to  know  what  Lahontan  means  by  "  fixed  courts,"  since  justice  in 
New  France  was  well  administered  by  a  series  of  such.  The  sovereign  council  was 
the  court  of  appeal  ;  judges  held  sessions  in  the  three  towns  of  Montreal,  Three 
Rivers,  and  Quebec  ;  the  seigneurs  administered  justice  in  petty  disputes  ;  and  above 
all  was  the  jurisdiction  of  the  governor  and  intendant,  the  latter  holding  a  special 
court  in  his  palace,  which  was  known  therefrom  as  the  Palace  of  Justice.  — Ed. 

2  Canadians  had  served  as  militia  from  the  foundation  of  the  colony,  no  regular 
troops  coming  out  until  1665.  In  time  of  war  all  the  male  population  between  the 
ages  of  fifteen  and  sixty  was  enrolled  in  the  militia,  and  officers  were  appointed  from 
each  parish,  besides  general  officers  for  especially  exposed  localities.  In  1691,  1313 
Canadians  received  pay  as  soldiers  —  Suite,  Canadiens  franqais ,  vi,  46  ;  vii,  47.  — Ed. 

3  Unlike  the  English  government,  the  French  authorities  stimulated  and  protected 
colonial  manufactures.  But  the  population  was  too  sparse  to  accomplish  much  in 
this  direction.  Some  cloth  had  been  woven  and  articles  in  iron  produced,  and  ship- 
building had  been  inaugurated  early  in  the  eighteenth  century.  — Ed. 


to  North-Kmmc2i,  393 

have  done  fo  much  damage  to  the  Kingdom,  by  carrying  their 
Money  along  with  'em,  and  fetting  up  Manufa6turies  in  thofe 
Countries ;  I  wonder,  I  fay,  that  the  Court  did  not  think  it 
more  proper  to  tranfport  'em  to  Canada.  I'm  convinc'd,  that 
if  they  had  receiv'd  pofitive  affurances  of  injoying  a  liberty  of 
Confcience,  a  great  many  of  'em  would  have  made  no  fcruple 
[269]  to  go  thither.  Some  have  reply'd  upon  this  Head,  that 
the  Remedy  had  been  worfe  than  the  Difeafe ;  in  regard  that 
fome  time  or  other  they  would  not  have  fail'd  to  expel  the 
Catholicks  by  the  afliftance  of  the  Engli/h :  But  I  reprefented 
to  'em,  that  the  Greeks  and  Armenians^  who  are  fubjedl  to  the 
Grand  Seignior^  and  at  the  fame  time  are  of  a  Nation  and 
Religion  that's  different  from  that  of  the  Turks;  I  repre- 
fented, I  fay,  that  thefe  diffenting  Subjeds  did  fcarce  ever 
implore  the  aid  of  foreign  Powers,  in  order  to  rebel  and  fhake 
off  the  Yoak.  In  fine,  we  have  more  reafon  to  believe,  that  if 
the  Huguenots  had  been  tranfported  to  Canada,  they  had  never 
departed  from  the  fealty  they  ow'd  to  their  natural  Soveraign. 
But,  let  that  be  as  it  will ;  I  do  but  fpeak  as  that  King  of 
Arragon  did,  who  boafted,  that  if  God  had  daign'd  to  confult 
him,  he  could  have  given  him  feafonable  advice  with  reference 
to  the  fymmetry  and  the  courfes  of  the  Stars :  For  in  like 
manner,  I  do  affirm,  that  if  the  Council  of  State  had  follow'd 
my  Scheme,  in  the  fpace  of  thirty  or  forty  years,  New-France 
would  have  become  a  finer  and  more  flourifiiing  Kingdom, 
than  feveral  others  in  Europe. 


394  Some  New  Voyages 


A   Difcourfe   of  the   Interefl  of  the  French,  and  of  the 
Englifh,  in  North-Amtricz. 

SINCE  New-France  and  New-England  fubfift  only  upon  the 
Cod-Fifhery,  and  the  Fur-trade,  'tis  the  interefl  of  thefe 
two  Colonies  to  inlarge  the  number  of  the  Ships  imploy'd  in 
the  Fifhery,  and  to  incourage  the  Savages  to  hunt  and  fhoot 
Beavers,  by  furnifhing  them  with  what  Arms  and  Ammunition 
they  have  occafion  for.  'Tis  well  known,  that  there's  a  great 
confumption  of  Codfifh  in  the  [270]  Southern  Countries  of 
Europe,  and  that  few  Commodities  meet  with  a  better  and 
readier  Market,  efpecially  if  they  are  good  and  well  cur'd. 

Thofe  who  alledge  that  the  deftrudllon  of  the  Iroquefe, 
would  promote  the  interefl:  of  the  Colonies  of  New-France, 
are  flrangers  to  the  true  interefl:  of  that  Country ;  for  if  that 
were  once  accompHfh'd,  the  Savages  who  are  now  the  French 
Allies,  would  turn  their  greateft  Enemies,  as  being  then  rid  of 
their  other  fears.  They  would  not  fail  to  call  in  the  Engli/Ii, 
by  reafon  that  their  Commodities  are  at  once  cheaper,  and 
more  efl:eem'd  than  ours ;  and  by  that  means  the  whole  Com- 
merce of  that  wide  Country,  would  be  wrefl:ed  out  of  our 
hands. 

I  conclude  therefore,  that  'tis  the  interefl:  of  the  French  to 
weaken  the  Iroquefe,  but  not  to  fee  'em  intirely  defeated.  I 
own,  that  at  this  day  they  are  too  fl:rong,  infomuch  that  they 


to  N orth- Avi\Qnc2i,  395 

cut  the  Throats  of  the  Savages  our  Allies  every  day.  They 
have  nothing  lefs  in  view,  than  to  cut  off  all  the  Nations  they 
know,  let  their  Situation  be  never  fo  remote  from  their 
Country.  'Tis  our  bufmefs  to  reduce  'em  to  one  half  of  the 
power  they  are  now  poffefs'd  of,  if  'twere  poflible ;  but  we  do 
not  go  the  right  way  to  work.  Above  thefe  thirty  years,  their 
ancient  Counfellors  have  ftill  remonftrated  to  the  Warriours 
of  the  five  Nations,  that  'twas  expedient  to  cut  off  all  the 
Savage  Nations  of  Canada^  in  order  to  ruine  the  Com- 
merce of  the  French^  and  after  that  to  diflodge  'em  of  the 
Continent.  With  this  view  they  have  carry'd  the  War  above 
four  or  five  hundred  Leagues  off  their  Country,  after  the 
deftroying  of  feveral  different  Nations  in  feveral  places,  as  I 
fhew'd  you  before. 

'Twould  be  no  difficult  matter  for  the  French  to  draw  the 
Iroquefe  over  to  their  fide,  to  keep  'em  from  plaguing  the 
French  Allies,  and  at  the  fame  time  to  ingrofs  all  the  Com- 
merce with  the  five  Iroquefe  [271]  Nations,  that  is  now  in  the 
hands  of  the  Englijh  in  New-York.  This  might  be  eafily  put 
in  execution,  provided  the  King  would  allow  ten  thoufand 
Crowns  a  year,  for  that  end.  The  method  of  effecting  it  is 
this.  In  the  firft  place,  the  Barques  that  were  formerly  made 
ufe  of  about  Fort  Frontenac^  muff  be  rebuilt,  in  order  to  con- 
vey to  the  Rivers  of  the  Tfonontouans  and  the  Onontagues^  fuch 
Commodities  as  are  proper  for  'em,  and  to  fell  'em  for  the 
prime  coft  in  France}     Now  this  would  put  the  King  to  the 

^  By  1677  La  Salle  had  four  vessels  upon  Lake  Ontario,  with  a  capacity  of  twenty- 
five  to  forty  tons  each.  These  were  all  destroyed  when  Fort  Frontenac  was  aban- 
doned (168^).  —  Ed, 


396  Some  New  Voyages 

charge  of  about  ten  thoufand  Crowns  for  fraight ;  and  I'm 
perfwaded,  that  upon  that  foot  the  Iroquefe  would  not  be  fuch 
fools  as  to  carry  fo  much  as  one  Beaver  to  the  Englifli  Colon- 
ies, and  that  for  four  Reafons.  The  firft  is,  that,  whereas  they 
muft  tranfport  'em  fixty  or  eighty  Leagues  upon  their  backs 
to  New-York^  they  have  not  above  feven  or  eight  Leagues 
travelling  from  their  own  Villages,  to  the  banks  of  the  Lake 
of  Frontenac.  For  a  fecond  reafon,  'tis  manifeft  that  the  En- 
gli/h  can't  pofTibly  let  'em  have  their  Commodities  fo  cheap, 
without  being  confiderable  lofers,  and  that  thereupon  every 
Merchant  would  drop  that  fort  of  Trade.  The  third  is 
drawn  from  the  difficulty  of  having  Subfiftance  upon  the  Road 
between  the  Iroquefe  Villages  and  New-York  ;  for  the  Iroquefe 
go  thither  in  great  Bodies,  for  fear  of  being  furpris'd,  and  I 
acquainted  you  before  feveral  times,  that  there's  no  Venifon 
in  that  fide  of  the  Country.  The  fourth  reafon  is  this.  In 
marching  fo  far  from  their  Villages,  they  expofe  their  Wives, 
their  Children,  and  their  fuperannuated  Men,  for  a  prey  to 
their  Enemies,  who  upon  that  occafion  may  either  kill  'em,  or 
carry  'em  off;  and  of  this  we  have  two  Inftances  already. 
Over  and  above  the  cheapnefs  of  our  Commodities,  'twould 
likewife  be  requifite  that  we  made  'em  Prefents  every  year, 
and  at  the  fame  time  intreated  'em  not  to  difturb  the  repofe 
of  our  [272]  Confederate  Savages,  who  are  fuch  fools,  as  to 
wage  War  one  with  another,  inftead  of  entring  into  a  joint 
League  in  oppofition  to  the  Iroquefe,  the  moft  redoubted  of 
their  Enemies,  and  thofe  whom  they  have  moft  reafon  to  fear. 
In  a  word,  if  we  would  manage  our  affairs  with  the  Iroquefe  to 


to  iVor^/^-America.  397 

the  beft  advantage,  we  ought  to  put  in  execution  that  Projed 
that  I  mention'd  in  my  23^  Letter. 

To  alledge  that  thefe  Barbarians  have  a  dependance  upon 
the  Englifhy  is  a  foolifh  Plea :  For  they  are  fo  far  from  owning 
any  dependance,  that  when  they  go  to  New-Tork  to  truck 
their  Skins,  they  have  the  confidence  to  put  rates  upon  the 
Goods  they  have  occafion  for,  when  the  Merchants  offer  to 
raife  their  price.  I  have  intimated  already  feveral  times,  that 
their  refped  for  the  Engli/h,  is  tack'd  to  the  occafion  they 
have  to  make  ufe  of  'em ;  that  this  is  the  only  motive  which 
induces  'em  to  treat  the  Engli/h  as  their  Brethren,  and  their 
Friends ;  and  that  if  the  French  would  fell  'em  the  Neceffaries 
of  Life,  as  well  as  Arms  and  Ammunition,  at  easfier  rates, 
they  would  not  make  many  journeys  to  the  Engli/h  Colonies. 
This  is  a  confideration  that  ought  to  be  chiefly  in  our  view ; 
for  if  we  minded  it  to  the  purpofe,  they  would  be  cautious 
of  infulting  our  Savage  Confederates,  as  well  as  our  felves. 
The  Governours  General  of  Canada  would  do  well  to  imploy 
the  fenfible  Men  of  the  Country  that  are  acquainted  with  our 
Confederates,  in  prefixing  'em  to  live  in  a  good  correfpondence 
with  one  another,  without  waging  War  among  themfelves  ;  for 
moft  of  the  Southern  Nations  worm  out  one  another  infenfi- 
bly,  which  affords  matter  of  joy  to  the  Iroquefe.  Now,  'twere 
an  eafie  matter  to  prevent  this  fatal  mouldering,  by  threatning 
to  give  'em  no  further  fupplies  of  Commodities  in  their  Vil- 
lages. To  this  precaution,  we  ought  to  add  that  of  indeav- 
ouring  to  ingage  two  or  three  Nations  to  live  together;  [273] 
the  Oiitaouas,  for  inftance,  with  the  Hurons;  the  Sakis  with  the 


398  Some  Neiv  Voyages 

Pouteonatamis,  alias  Ptiants}  If  all  thofe  Nations  who  are 
imbarqued  in  a  Confederacy  with  us,  would  but  agree  one 
with  another,  and  put  up  their  quarrels,  they  would  give 
themfelves  wholly  to  the  hunting  of  Beavers,  which  would  tend 
to  the  inlarging  of  our  Commerce ;  and  befides,  they  would 
be  in  a  condition  of  making  one  joint  Body,  when  the  Iroquefe 
offer'd  to  attack  either  one  or  t'other. 

'Tis  the  intereft  of  the  Englijh  to  perfwade  thefe  Nations, 
that  the  French  have  nothing  lefs  in  view,  than  to  deftroy 
them  as  foon  as  they  meet  with  an  opportunity;  that  the 
growing  populoufnefs  of  Canada^  is  a  fufficient  ground  of 
alarm ;  that  they  ought  to  avoid  all  Commerce  v/ith  the 
French y  for  fear  of  being  betray'd  in  any  way  whatfoever; 
that  to  hinder  the  repairing  of  Fort  Frontenac,  and  the  re- 
building of  Barques  for  that  Lake,  is  to  them  a  thing  of  the 
laft  Importance,  by  reafon  that  the  French  might  in  four  and 
twenty  hours,  make  a  Defcent  from  thence  to  their  Villages, 
and  carry  off  their  ancient  Men,  their  Women  and  their 
Children,  at  a  time  when  the  Warriours  might  be  ingag'd  in 
the  hunting  of  Beavers ;  That  they  would  promote  their  own 
interefl:  by  waging  War  with  the  French  from  time  to  time,  by 
ravaging  the  Seignories  and  Settlements  in  the  upper  part  of 
the  Country,  in  order  to  obhge  the  Inhabitants  to  abdicate 
the  Colony,  and  to  difcourage  thofe  who  would  otherwife 
remove  out  of  France,   and   fettle   in   Canada;    and    in   fine. 


^  Lahontan  here  confuses  two  entirely  different,  though  neighbouring,  Wisconsin 
tribes  ;  the  Potawatomi  were  of  Algonquian,  the  Puants  (Winnebago)  of  Siouan 
stocit.  —  Ed. 


to  A^o/tZ'-America.  399 

That  in  time  of  Peace  'twould  be  very  proper  to  ftop  the 
Coureurs  de  Bois  at  the  Catarads  of  the  Outaouas  River,  and  to 
feize  the  Arms  and  Ammunition  that  they  carry  to  the  Sav- 
ages upon  the  Lakes. 

Farther,  if  the  Englifh  would  purfue  their  meafures  to  the 
beft  advantage,  they  ought  to  ingage  the  Tjonontoiiam  or  the 
Goyoguans  to  go  and  fettle  upon  the  Banks  of  the  Lake  Erri^y 
near  the  Mouth  [274]  of  the  River  of  Condi  ;  and  at  the  fame 
time  they  ought  to  build  a  Fort  there,  with  fome  long 
Barques  or  Brigantines :  For  this  is  the  moft  convenient  and 
advantageous  Poft  of  all  that  Country,  and  that  for  an  infinity 
of  Reafons  which  I  am  oblig'd  to  conceal.  Befides  this  Fort, 
they  fhould  build  another  at  the  Mouth  of  the  River  des 
Frangois ;  and  then  'twould  be  abfolutely  impoffible  for  the 
Coureurs  de  Bois  to  reach  the  Lakes. 

They  ought  likewife  to  ingage  the  Savages  of  Acadia  in 
their  intereft  ;  which  they  may  do  with  little  charge.  The 
Planters  of  New-England  fhould  mind  this,  as  well  as  the  for- 
tifying of  the  Ports  in  which  they  fifh  their  Cod.  As  for  the 
fitting  out  of  Fleets  to  deftroy  the  Colony,  I  would  not  advife 
the  Englifh  to  give  themfelves  that  trouble;  for  fuppofing 
they  were  affur'd  of  Succefs,  'tis  but  fome  places  that  can  be 
reckon'd  worth  the  while. 

To  conclude ;  I  muft  fay  the  Englifh  in  thefe  Colonies  are 
too  carelefs  and  lazy :  The  French  Coureurs  de  Bois,  are  much 
readier  for  Enterprifes,  and  the  Canadefe  are  certainly  more 
vigilant  and  more  a6live.  It  behoves  the  Inhabitants  of  New- 
York  to  inlarge  their  Fur-trade  by  well  concerted  Enterprifes  ; 


400  Some  New  Voyages 

and  thofe  of  New-England^  to  render  the  Cod-fifhing  more 
beneficial  to  the  Colony,  by  taking  fuch  meafures  as  many 
other  People  would,  if  they  were  as  advangeoufly  feated.  I 
do  not  intend  to  fpeak  of  the  limits  of  New-France^  and  New- 
England^  for  they  were  never  well  adjufted  ;  though  indeed 
'twould  feem  that  in  feveral  Treaties  of  Peace  between  thefe 
two  Kingdoms,  the  Boundaries  were  in  a  manner  mark'd  out 
in  fome  places.  Whatever  is  in  that  matter^  the  decifion  of  it 
is  too  nice  a  point  for  one  that  can't  open  his  mind  without 
pulHng  an  old  Houfe  upon  his  Head. 

The  End  of  the  Firft,  Volume. 


[275]   A  TABLE  explaining  fome  Terms  made 
ufe  of  in  both  Volumes. 

A. 

ASTROLABE  is  a  Mathematical  Injlrument  that  can  fcarce 
be  tifed  in  the  Ocean  by  reafon  of  the  Weaves.  There  are 
two  forts  of  them.  The  firfl  are  made  ufe  of  by  Eaft-India 
Mafiers,  at  a  time  when  the  Sea  is  as  fmooth  as  the  face  of  a 
Looking-glafs.  This  fort  are  ferviceable  in  taking  the  heighth 
of  the  Sun^  by  the  means  of  two  little  PinSy  which  are  bor^d  fo  as 
to  have  two  dioptrick  Perforations ^  that  ferve  to  condu^l  the  rays 
of  light  to  that  Luminary.  The  latter  are  fuch  as  the  Mathe- 
maticiam  commonly  make  ufe  of  for  Aftronomical  Obfervations, 
and  are  furbifli'd  with  Azimuths^  Almucantara's,  Loxodromick 
Tables^  and  the  Concentrick  and  Excentrick  Tables  of  the  Sphere. 

B. 

Bank  of  New-found-land,  or  Bank  in  general,  is  a  rifing  Ground 
in  the  Sea,  which  /hoots  like  a  Hat  beyond  the  other  brims.  The 
Bank  of  New-found-land  has  thirty  or  forty  Fathom  Water, 
and  is  pav'd  with  Cod  fifh. 

Bafin,  is  a  head  of  fiagnating  Water,  not  unlike  a  Pool  or  Lake. 

Bouteux  fignifies  little  Nets  belag'd  to  the  end  of  a  Stick.  The 
Fifhermen  make  ufe  of  them  to  catch  Fifh  upon  a  fandy  Ground, 
and  efpecially  Eels,  upon  the  fide  of  St.  Laurence  River. 

26 


402  A   TABLE. 

Bouts  de  Quievres,  are  Nets  not  unlike  Bouteux,  which  f^rve  for 
the  fame  ufe. 

Breaking  ground  fignifies  the  weighing  Anchor  and  putting  to  Sea. 

Brigantlne,  a  fmall  Feffel  one  Deck,  built  of  light  [276]  JVood, 
which  plies  both  with  Oars  and  Sails.  'Tis  equally  fharp  at 
Prow  and  Poop,  and  is  built  for  a  quick  Sailer. 

C. 

Calumet  in  general  fignifies  a  Pipe,  being  a  Norman  Word,  deriv'd 
from  Chalumeau.  The  Savages  do  not  underfiand  this  Word, 
for  'twas  introduc'd  to  Canada  by  the  Normans  when  they  firfl 
fettled  there;  and  has  ftill  continued  in  ufe  amongfi  the  French 
Planters.^  The  Calumet  or  Pipe  is  call'd  in  the  Iroquefe  Lan- 
guage Ganondaoe,  and  by  the  other  Savage  Nations  Poagan. 

Canadefe  or  Canadans,  are  the  Natives  of  Czn^da.  fprung  from  a 
French  Father  and  Mother.  In  the  Iflands  of  South-America 
the  Natives  born  of  French  Parents  are  called  Creoles. 

Capa  y  d'efpada,  A  Gafcogne  Title  which  the  People  of  that 
Province  gave  in  former  times  by  way  of  Irony,  to  the  Members  of 
the  fupreme  Council  0/ Canada,  becaufe  the  fir fi  Counfellors  wore 
neither  Robe  nor  Sword,  but  walk'd  very  gravely  with  a  Cane 
in  their  Hands,  both  in  the  City  of  Quebeck,  and  in  the  Hall. 

Ca({e-tete  fignifies  a  Club,  or  a  Head-breaker.^  The  Savages  call 
it  Affan  Ouftick,  Ouftick  fignifying  the  Head,  and  Affan,  to 
break. 


^  Strictly  speaking,  the  word  calumet  (chalumeau)  referred  only  to  the  reed  or 
stem  of  the  pipe.  —  Ed. 

2  The  word  casse-tete  is  usually  rendered  by  the  Indian  term  tomahawk,  although 
more  properly  a  war-club  than  a  hatchet.  —  Ed. 


A   TABLE.  403 

Channel  is  a  /pace  of  pretty  deep  Water  between  two  Banks ^  or 
between  two  Shoars.  Commonly  the  Channels  are  inclofed  by 
Flats ^  and  for  that  reafon  Bouys  or  Mafls  are  fixt  upon  'dw,  in 
order  to  direct  the  Pilots^  who  fleer  either  by  thefe  Marks,  or  by 
founding,  for  they  would  run  the  rifque  of  loofing  their  Ships,  if 
they  did  not  keep  exactly  to  the  Channel. 

Coaft  along,  fee  Sweep. 

Compafs  of  Variation.  'Tis  larger  than  the  ordinary  Compaffes, 
and  ferves  to  point  out  the  in  equal  Motions  of  the  Needle,  which 
leans  always  to  the  North-Eafl  in  the  other  Hemifphere,  whereas 
it  flill  plies  to  the  North-TFefi;  in  this,  I  mean  on  this  fide  the 
Equinoctial  line:  The  [277]  Needle  touch' d  with  the  Loadflone 
departs  from  the  true  North  a  certain  number  of  Degrees  to  the 
right  and  left;  and  Mariners  compute  the  Degrees  of  its  depart- 
ure by  the  means  of  an  Alhidada,  and  a  thread  which  divides  the 
Glafs  of  the  Compafs  into  two  equal  parts,  and  fo  fliews  the 
Variation  of  the  Needle  at  Sun-fet,  that  being  the  true  proper 
time  for  making  the  Obfervation  ;  for  at  Sun-rifing,  and  at  Noon, 
one  may  be  deceived  by  RefraSlions,  &c. 

Coureurs  de  Bois,  i.  e.  Forefl  Rangers,  are  French  or  Canadefe, 
fo  call'd  from  employing  their  whole  Life  in  the  rough  Exercife 
of  tranfporting  Merchandize  Goods  to  the  Lakes  of  Canada,  and 
to  all  the  other  Countries  of  that  Continent,  in  order  to  Trade 
with  the  Savages :  And  in  regard  that  they  run  in  Canows  a 
tboufand  Leagues  up  the  Country,  notwithflanding  the  danger 
of  the  Sea  and  Enemies,  I  take  it,  they  fhould  rather  be  called 
Coureurs  de  Rifques,  than  Coureurs  de  Bois. 


404  A   TABLE. 

E. 

Eddy,  or  boyling  Water^  is  little  Watery  Mountains  that  rife  at  the 
■foot  of  Water- falls  or  Catara^s,  jufl  as  we  fee  the  Water  plays 
in  the  Cifierns  of  Water-works. 

Edge  0/  ^  Bank,  is  the  fhelving  part  of  it  that  runs  fleep  like  a  Wall. 

F. 

Fathom,  among  the  French  is  the  meafure  of  fix  foot. 

Feaft  of  Union,  a  Term  us^d  by  the  Iroquefe  to  fignify  the  renew- 
ing of  the  Alliance  between  the  five  Iroquefe  Nations. 

Flats  are  a  ridge  of  Rocks  running  under  Water  from  one  Station 
to  another,  and  rifiing  within  five  or  fix  foot  at  leaft  of  the  Surface 
of  that  Element,  fo  as  to  hinder  Ships,  Barques,  &c.  to  float 
upon  'em. 

F might,  fiignifies  in  this  Book  the  Cargo,  tho'  in  other  Cafes  itfigni- 
fies  likewife  the  Hire  or  Fare. 

Furl  the  Sails,  fignifies  the  drawing  them  up  to  a  heap  [278] 
towards  the  Top-maft,  not  long  ways  as  we  do  the  Curtains  of  a 
Bed,  but  from  below  upwards.  This  is  done  by  two  Ropes,  that 
draw  up  the  Sail  as  a  String  does  a  Purfe. 

H. 
Head-Bars  are  two  round  pieces  of  Wood,  reaching  on  each  fide  from 
one  end  of  a  Canow  to  the  other.     Thefe  are  the  Supporters  of 
the  Canow,  for  the  Ribs  and  Spars  are  made  f aft  upon  them. 

K. 

Keel  of  a  Ship,  is  a  long  piece  of  the  ftrongeft  Wood,  or  at  leaft  feveral 
pieces  joyn'd  together,  to  bear  the  great  weight  of  all  the  other 
Timber. 


A  TABLE.  405 

Kitchi  Okima,  is  the  general  Name  for  the  Governoiir  General  of 
Canada  among  all  the  Savages,  whofe  Languages  approach  to 
that  of  the  Algonkins.  Kitchi  fignifies  Great,  and  Okima, 
Captain.  The  Iroquefe  and  Hurons  call  the  Governor  Gen- 
eral Onnontio. 

L. 

Latitude.  Every  Body  knows  that  it  imports  the  Elevation  of  the 
Pole,  or  the  dijlance  from  a  fix'd  Point  of  the  ^Equator. 

Land-carriage  fignifies  the  tranfporting  of  Canows  by  Land  from 
the  Foot  to  the  Head  of  a  Cataract,  or  from  one  River  to 
another. 

Light  Ships  are  fuch  as  are  empty,  without  any  Cargo. 

P. 
Poop  is  the  Stern  or  After-part  of  the  Ship  in  which  the  Rudder 

is  fix^d. 
Precipice  of  a  Bank,  fee  Edge. 
Prow  is  the  Head  or  Fore-part  of  a  Ship,  which  cuts  the  Water  firfl. 

Q. 
Quarter.  Tho^  the  Word  Quarter  in  a  Maritime  Senfe,  is  not  well 
explain'd;  I  put  the  meaning  of  it  to  be  this.  [279]  The  North 
Quarter  comprehends  the  fpace  that  lies  between  North-Wefl  and 
North-Eafl.  The  Eafl  Quarter  runs  from  North-Eafl  to 
South-Eafl.  The  South  Quarter  comprehends  that  part  of  the 
Heavens  that  falls  between  South-Eafl  and  South-Wefl:  And 
the  Wefl  Quarter  extends  from  South-Wefl  to  North-Wefl. 


4o6  A   TABLE.  . 

R. 

Refitting  of  a  Ship^  fignifies  the  repairing  and  drejjing  of  it,  and 
putting  it  into  a  Condition  to  fail,  by  putting  in  new  Planks, 
caulking  the  Seams,  &c. 

Ribs  of  a  Canow,  are  much  like  thofe  of  a  Pink,  only  there's  this 
difference,  that  they  line  the  Canow  only  on  the  in-fide  from  one 
Head  Bar  to  another,  upon  which  they  are  inchas'd.  They  have 
the  thicknefs  of  three  Crowns,  and  the  breadth  of  four  Inches. 

Ruche,  an  Inflrument  for  fifhing,  refembling  a  Bee-hive. 

S. 

Scurvy,  is  a  Corruption  of  the  Mafs  of  Blood.  There  are  two  forts  of 
it;  one  call'd  the  Land  Scurvy,  which  loads  a  Man  with  Infir- 
mities that  gradually  bring  him  to  his  Grave;  the  other  is  the  Sea 
Scurvy,  which  infallibly  kills  a  Man  in  8  days  unlefs  he  gets  a-flioar. 

Shieve,  i.  e.  Row  the  wrong  way,  in  order  to  affifl  the  Steerfman  to 
fleer  the  Boat,  and  to  keep  the  Boat  in  the  Channel. 

Shoot.  To  jhoot  a  Water-fall  or  Cataract,  implies  the  running  a 
Boat  down  thefe  dangerous  Precipices,  following  the  flream  of 
the  Water,  and  fleering  very  nicely. 

Sledges  are  a  Conveniency  for  travelling,  built  in  an  oblong  quad- 
rangular form,  upon  two  pieces  of  Wood,  which  are  4  foot  long, 
and  6  foot  broad ;  upon  the  Wood  there  are  feveral  pieces  of 
Cloath  or  Hide  nail'd  to  keep  the  Wind  off.  Thefe  two  pieces 
of  Wood  are  very  hard,  and  well  fmooth'd,  that  they  may  flide 
the  better  on  Snow  or  Ice.  Such  are  the  Horfe  Sledges.  But 
thofe  drawn  by  Dogs  are  open,  and  made  of  two  little  pieces  of 
bard  fmooth,  and  fhining  Wood,  which  are  half  an  Inch  thick, 
5  foot  long,  and  a  foot  and  a  half  broad. 


A   TABLE.  407 

[280]  Spars  are  little  pieces  of  Cedar  }Food,  of  the  thicknefs  of  a 
Crown,  and  the  breadth  of  3  Inches,  and  as  long  as  they  can  be, 
made.    They  do  the  fame  Service  to  a  Canow,  that  a  good  lining 
does  to  a  Coat. 

Stand  in  for  Land,  ftgnifies  to  fail  directly  towards  it. 

Steer  a  Ship,  imports  the  managing  of  a  Ship  by  the  means  of  a 
Rudder,  (as  we  do  a  Horfe  with  a  Bridle)  when  there^s  Wind 
enough  to  work  her ;  but  if  there  be  no  Wind,  a  Ship  is  more 
unmoveable  than  a  Gouty  Perfon  in  an  Elbow  Chair. 

Stem  a  Tide  or  the  Current  of  a  River,  i.  e.  to  fail  againfl  the  Current, 
or  to  fleer  for  the  place  from  whence  the  Tides  or  Currents  come. 

Strike,  to  flrike  the  Sails  or  Flag  fignifies  the  lowering  of  'em, 
whether  it  be  to  fubmit  to  an  Enemy,  or  by  reafon  of  high  Winds. 

Sweep  a  Coafi,  ftgnifies  to  fail  along  the  Coafl  fide  at  a  reafonable 

diflance. 

T. 

Top-gallant-Mafts  are  two  little  Mafls  fet  upon  the  two  Top- 
Mafts,  and  have  two  Sails  fitted  for  'em. 

Top-Sails  are  two  Sails  fitted  for  the  two  Top-Mafis,  which  fland 
dire£lly  above  the  two  great  Mafts. 

Traverfe.  To  tr av erf e  fignifies  failing  Zigzag,  or  from  fide  to  fide 
as  a  drunken  Man  reels,  when  the  Wind  is  contrary,  for  then 
they  are  obliged  to  tack  fometimes  to  the  right,  and  fometimes  to 
the  left,  keeping  as  near  to  the  Wind  as  they  can,  in  order  to 
make  what  way  they  can,  or  at  leaft  to  prevent  their  lofing  Ground. 

Tree  of  Peace,  a  Symbolick  Metaphor  for  Peace  itfelf. 

[End  of  Volume  I.] 


UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS-UflSANA 


lllill  III 

3  0112  002226675 


